WOMEN IN THE DISCOURSE OF SAYYID QUTB.

THIS IS A STUDY OF THE THEORETICAL bases and philosophy of modern Islamic fundamentalist discourse as they relate to women's rights and duties and their role in society in general. Many questions will be dealt with, specifically those pertaining to the origin of women's rights, the dialectical and religious justifications for such practices as well as the framework within which they would fit in the fundamentalist overview of society.

Two tendencies are historically identifiable: an earlier movement that is socially highly conservative going beyond the traditional Muslim views of women; and a more recent one that may be regarded as more liberal vis-a-vis women's social and political roles within fundamentalist society. The first movement is represented by such authors as Abu al-A'la al-Mawdudi and Sayyid Qutb, and the second by Hasan al-Turabi and Rashid al-Ghannoushi. The following is an examination of the discourse of Sayyid Qutb concerning the role he envisages for women in the development of Islamic society and civilization to evaluate the measure of consistency in his views within his general philosophical framework. Special attention will be directed at textual bases of his views as well as the historical and political factors that may have helped in shaping his views on women.

The study of Qutb's views on women is important not only because of his privileged place in modern Islamic thought, but more importantly to reveal the glaring dichotomy of his views which appear progressive and liberal in the political and religious fields but ultra-conservative and even regressive regarding the status of women, revealing a paradox within the general framework of his thought: the dynamism of his political versus the stasis of his family views.

The term, fundamentalism, began to be used in the 1970s, in reference to the movement of Islamic revivalism, but was soon replaced by the terms revivalism and resurgence because of its inherently illusory nature. [1] Fundamentalism refers to the induction of radical changes in previously accepted modalities and traditions with the express purpose of purifying Islam to re-emerge as a vital, dynamic force. It, thus, advocates the literal interpretation and application of scriptural texts to arrive at a total reconstruction of Islamic society at the political, social, and moral levels. In so doing, it has to face and overcome the threats of scholasticism and Westernism, factors that had, hitherto, been difficult to deal with by a Muslim society that had become ossified and unwieldy, unable to challenge the modern Western customs and ideologies of the nineteenth and twentieth centuries. The Muslims, for the first time in their history, found themselves subjugated and ruled by the alien West. [2] This challenge, c oupled with the failure of the 'ummah due to its dependence on the West and the disastrous Arab-Israeli wars, created, simultaneously, an identity crisis and a political purpose. In their search for solutions, men like Jamal al-Din al-Afghani, Mohammad Abduh and Rashid Rida sought to re-establish classical doctrines in order to bring about political, legal and intellectual reform, and in assimilating Western advances in science and technology, became known as modernists, while others such as Hasan al-Banna, Abu al-A'la al-Mawdudi and Sayyid Qutb, rejecting everything that was Western, became known as "fundamentalists." Islam, thus, came to provide a practical political, economic, social and legal life. To this end, the ideals, values and principles of Islam had to be reshaped through 'ijtihad (independent analysis or interpretation) to cope with the modern world and replace existing forms of nationalism, secularism and capitalism. [3]

The modern revitalization of Islam was engineered by two major Muslim organizations in the 1930s and 1940s: The Muslim Brotherhood, founded in Egypt by Hassan al-Banna in 1928, and the Islamic Society organized in Pakistan by Mawlana Abu al-A'la al-Mawdudi in 1941. Their impact extended to all Arab and Islamic countries, advocating a revolutionary ideology to convert society and liberate people from existent human systems. They profess the perfection of extant conditions at the time of the Prophet, but espouse an ideology that projects Islam as a dynamic, constantly metamorphosing entity, capable of acclimatizing to all possible changes in the human milieu, thus ensuring an ever fresh civilization guided by the Quran. The most noted advocate of the interpretation of Islam as revolution is Sayyid Qutb. [4]

Given the centrality of the family, and, consequently, women to Muslim society, increased limitations on female mobility became a hallmark of Islamic resurgence. Women's liberation movements in the Muslim world were viewed as Western contaminations aimed at the destruction of Islam from within. Accordingly, all resurgents allotted the female status a major part of their corpus, the most radical stipulating complete segregation of women to the home environment. Thus, men will direct the Islamic society while women sustain, nurture, and propagate the family, the nucleus of society.

