Use of Internet pornography and men's well-being.

The widespread and relatively inexpensive influx of high speed Internet technology has rendered the Cybersex pornographic industry a considerably profitable e-commerce business. This exploratory investigation attempts to delineate the intricacies and effects of such technology on individual well-being using ethnographic field research methodology. Although most individuals utilize the Internet for occupational, educational, recreational, and shopping purposes, a sizable male minority exists, known as Cybersex compulsives and at-risk users, who invest an inordinate amount of their time, money, and energy in the pursuit of Cybersex experiences with negative intrapersonal ramifications in terms of depression, anxiety, and problems with felt intimacy with their real-life partners. Such individuals find themselves in a compulsive Cybersex quest for the "perfect" sexual visualization that will match their "lovemap," only to get disappointed at its fleeting nature.

Keywords: Cybersex, sexual compulsion, obsession, flow, interactivity, love map

From Internet shopping to electronic bill pay to booking travel and lodging all the way to Cybersex, we, as individuals living in the 21st century, are becoming increasingly identified by online, virtual, and Cyber usernames, passwords, and code names (Lohse, 1998). Even though there does exist a lag between technology and culture, the sudden availability of inexpensive personal computer and Internet technology to mainstream consumers has changed our lives drastically and possibly irreversibly (Chen, Wigand, & Nilan, 1999). From the occasional to the everyday online user lies a spectrum along which we all find ourselves.

Psychiatrists, clinical psychologists, family therapists, social workers, and school counselors report a considerable number of complaints related to computer use. College and university authorities report that inappropriate and excessive computer use is increasingly associated with student rule breaking and academic failure. In addition, divorce attorneys find that compulsive computer use tends to be a leading factor in divorce (Orzack, 2004).

Social scientists at the University of Florida, who have been investigating the various facets of Internet compulsion, advise mental health professionals to use a simple five-point checklist--abbreviated as MOUSE--when dealing with individuals that may be affected by it (Colton, 2004). Specifically, patients ought to be encouraged to ask themselves: Do you find yourself spending considerable (More) amounts of time online? Are you intentionally or unintentionally neglecting your personal (Other) responsibilities that you (and your significant others) deem important for your everyday functioning? Do you find it difficult and futile (Unsuccessful) to reduce the amount of time that you spend online? Are you experiencing considerable (Significant) relational problems with your significant others as a result of your Internet use? Are you overwhelmed (Excessive) with anxiety and preoccupied with unrealistic thoughts when you are online? (Colton, 2004).

THE PRESENT STUDY

This paper represents an exploratory investigation into the Cyberspace world of sex and its impact on individual well-being. Cybersex has been likened to a kind of "sexual revolution" with more than 100,000 Web sites featuring all kinds of sexual content, such as erotic photos, videos, live sex acts, and Web-cam strip sessions (Carnes, 2001; Cooper, Boies, Maheu & Greenfield, 2001). Visits to pornographic sites doubled in the year 2000 with some sites reporting as many as 50 million hits (Worden, 2001). Although the majority of Internet users tend to be recreational or utilitarian in their usage orientation, some end up reported a compulsion to participate in Cybersex. According to a survey conducted by the Marital and Sexuality Center and MSNBC (2002), 6.5% of the male Internet population reported spending nearly six hours per week engaging in Cybersex.

The current investigation focuses on compulsive and at-risk users (the second and third identifiable categories in the Cooper et al. [1999] study). The following research questions constitute the driving force of the present study: What are the various technological characteristics that render Cybersex considerably appealing to recreational, compulsive, and at-risk users? What are some of the social-psychological characteristics of compulsive and at-risk users?

RESEARCH DESIGN AND METHODS

This investigation uses extensive analyzing of established management information systems theories and informal interviewing, a variant of ethnographic methodology, to delve into the technological and social psychological variants of Cybersex compulsion (Denzin, 1997; Ellis, 1991; Ellis & Bochner, 2000; Humphreys, 1975; LeCompte, Preissle, & Tesch, 1993; Philaretou & Allen, in press; Patton, 2002; Stake, 1994; Stanley, 1992; Varisco, 2002). Ethnographic modes of inquiry help researchers develop adequate sympathetic understanding for their subjects, thereby enabling them to better share their unique psychological and emotional perspectives.

This study involved the selection of six males, aged 25-40, whom the first author had come to know in the capacity of casual friendships. Selection criteria included (a) willingness to be interviewed and (b) a general willingness to disclose personal information related to the study. Interviews lasted for approximately two hours and took place at the first author's home. The interview process included obtaining some demographic information regarding the participants' age, education level, and marital status. Following the gathering of demographic data, semi-structured interviews were conducted in the form of open-ended questions.

ONLINE BEHAVIOR

Online behavior is the way users interact online and is classified as either utilitarian or experiential. Utilitarian Internet users view Internet technologies as a means to an end. For example, they use the Web for work, for purchasing various items, for making travel and lodging reservations, or for searching for particular information. Hence, utilitarian behavior is Internet experience with a purpose (Assael, 1998; Babin, Darden, & Griffin, 1994; Hoffman & Novak, 1996; Holbrook & Hirschman 1982; Nielsen, 2000; Novak, Hoffman, & Duhachek, 2003; Novak, Hoffman, & Yung, 2000; Wolfinbarger & Gilly, 2001).

Cybersex consumers are experiential users who tend to view Internet site browsing as a pleasurable event (Assael, 1998; Jain, 2003; Novak et al., 2000, 2003; Oliver, 1997; Szymanski & Hise, 2000). They like to visit Web sites and experience the excitement and pleasure of Web navigation in a physiological, emotional, psychological, and entertaining way. Hence, they tend to use the Web for entertainment and are more likely to revisit sites they find enjoyable (Novak et al., 2003/2000). Sensory stimulation via an interactive Web site would be very important to experiential shoppers along with perceived usefulness of a site (Assael, 1998; Guo, 2003; Koufaris, 2002).

Schmitt (1999/2003) states that experiential commerce and marketing treats consumers as both reasonable and emotional beings, who are interested in and/or actively seek pleasurable experiences. The Web product's perceived utility and pleasantness are further enhanced through its interaction with the individual's sense affinity, emotional spectrum, cognitive level, temperament, and psychological well-being, all of which stimulate both the person's psychoemotional and intellectual state (Eighmey, 1997). For example, many voyeuristic, Web-cam pornographic Internet sites constitute experiential Web sites whereby the user is taken on a virtual tour to usual and unusual erotic stimulations enhanced with high-quality images, sound, animation, and interactivity, using Java, Shockwave, and QuickTime VR.

Experiential or utilitarian behavior in computer-mediated environments can be characterized along the following dimensions: intrinsic versus extrinsic motivation, ritualized versus instrumental orientation, enduring versus situational involvement, hedonic versus utilitarian benefits, nondirected versus directed search, and navigational versus goal-directed choice (Hoffman & Novak, 1996; Jain, 2003). When users surf the Web regularly for fun, such as when visiting adult sites, their experience is intrinsically motivated, ritualized, and experiential. However, when an individual sets out to make a specific purchase of an item via the Web, the experience is extrinsically motivated, instrumental, and goal-directed.