One of the most influential figures in contemporary Muslim resurgent literature is Sayyid Qutb (1906-1966) of the Muslim Brotherhood. Sayyid Qutb was born in 1906 in a village in the district of Asyut. In 1929 he joined Teachers College and graduated four years later with a Bachelor's degree in education. Upon graduation he was employed by the Ministry of Education as a teacher from 1933-1939. In 1948, at the request of the Egyptian government, Qutb left for the United States to study modern systems of education and training. He obtained his Master's degree from Teachers College at the University of Northern Colorado. On his return to Egypt in 1951, he resigned his position as advisor to the Ministry of Education and, in 1953, joined the Muslim Brotherhood and became its foremost ideologue. In 1952, he played a key role in the Egyptian revolution against the monarchy, but was nevertheless arrested in 1954 and imprisoned until 1964; he was released at the intercession of the President of Iraq, 'Abd al-Salam 'A rif. This, however, did not last, for he was arrested shortly after, charged with plotting to overcome the Nasserite regime and executed in 1966. [5]

Qutb's adult life can best be described as a journey of metamorphosis. His first station is that of the literary romantic who wrote such books as al-Madinah al-Mashurah (The Bewitched City), and 'Ashwak (Thorns). His disenchantment with the West started to creep in after the creation of the state of Israel in 1948, and reached its zenith when he traveled to the United States still believing it to be the land of liberty and social justice.

During his stay in the United States between 1948 and 1951, he was shocked by the American bias against Arabs and their unstinting support for the newly established state of Israel, the materialism of the West, and the sexual permissiveness that pervaded the continent. This brought him to the second station in his intellectual life during which he rejected the liberal secularism in which he had believed as a result of what he regarded as the failure of both Marxism and capitalism to provide for the welfare and dignity of humanity. This realization precipitated his inward search for an authentic alternative that would bring the Arab demise to an end. He found his answer in Islamic tradition. He came to believe that Islam had a superior ideology on which the Muslims build upon to ensure success in this world and the world to come, being the only true path for a moral and political regeneration. Upon his return to Egypt, he joined the Muslim Brotherhood. [6]

The last station in his intellectual journey was reached during the ten years he spent in prison, prompted by the massacre that took place in the prison of Liman Tara in 1957, when twenty-three members of the Brotherhood were shot dead and forty-six injured out of a total of one hundred and eighty. This period represents the last phase of his thought that came to be described as radical, rejecting all forms of existent governments that did not follow the shari'a, or subscribe to the belief in al-hakimiyyah (sovereignty of God) and al-jahiliyyah (decadence of society), concepts that were to be picked up by such radical organizations as al-Takfir wa al-Hijrah and al-Jihad. [7] Reform, thus, was no longer sufficient and only a radical transformation with the complete destruction of old systems could guarantee the flourishing of the ideal society under God's suzerainty, where the primary goal of all citizens would be the welfare of the 'ummah and life according to the precepts of the Divine Law. [8]

Thus, we find him moving from the position of the observer and interpreter of society to that of a revolutionary who formulates a new order that would guarantee the salvation of his people. The first phase of his work, that coincided with his first station, 1933-1948, was mostly literary and dealt with poetry, fiction and literary criticism. In the second phase, which coincided with his second and third stations, 1949 and 1966, his work concentrated solely on the religious and political aspects of Islam. Thus, in the late 1 940s, he asserted in the introductions of two of his books, "I have found the Quran." [9]