VIRTUAL EXPERIENCE

In examining virtual experiences in e-commerce, Li, Daugherty, and Biocca (2001) determine that active process, presence, involvement, enjoyment, and affordance are important elements. Active process deals with learning about product attributes and features through online manipulations of the object. (Tele)Presence gives a sense of being in the mediated environment and creates a natural albeit virtual representation of products and services, like being in a virtual (a) adult shop and walking through the various shelves or (b) bedroom where individuals are engaging in sexual behaviors. Involvement measures how consumers relate the product to themselves, for example, in terms of its image. Consumers feel enjoyment when they interact with a virtual product and have the ability to customize it, which is usually not available in brick-and-mortar stores. For instance, when visitors to adult sites are given the opportunity to engage in real-time sexual interactions, via a Web camera, with other individuals, they tend to derive considerable satisfaction since they feel that they have control over sexual actions and can direct them to their liking. Affordance is the set of possible actions that come about from interacting with an object or product (Norman, 1988/1998). For example, pornographic images and movie clips are designed to stimulate and enrich an individual's sexual fantasies and induce him to engage in masturbatory practices. In online environments, virtual affordance manifests itself via tactile simulation (Li et al., 2001).

TEMPORAL AND SPATIAL DIMENSIONS

Shopping experiences have temporal and spatial dimensions. For example, brick-and-mortar adult shops can be categorized as (a) less time and more space, where the design or layout is large but provides little choice in offerings and no place to sit, loiter, and browse; (b) more time and less space, where people take their time to look around but within a limited product offering and layout space; (c) more time and more space, with a layout that allows for an infinite time to browse and numerous places to sit; and (d) less time and less space, such as adult magazine stalls, which give a narrow product offering and encourage customers to make a quick purchase (Chaudhury, Mallick, & Rao, 2001). Pornographic web sites are equivalent to more time and more space adult shops whereby users can browse for unlimited time within unlimited product offerings with the added advantage of doing so from the comfort and privacy of their own homes (Williams & Larson, 2000). Quickly selecting an adult product or logging onto an adult site, however, for a quick masturbatory experience using one-click ordering is an example of a less time and more space adult shop.

DIRECT VERSUS INDIRECT EXPERIENCE

Online users can learn about products through direct or indirect experience. Direct experience involves using or inspecting the item physically, which is not possible online. The next best thing is indirect experience through interaction with the product in 3D simulations, such as enlargements and rotations, or real-time online interaction (Tsang, Fitzmaurice, Kurtenback, & Khan, 2003). This direct manipulation can occur via the mouse or a real-time Web camera resulting in a visual representation or metaphor of the real world (Li et al., 2001).

Direct experience is not always superior to indirect experience in terms of information conveyed about an object (Alba et al., 1997). For example, certain adult sites allow users to post their ratings of an adult product, which is a unique feature not available in real adult shops. Moreover, sexual interactions via a Web camera may be more enticing to the pornographic consumer since he can freely indulge in his sexual fantasies without fear of embarrassment or ridicule.

INTERACTIVITY LEVEL

Interactivity is the direct communication and involvement between users and the system interface in order to change and customize a Web site's look, feel, and content according to users' personal preferences (Burgoon, Bonito, Bengtsson, Ramirez, Dunbar, & Miczo, 2000; Liu & Shrum, 2002; Palmer, 2002; Zhu & Kraemer, 2002). In the present investigation, interactivity is defined in terms of interactivity levels, which are further categorized according to textual elements, graphical elements, vividness, customization, and personalization.

Low interactivity level is interactivity that utilizes only two elements: textual and graphical. The textual element is text descriptions of products and their information, such as describing the contents of a pornographic site in terms of the nature of the various pictures or movie clips, with the graphical element being the actual static 2D image depiction. The high interactivity level is interactivity that includes the low interactivity level elements (textual and graphical) and expands beyond those elements to include vividness, customization, and personalization (Szuprowicz, 1995).

E-commerce Cybersex companies recognize that higher levels of interactivity and content lead to a Web site's success (in terms of number of subscribers and hits), as well as user perceived satisfaction, effectiveness, efficiency, value, and attitude toward a Web site (Coyle & Thorson, 2001; Palmer, 2002; Teo, Oh, Liu & Wei, 2003). Four aspects of high interactivity level of relevance and interest to this research are user control, vividness, customization, and teleprescence.

USER CONTROL

User control constitutes an important interactivity feature that allows users varying and increasing degrees of interface control, from pace to simulation (Garrett, 2003; Tsang et al., 2003). Kristof and Satran (1995) define increased user control as an experience that gives users clear options, understandable goals, and apparent control over information and content and, overall, renders the online experience an easy and intuitive enterprise. Teo et al. (2003) reveal that incremental levels of interactivity in a Web site show increased levels of user perceived satisfaction, effectiveness, efficiency, value, and overall attitude toward the Web site.

Aleem (1997) and Heller, Martin, Haneef, and Gievska-Kliu (2001) address control, navigation, and linking in defining interactivity along four categories: passive, reactive, proactive, and directive. Passive interactivity has no user control over the presented information, which moves in a linear manner, such as in a sequential presentation of a slide show or DVD movie. Reactive interactivity has limited control, whereby users can react to the presented information and particular stimuli. In proactive interactivity, users have more control and can design and construct information by manipulating values. Directive interactivity allows users to respond to the system, start actions, and tailor events in a mutually interactive way, such as in simulations, virtual reality, or other aspects involving artificial intelligence (Tsang et al., 2003). Although the majority of pornographic Web sites are passively oriented-with users navigating through a series of predetermined pictures or movie clips-those that are directively oriented report far more user satisfaction in terms of the multitude of sexual variations and permutations that are made possible (Coyle & Thorson, 2001 ; Delmonico, 1997).

VIVIDNESS

Vividness is the degree of media richness in a site, such as text, images, sound, video, and 3D simulations (Li, Daugherty, & Biocca, 2002; Palmer, 2002). Dealing with how an environment conveys sensory data, vividness helps to create a sense of presence (or being there in an environment) through breadth and depth (Steuer, 1992; Whitton, 2003). Sensory breadth is the amount and scope of information presented in a sensory dimension or channel at once, while depth is the resolution within the presentation of that information. In essence, breadth is the quantity of sensory channels that a medium uses (e.g., visual, aural), and depth is the quality within each communication channel (Klein, 2003; Steuer, 1992). For example, HDTV has greater depth than analog TV. A rich interactive environment with 3D simulations allows for compelling interactivity, an attribute that is particularly important in increasing the appeal of pornographic Web sites (Li et al., 2002; Tsang et al., 2003).

CUSTOMIZATION

Customization is the ability that permits users to make unique interface changes to create individual user experiences through tailor-made products and services. It is user-centric or buyer-centric (Wind & Rangaswamy, 2001). Hence, the user and not the Web site is behind the choices and decisions. It includes custom-designed products and the selection of different components and characteristics of products (McKinney, Yoon, & Zahedi, 2002; Williams & Larson, 2000). For example, many pornographic sites allow customers to individually tailor the various visual depictions according to their own tastes, using special software. Palmer (2002) stresses that customization is important to a Web site's success.

TELEPRESENCE

Presence is directly experiencing reality, while telepresence is the perception of direct experience in a simulated manner, as in virtual reality (Coyle & Thorson, 2001; Minsky, 1980; Steuer, 1992). Physical presence is very complicated to simulate in a virtual environment (Li et al., 2001). An indirect experience through a computer simulation bridges this gap. As the level of telepresence increases (through increased interactivity and vividness), so does the gap between actual presence and telepresence (Klein, 2003).

Sexual online experience events are sensory in the sense that they tend to stimulate as many as possible of the five senses or modalities virtually through sight/vision (visual), sound (aural or auditory), touch (tactile or haptic), smell (olfactory), and taste (gustatory) (Schmitt, 1999, 2003). Visual, auditory, and tactile simulations are the three senses that are utilized the most by online pornographers to attract customers and increase their satisfaction. Tactile sensations can be induced via feelings of telepresence in a virtual environment or by sensory substitution (Sherman & Craig, 2003). When users find themselves in virtual sexualized environments, they are made to feel as if they are transported to a real-life sexual scene with all the associated props and costumes, a sensation known as telepresence. For example, many pornographic sites create a sense of being in a sexualized environment by letting users immerse themselves in a personal and virtual model, based on their preferences. Users can then mentally transport themselves to a sexualized environment of their choosing.