Although many scholars see in Qutb's work evidence of Abu al-A'la al-Mawdudi, he had his own style and stance in his approach to Islam, evidenced by his remarks to the Indian scholar Abu al-Hasan al-Nadawi when the latter visited him in 1951: "What has made me take this direction, however, which is more than mere literature or literary criticism or poetic symbols, is that I never ceased to seek information regarding the spirit and what it may contain. When I was young, I was enamored of reading about the virtuous ones and their noble deeds; this inclination is still growing within me as time goes on." [10] Thus, all his writings are wrapped in an emotional rather than a legalistic conception of Islam despite a basic adherence to the shari'a as a pillar of the modern Muslim state. It is this emotionalism that has contributed to the unleashing of a new fundamentalism "in the form of a popular movement that is neither vulnerable to state control nor subservient to traditional and parochial elites." [11]

Qutb addressed the average man clearly and simply. His message emphasized the purity of monotheistic Islam, the only true, dynamic, social and political doctrine of justice, as the only course to real victory over the misery of mankind. He sees Islam "as the Divine Imperative that must assume power in order to regulate all aspects of life." [12] Islam must, therefore, regain its role in world leadership to liberate men from their meandering, the alternative being jahiliyyah and extinction. Jahiliyyah taken from early Islam's description of the Arab pagan culture as immoral and ignorant, is used by Qutb to refer to modern pagan immorality including the prevailing way of life found in most so-called Muslim countries. Following Mawdudi and Nadawi, Qutb sees modernity as the negation of God's sovereignty (hakimiyyah) in all fields of life and the relegation of religion to history. This threat to Islam is most serious as it comes, for the first time in history, from within, through the believers themselves, whence the tone of urgency in his writings and his call and justification for the first time in orthodox Sunnism for a full-blown revolution against the existent regimes. [13] Hence, "The mission of Islam," according to Qutb, "is always to propel life to renewal, development, and progress and to press human potentialities to build, to go forth and to elevate," and all those who are indolent and stay behind will be punished. [14]

Sayyid Qutb views the family as the cornerstone of society responsible for the nurturing of the latter's values and morals. He emphasizes the pivotal role of male-female relationship in the home since it is the dwelling place and haven of peace and happiness for mankind. To preserve it, Islam orders that no woman many against her will; that marriage be arranged publicly in front of witnesses and not in secret like a criminal act; that marriage be permanent so as to ensure stability and lead to the creation of a family; that man rule the home and provide for it so that the wife can devote all her time to the raising of children. This is also necessary due to the emotional and subjective constitution of the woman which would hinder her from assuming a responsible position.[15] Furthermore, to insure the peace and stability of the home, women are asked to avoid adornment and mixing with men to avoid temptation, seduction, and sedition.[16]

Divorce, according to Qutb, is the safety valve of marriage even though it is described in the Quran as "the most hateful to God of the lawful things." However, it is to be used only as a last resort and when all mediation has failed, so that peace may be restored to the home. Thus, it is wrong to believe that women in Islam are always under the threat of divorce perpetrated capriciously by the husband. Marriage is to be regarded as a holy bond sustained by mutual acquiescence and happiness. If these are no longer available, marriage is no longer tenable and should be terminated for the welfare of all.[17]

Polygamy is another safety-valve of marriage which would help avoid many pitfalls and dangers. It is desirable when there is a surfeit of women, as in war, to provide them with home and support; to help control sexual anarchy in men who are usually oversexed; and in cases where the wife is chronically ill or sterile. However, God orders that all wives be treated equally and justly in economic, physical, and psychological matters. As for the emotional aspect, justice is not humanly possible, in which case favoritism should be masked, "And ye shall not be able to be just with all women even if you try. However, do not show your preference lest the others feel redundant," (IV: 3). The real objection to polygamy is not the principle itself but rather its abuse as a device for "lust" and "sin". The answer is not the abolition of the practice, which has a special function, but the education and training of people in the teachings of Islam.[18]