Telepresence lends itself to another cognitive concept, body boundary. Body boundary describes how individuals see the limits of their physical body, and it spans two dimensions: location and permeability (Fisher, 1983). The location refers to the boundary set by skin and outlines of body extremities, and permeability refers to barriers that prevent entry from outside elements. These concepts underscore important issues in the online experience, such as the lack of actually situating oneself in a real-life physical setting and the absence of tactile sensations against the skin (the actual feeling of touching) (Rosa & Malter, 2003). The relative anonymity, convenience, and lack of embarrassment afforded by online pornography, however, are important tradeoffs that are worth foregoing some of the elements of a real-life experience.

ONLINE FLOW EXPERIENCES

In general, flow is created when individuals come to attain a high level of concentration relatively effortlessly and come to experience considerable joy while carrying out a specific set of objectives at the workplace, in leisury pursuits, or in social engagements. Csikszentmihalyi's flow theory (1975, 1990, 2000) views flow as a state in which individuals are so engaged in an activity that they might be oblivious to the world around them and possibly lose track of time and even of self. Known as flow experience or state of flow, this condition becomes an optimal experience (another synonym for flow) when (a) individuals gain considerable control of their actions and find themselves at a heightened state of enjoyment and exhilaration and (b) the levels of task challenges and their own skills match at an equally high level.

Losing oneself in pornographic Cyberspace is an experiential activity whereby the individual becomes considerably taken by the flow of his erotic consciousness and subconsciousness. In the present study, men who are regular consumers of online pornography report that they find themselves entering a state of flow at peak moments of their browsing-masturbating routine. In order to facilitate a sense of flow, online pornographers go to great lengths to make their Web sites appealing, stimulating, and responsive to users; otherwise, boredom, anxiety, and apathy ensue. While boredom results when the interface or site is not challenging enough, anxiety occurs if the system is too difficult to use. Apathy is brought about when user skills and site challenges are too low, while a flow experience is attained when both skills and challenges are congruently high with one another.

When users go online they may have a clear goal, such as searching for a particular kind of Internet pornography, and receive feedback when the system responds to their search inquiry. Such searching tasks pose challenges and require a certain level of Internet skills. High-challenge tasks require increased online attention and vice versa (Novak et al., 2000). The users are in control of the interface and level of interactivity and manipulate various objects and controls, like buttons, Web cameras, and vivid 3D simulations. By utilizing such interactivity features, users come to customize the Cybersex experience to their liking and personalize it through user profiles. In the process, they may become so absorbed in their online activities (Swartout & Van Lent, 2003) that they may lose self-consciousness and track of time. While transporting themselves to the Cybersex virtual environment of their choice--and undergoing this sensory, affective, and cognitive experience--users tend to experience time distortion, enjoyment, and telepresence, and, in turn, flow (Skadberg & Kimmel, 2003). These online experiences become autotelic whereby individuals carry out the associated activities for their own sake (Jennings, 2002).

An autotelic experience is both intrinsically appealing and motivating since it involves establishing goals, becoming absorbed in the activity, paying attention, concentrating on what is happening, and learning to enjoy direct experiential stimulation (Csikszentmihalyi, 2000; Csikszentmihalyi & Rathunde, 1993). Ultimately, just like the line between work and leisure is blurred during the attainment of flow, so too does that between sex and leisure as the autotelic Cybersex experience becomes an indispensable part of the everyday life of the person.

After attaining a state of flow, the self becomes more complex in terms of its degree of differentiation and integration (Csikszentmihalyi, 1990). Differentiation is a sense of being unique and different from other people, whereas integration refers to union with others, ideas and entities outside the individual. For example, customization and personalization of a pornographic Web site is an example of differentiation whereas communication with online users, in chat rooms and via e-groups connected by a common pornographic interest, is an example of integration.

In terms of affective Cybersex experiences, flow includes challenges, control, and feelings of enjoyment (Chen et al., 1999; Webster, Trevino, & Ryan, 1993). These feelings of enjoyment and concentration during Cybersex pursuits lead to an increased likelihood of return visits to a Web sex site and changes in behavior, such as intention to subscribe (Koufaris, 2002).

CYBERSEX USER CATEGORIES

In their first large-scale study of online sexual activity, Cooper, Boies, et al., (1999) reported that Cybersex users who spent 11 or more hours per week on various Cybersexual pursuits tended to experience a number of intrapersonal and interpersonal problems in their lives, of a financial, legal, occupational, relational, or personal nature (i.e., depression and anxiety). The researchers, however, noted that most Cybersex users considered their activity recreational, spending less than one hour per week in online sexual activities. In another study, Cooper, Putnam, Planchon, and Boies (1999) proposed three general Cybersex user categories: recreational, sexually compulsive, and at-risk. The first group pursues Cybersex activities for fewer than a couple of hours per week and does so strictly for sexual stimulation and entertainment. For such users, online sexual activities do not threaten their intrapersonal and interpersonal well-being. Eventually, recreational Cybersex users experience boredom with their pursuits and either decrease or abandon their Cybersexual behaviors (Leiblum, 1997). The sexually compulsive group includes individuals who have had sexual problems and who find Cybersex a convenient, discrete, and relatively inexpensive way to overcome them. Unfortunately, their Cybersexual pursuits become out of control and only come to worsen their initial sexual problems. The final at-risk category consists of individuals who find Cybersex an effective and efficient way to deal with the uncomfortable feelings of high stress, depression, dysthymia, and anxiety that tend to characterize their lives. These individuals often experience chronic difficulties accessing intimate emotions that would have enabled them to initiate and maintain meaningful interpersonal relationships (Kafka, 1993).

CYBERSEX COMPULSION

Cybersex compulsion has been identified as an increasingly important problem by many professionals and the media (Carries, 2001; Carnes, Delmonico, & Griffin, 2001; Cooper, Boies, Maheu, & Greenfield, 2001; Cooper, Delmonico, & Burg, 2000; Cooper, Delmonico, Griffin-Shelley, & Mathy, 2004; Cooper, Putnam, Planchon, & Boies, 1999; Cooper, Scherer, Boies, & Gordon, 1999; Delmonico, Griffin, & Moriarty, 2001; Delmonico, 1997; Waskul, 2004). As with other forms of compulsion, Cybersex compulsion originates in the delusional and faulty thought processes rooted in the person's belief system, which consequently provide the momentum for his compulsion (Brasted, 1985; Carnes, 1994; Cooper et al., Cooper, Putnam et al., Goodman, 1998; Schneider, 1994).

Young (1996) stated that Internet compulsion may be categorized as a clinical disorder along with other addictive/compulsive behaviors, such as gambling and shopping. Young described a number of cases whereby individuals became Cybersex compulsives and at-risk users and were unable to control their Cybersexual pursuits in light of detrimental intrapersonal and interpersonal consequences.

   In a three-year study, Young identified 396 Internet Addicts who
   reportedly used the Internet for more that 38 hours per week for
   non-academic and non-professional services--this compared to
   the eight hours per week reported by those that did not meet the
   criteria for Internet Addiction. (Cooper et al., 2004, p. 130)

The symptoms of Cybersex compulsion are quite specific and include an array of physical and psychological manifestations. Psychological symptoms include (a) experiencing a sense of well-being or euphoria while online, (b) feeling unable or unwilling to stop online surfing, (c) increasingly desiring and spending more and more time online, (d) neglecting interpersonal relationships with intimate partners, friends, and family, (e) experiencing feelings of emptiness, distress, and irritability when prevented from pursuing online activities, (f) lying to employers and family to cover up extent of online activities, and (g) experiencing general problems with school or work responsibilities (Orzack, 2004). Physical symptoms also include (a) carpal tunnel syndrome, (b) dry eyes, (c) migraine headaches, (d) back aches, (e) eating irregularities, (f) neglect of personal hygiene, and (g) sleep disturbances due to change in sleep patterns (Orzack, 2004).