In Islam all humans are decreed equal for they all stem from the same source. Thus women are deemed equal to men except in aspects relating to experience and responsibility. They are equal in the religious and spiritual fields as well as in economic and property matters. The matter of double male inheritance rights accrues to the more extensive responsibilities of men in having to support women and children. As for men being responsible for women, that is a natural result of men being in the midst of society with the experience and mental preparation for leadership. The financial responsibility for the home qualifies men to rule. As for two female witnesses being necessary while a single male witness suffices relates to the female's emotional handicap in contradistinction to man's objectivity. Thus, if she is emotionally influenced while testifying, the second witness will support and/or correct her.[19]

Qutb maintains that, in the West, women are obliged to work because men stopped supporting them. This resulted in their being cheapened, demeaned, and exploited. When women did not receive equality in pay, they asked for the right to vote and then to be elected to parliament to have a decisive voice in shaping their future. Thus while France (in the 1950s) does not allow women to dispense their funds at will (while Islam does) without the consent of their next of kin, it condones prostitution, while Islam does not. Furthermore, although Islam, in principle, does not prevent women from working, "true female progress" is not to be measured solely by their ability to be doctors or lawyers or engineers, but by the development of their "humanity" in such matters as the "education of the mind, the elevation of character, and the purification of the heart and nature." The West has capitalized on women's femininity and beauty making them primary factors in the business market to increase profit. Thus, the prominent p lace given to "the beautiful secretary," "the cashier hostess," "the sales-girl," "the model" in advertisements, in embassies and news media is an instance of "the employment of the sex instinct by the tycoons and potentates of the merchant world for material gains." [20]

Woman's real job is, always, the home and the family: she helps the son achieve his manhood and provides the spiritual source of love and kindness for her husband nurturing thereby, on her own, the future of the nation. And while religion "does not forbid woman to work . . . it does forbid her to flee from her natural place without excuse," to avert the social anarchy that will necessarily ensue if women work outside their homes, disrupting the family structure by playing havoc with man's leadership (qiwamah) in the home. This is further compounded by the threat it imposes on the family as an institution, for working women tend to shirk their responsibility of having children--a duty to society--and men would not be motivated to marry since they have scores of unveiled women working beside them to keep them company. Thus, when Communism grants men and women equal opportunity in work, it exonerates men from their responsibility to support women and frees both men and women for sin and immorality. [21]

Islam, according to Qutb, gave women more rights fourteen centuries ago than the West does today. Their relationship with men is based on their natural instincts and makeup. Women represent half the human soul; they are the source of the human race and keepers of the home, the nest of childhood. Their relationship with men, hence, serves the human race by providing the production of new humanity based on sex as a duty, and not solely as a source of pleasure, since sexual excess impedes mental acuity: thus the mind needs active sex glands with some measure of suppression of the sex urge to reach its full potential. [22]

In the birth process, both father and mother contribute equally to form the nucleus of the ovum. The mother, however, goes on to contribute the cytoplasm surrounding the nucleus, and as such, plays a more extensive role in the formation of the embryo. The reproductive role of men is brief while that of women extends to nine months during which the embryo feeds on materials filtered from the mother's blood through the placenta. The mother also receives elements from the embryo which could be harmful or beneficial. It seems that women, who bear children, attain full growth and potential after one or two pregnancies, while non-child-bearing women are not as fully balanced and become more nervous. Thus motherhood is essential and women should be educated in areas that emphasize the difference in the physical and mental aspects of both sexes. [23]

Moreover, Qutb maintains that the differences between men and women do not stem from the physical differences of the genitalia, the presence of a womb, or pregnancy, but from more basic aspects such as the ovarian hormones, which differentiate all the cells and tissues of the female from that of the male, as well as her physical parts, and, most of all, her nervous system. These, according to Qutb, are not subject to change and have to be nurtured naturally without emulating the male, for a woman's role in the building of civilization is more central than that of man. As such women should not give up their assigned functions. [24]

Finally, Qutb believes that while Darwin, Freud and Marx sought to demean men and women by claiming absolute animal origins (Darwin), or demonstrating their dirty sexual nature (Freud), or their insignificance compared to material and economic factors (Marx), which could have destroyed all moral values and civilization itself had their concepts not failed, Islam alone provides the golden mean for a flourishing and prosperous civilization through its comprehensive world view. [25]