THE RELATIONSHIP BETWEEN FLOW EXPERIENCES AND CYBERSEX COMPULSION

The physiological, psychological, and emotional appeal of flow experiences may easily lead to Cybersex compulsion. In general, experiences can be divided along two dimensions: customer participation and connection with the former being further divided along a continuum of passivity/activity (Pine & Gilmore, 1999). Just like any other customer, individuals who systematically consume Internet pornography may be either passively or actively doing so, depending on whether they merely observe the sexual images/movie clips or actively participate through the use of chat rooms or Web-cameras.

The second dimension of an experience is connection or relationship to the environment. This experiential component has to do with the extent of bonding of the individual to the exposed event with immersion and absorption lying at opposite ends of the connection spectrum. Upon exposure to online pornography, certain individuals quickly reach a state of heightened physiological and sensory arousal as they lose both themselves and a sense of their time while becoming immersed and absorbed in their masturbatory ideations, thereby attaining flow (Csikszentmihalyi, 1975, 1990, 2000; Pine & Gilmore 1999). Absorption is also known as cognitive absorption or cognitive engagement (Agrawal & Venkatesh, 2002). Customer participation (passive/active) and connection (absorption/immersion) dimensions combine into four quadrants: (a) educational (learning the intricacies of online navigation techniques through participation), (b) escapist (losing oneself in the world of Cybersex), esthetic (navigating through pornographic Web sites using their interactive maps), and entertainment (obtaining satisfaction from the pursuit of leisurely sexual activities) (Pine & Gilmore, 1999).

The objective of the Internet Cybersex experience is to combine all four of the aforementioned realms with the three types of their sensory, affective, and cognitive components into a holistic whole for the consumer (Schmitt, 1999, 2003). Csikszentmihalyi (2000) views the aggregation of sensations, emotions, and cognitions as a complete experience, leading to a state of flow. Compelling Cybersexual experiences are highly related to fun and experiential uses of the Web and negatively correlated with task-oriented or utilitarian uses of the Internet (Novak et al., 2000). The user experience reaches a state of flow as users have a goal, concentrate on their task or fun objective, lose sense of time, and execute an activity just for its own sake. When computer skills of Internet users and their challenges of navigating a Web site's interface are equal, they achieve a sense of flow (Csikszentmihalyi, 1975, 1990, 2000). Otherwise, if the site interface is too confusing or difficult to use, anxiety may result. If the system is not challenging enough, boredom may occur. Finally, apathy happens when skills of users and challenges of sites are too low.

INTERVIEW EXCERPTS

The following interview excerpts are intended to show the social psychological intricacies of Cybersex compulsion as conceptualized and experienced by participants.

Joe, age 30, married, white father of a two-year-old daughter:

      I work full-time and also take part-time courses at a nearby
   university. I consider myself happily married with a fairly decent
   sex life. Lately, though, I find myself increasingly addicted to
   online pornography, and even though the topic oftentimes bring
   embarrassment to most people, I don't feel particularly ashamed
   talking about it. On a typical week, I spend about eight-12 hours
   surfing the pornographic sites. At first, I tell myself that I am
   just going to briefly look at a few porno pictures and then shut the
   connection down, but once I start, there is no stopping. The minutes
   turn into a couple, even several hours, and I find myself more and
   more sexually excited. At first, I just rub my penis, but as the
   time goes by, I can't help but take out my penis and start
   masturbating. I have conditioned myself to delay my ejaculation for
   quite a period of time, and that's, I guess, one of the side
   benefits in my actual sexual relation with my wife.