In conclusion, what seems to be at stake for Qutb is not the role of women as such but the validity of the Islamic vision, where no differentiation between the sacred and the secular is permitted. The role of women as prescribed by the Quran and the Hadith is part of God's general plan for man's happiness in this world and the next and can, therefore, neither be changed nor altered. The only permissible change is that which would remove all remaining vestiges of Western customs and innovations in the effort to purify society and bring it back to the Way of God. Thus we find that at the heart of Qutb's debate is the limitation of a woman's duties in society to that of wife and mother. This is not only her role but her sole identity, for marriage in Islam is seen as a central institution around which is built society and civilization. A Muslim girl should, therefore, be brought up and educated to meet this role.

As is the case with most polemicists, Qutb selectively cited passages from the Scriptures whose interpretation justified his stance with regard to the role of women in society. This was done to the exclusion of other Quranic passages that clearly assert the equality of all believers, and such historical facts that reflect the proliferation of women saints, mystics and warriors in early Islam. Thus whereas Qutb emphasizes the qiwamah of men over women, he simply glides over passages that speak of "love and mercy" and the wife's role as the "moral support" for the husband (XXX: 21) as well as the mutual support of husband and wife (II: 187), "They are garments unto you and you are garments unto them," taking the term "garments" to mean that which covers up one's weaknesses. [26]

Furthermore, Qutb emphasizes the sentimental and emotional dimension of women in contradistinction to men's rationality, ignoring thereby the implication that if women lose their lucidity and rationality for specified periods of time each month of the year and for a whole year during and after pregnancy, the role of the woman/wife/mother as the cornerstone of the family and society will be not only impeded but stunted completely. Moreover, when Qutb explains that women in the West were forced to work outside the house because men failed to support them, he contradicts his stance that women are basically emotional and irrational and should, therefore, stay home and care for the house and the children. He goes on to admit that Islam granted women the right to handle their own property, which by definition implies rationality and mastery of figures; that men and women are equal in matters of religion and spirit (IV: 124; XVI: 97; III: 195), in matters of economics and property (IV: 7, 32) and in matters of educa tion and the obligation of zkat and charity; [27] that women are equal to men in righteousness (XLIX: 13); [28] that women during the lifetime of the Prophet used to frequent mosques for prayer, go to the market to trade and to war to cheer men. [29] How can all of this be rationalized when he pronounces in the same breath that women are irrational and hysterical by nature?

His categorical interpretation regarding the veil and total segregation of the sexes is also to be questioned when the implication of the passages cited by him indicate that segregation and veiling were not practiced during the lifetime of the Prophet since both sexes would not have been asked in Sura XXIV: 31 to behave with modesty, especially so since what is being referred to here is "modesty of the eye," making thereby the observation of the veil and segregation superfluous. [30]

Qutb emphasizes the importance of the notion of human equality and claims that it starts at the moment of conception and continues until all offspring are capable of conducting their own lives and providing for themselves. But while he maintains that no individual or a people is superior to another except in piety, for God has said "Mankind fear your Lord who created you of a single soul, and from it created its mate, and from the pair of them scattered abroad many men and women; and fear God by whom you demand one of another, and the wombs, surely God ever watches over you" (IV: 1) and "O mankind, We have created you male and female, and appointed you races and tribes, that you may know one another. Surely the noblest among you in the sight of God is the most god-fearing of you...." (XLIX: 13), he goes on to relegate women to an inferior position.

Qutb's description of man in Islam as someone who "eats, marries, procreates, loves, hates, hopes and fears," and whose "human nature, capacities, virtues, evils, strengths and weaknesses," neither elevate him to divine levels nor denigrate him, coincides perfectly with his description of the role and nature of women. Yet he places restrictions only on the movements, aspirations and ambitions of the latter. [31] This becomes even clearer in Qutb's exposition of the concept of hakimiyyah where he maintains that authority is the realm of God and my non-divine authority is taghut,.i.e., illegitimate, irreligious and tyrannical, since all individuals are equally slaves of God and none has a modicum of authority over other human beings. With this in mind should the husband then be in full control of his wife?

Furthermore, while Qutb exposes the three main principles in the concept of tawhid as freedom from subordination to anyone but God, revolution against the authority of tyrannical lords, and the consideration of the negation of personality and the giving up of freedom as crimes of unbelief, he orders women, who have been created "of a single soul" with men, to be subservient to their husbands. [32] Finally, while Qutb maintains that although Islam denies the view that life is merely a "mouthful of bread, the appetites of the body, or a handful of money," and requires proficiency in order to remove the fear of destitution, he goes on to prohibit women from earning their own livelihood knowing full well this will keep them under the jurisdiction of their husbands, forever afraid of the repudiation and destitution, [33] he professes to terminate.

It is of interest to note that none of the fundamentalist writers, including Qutb, ever referred to the condition of rural women. Their writings, have concentrated mainly on urban women and society, totally ignoring the status of rural women who labor side by side with men in the fields, outside their homes, in contradistinction to the segregated women of the city.

Perhaps the clearly demonstrated discrepancy in Qutb's views is the inevitable conclusion of his basic premise: the family structure, the nucleus of society and the future of Islam, is sacrosanct; it is the instrument of social cohesion and a system whose rights and privileges are inexorably entwined with those due God, and as such, are rendered untouchable and inviolate. And since it is divinely ordained that man be the head of the family and its provider and woman the progenitor and creator, it becomes necessary that she be subjugated to her husband and her family duties to the exclusion of all else. Given that premise Qutb is forced into his contradictory stance on women, irrespective of his more liberal views in other areas, superficially justifying it by the use of primitive and naive biologic and physiologic arguments that cannot survive any scrutiny, as well as carefully selected verses from the Quran.

In doing so, he finds himself campaigning for dynamism, freedom, and progress for the Muslim male, while condemning women to stasis, subjugation and regression.

Lamia Rustum Shehadeh is an associate professor in the Civilization Sequence Program at the American University of Beirut.

ENDNOTES

(1.) Some of the works consulted on the subject and recommended for further reading: J. Esposito, The Islamic Threat. (New York/Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1992); J. Donohue, and J. Esposito, eds. Islam in Transition: Muslim Perspectives. (New York/Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1982); J.O.Voll, "Renewal and Reform in Islamic History: Tajdid and Islah." In Voices of Resurgent Islam , edited by J. Esposito (New York/Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1983), 32-47; Y. Haddad, Contemporary Islam and the Challenge of History. (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1982); F. Rahman, "Revival and Reform in Islam." In The Cambridge History of Islam, edited by P.M. Holt, A. K.S. Lambton, and B. Lewis (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1970), vol. 2, 632-656; L. Binder, Islamic Liberalism: A Critique of Development Ideologies (Chicago/London: The University of Chicago Press, 1988); B.B. Lawrence, Defenders of God (San Francisco: Harper and Row, Publishers, 1989); R.L. Nettler, Past Trials and Present Tribulations (Oxford: Pergamon Press, 1987); C.E. Butterworth, "Prudence versus Legitimacy: The Persistent Theme in Islamic Political Thought." In Islamic Resurgence in the Arab World, edited by A.E.H. Dessouki (New York: Praeger Publishers, 1982), 84-114. R.S. Humphreys, "The Contemporary Resurgence in the Context of Modern Islam." In Islamic Resurgence, 67-83; I. Serageldin, "Individual Identity, Group Dynamics, and Islamic Resurgence." In Islamic Resurgence, 54-66; D. Pipes, "Oilwealth and Islamic Resurgence." In Islamic Resurgence, 35-53; A.E.H. Dessouki, "The Islamic Resurgence: Source s, Dynamics, and Implications." In Islamic Resurgence, 3-31; E. Sivan, Radical Islam, Medieval Theology and Modern Politics (New Haven/London: Yale University Press, 1985); D. Hiro, Islamic Fundamentalism (London: Paladin Grafton Books (2nd edition), 1989); E. Mortimer, Faith and Power: The Politics of Islam (London: Faber and Faber, 1982); Y. Haddad, J.O. Voll, and J.L. Esposito, The Contemporary Islamic Revival: A Critical Survey and Bibliography (New York/Westport/Connecticut/London: Greenwood Press, 1991); A. Moussalli, Radical Islamic Fundamentalism: The Ideological and Political Discourse of Sayyid Qutb (Beirut, Lebanon: American University Press, 1992).

(2.) Donohue and Esposito, Islam in Transition, 5.

(3.) R.H. Dekmejian, "The Anatomy of Islamic Revival: Legitimacy Crisis, Ethnic Conflict and the Search for Islamic Alternatives," The Middle East Journal, 34 (1980): 9; A. Khurshid, and Z.I. Ansari, "Mawlana Sayyid Abu al-A'la Mawdudi: An Introduction to His Vision of Islam and Islamic Revival." In Islamic Perspectives, edited by A. Khurshid and Z.I. Ansari (Jeddah: The Islamic Foundation, U.K. in association with Saudi Publishing House, 1979), 374-376.

(4.) J.L. Esposito, "Trailblazers of the Islamic Resurgence." In The Contemporary Islamic Revival, 40. Y.Y. Haddad, "The Quranic Justification for an Islamic Revolution: The View of Sayyid Qutb," The Middle East Journal 37, no. 1 (1983): 17.

(5.) S.G. Haim, "Sayyid Qutb," Asian and African Studies 16 (1982): 148-149.

(6.) Y. Haddad, "Sayyid Qutb: Ideologue of Islamic Revival." In Voices of Resurgent Islam, 93; Moussalli, Islamic Fundamentalism, 20-30; Haddad, "The Quranic Justification for an Islamic Revolution," 17.

(7.) Moussalli, Islamic Fundamentalism, 36.

(8.) Haddad, "Sayyid Qutb," 77-78.

(9.) Ibid., 69.

(10.) Haim, "Sayyid Qutb," 148-149.

(11.) Binder, Islamic Liberalism, 171.

(12.) Nettler, Past Trials, 27.

(13.) Sivan, Radical Islam, 27.

(14.) S. Qutb, Fi al-tarikh: fikrah wa minhaj (History: Idea and Methodology), 16 as cited by Y. Haddad, "The Quranic Justification," 22.

(15.) S. Qutb, Al-salam al-'alami wa al-Islam (World Peace and Islam) (Cairo: Maktabat Wihbeh, 1951), 52-55.

(16.) Ibid., 55-57.

(17.) Ibid., 64-69.

(18.) Ibid., 70-76.

(19.) S. Qutb, al 'adalah al-ijtima 'iyyah fi al-Islam (Social Justice in Islam) (Egypt: Maktabat Masr wa Matba'atha (?)), 32-55.

(20.) Ibid., 57.

(21.) Qutb, al-'adalah al-ijitma'iyyah, 58.

(22.) Qutb, al-Islam wa mushkilat al-hadarah (Islam and the Problems of Modernity) (Dar Ihya' al-Kutub al-'Arabiyyah, 1962), 66-68; 132.

(23.) Ibid., 131-132.

(24.) Ibid.

(25.) Ibid., 73.

(26.) Rahman, "Status of Women in the Quran," 43.

(27.) Qutb, al-'adalah al-ijtima'iyyah, 53-57.

(28.) Ibid., 51.

(29.) Qutb, ma'rakat al-Islam wa al-ra'smaliyyah (The Battle of Islam with Capitalism) (Cairo: Dar al-Kitab Press, 1952), 112-113.

(30.) Rahman, "Status of Women," 40.

(31.) Haddad, "Sayyid Qutb," 77.

(32.) Binder, Islamic Liberalism, 176; Moussalli, Islamic Fundamentalism, 200.

(33.) S. Qutb, "Social Justice in Islam." In Islam in Transition, 128.