      It is very sexually arousing to cruise through the tons of porno
   pictures and movie clips that are out there. When I first log in, my
   heart starts pounding fast, and I can feel the sexual rush going
   through me. It is like getting high. Even though it temporarily
   relieves my anxiety and sexual tension, I tend to feel considerably
   guilty afterwards. What would my wife say if she catches me?
   What would my family or her family think of me if they knew
   about my compulsion?

Tim, age 25, single, white:

      I first got into Internet pornography seven years ago at a
   friend's house. I was really amazed at what's out there. I mean, the
   variety of pictures and movie clips is really stunning. There is
   nothing like it. No wonder this thing is so popular. Forget about
   porno magazines and movies. They are ancient history. I have
   everything set up in my room. A fast computer, fast connection,
   printer, scanner, Web camera, powerful speakers, everything you
   can imagine. I don't subscribe to too many sites, though. Only one
   or two. I don't understand why a lot of guys subscribe to all these
   expensive sites. Don't they know that you can get a lot of pictures
   and movie clips for free? You just have to know where the good
   and free sites are. That's all.

Steve, age 28, single, white:

      My only weakness is cruising the Internet for pornography. I
   don't think there is anything wrong with it as long as you don't get
   carried away. After all, there is no harm done to anyone involved.
   It's just masturbation. Sometimes, however, I do feel guilty and a
   bit down for turning into an Internet voyeur. Anyhow, I guess I
   consider myself a regular cruiser, but I don't do it every day. I
   just do it three to four times a week for about two to three hours
   each time. As soon as I go online and log on to a porno site, I feel
   this incredible rush through me. It's like a sudden rush of
   adrenalin going through your veins. My routine goes something like
   this. I first go to my favorite paid site and enter my username and
   password. Then I go check what's new from last time depending on
   what mood I am in for (pantyhose, panties, tits, asses, blowjobs,
   anal sex, lesbians, orgies, etc.). Once I find something I like, I
   then go from pick to pick, jerking off as much as I find myself
   stimulated. Finally, after an hour or a couple of hours, I ejaculate
   at my favorite pick.

Keith, age 35, single, white:

      I love pornography. I am really not ashamed to admit to it
   even though I won't say that to every person I meet. I find surfing
   the Internet for porno picks and move clips very sexually arousing.
   I don't have a girlfriend, so that's the only safe sexual outlet
   that I have. I spend about 10-12 hours a week on Internet
   pornography, but I am not like one of those computer geeks and
   losers who log on to porno sites 24/7. No, man, those people are
   big-time addicted. I just do it once in a while to get my rocks
   off. Besides, it beats paying for prostitutes and the trouble of
   taking women out on dates. I first put a clean towel on my chair and
   take off my pants. I go from pick to pick jerking myself off until
   I find the one that turns me on the most, and then I ejaculate. It's
   that simple and that easy.

Ezra, heterosexually partnered, age 30, Greek-Cypriot:

      Don't get me wrong. I love my girlfriend and enjoy having
   sex with her, but you know there are times when she just doesn't
   want to do it. So what am I supposed to do? I can't force her into
   it and surely, I don't want to go out and pay someone for it,
   either. It's not like I am addicted to Internet porn, but I see it
   as an occasional safe sexual outlet. Besides, I am trying to get my
   girlfriend into it so that it stimulates our sex life. She doesn't
   seem to like it, but who knows, one of these days I may get lucky.
   My work is very stressful and demanding, and sometimes I just need
   to escape from all the BS. I find indulging in Internet pornography
   very relaxing and calming, but I have to admit that I do feel guilty
   sometimes and anxious whether someone will find out.

Ari, age 36, single, Greek-Cypriot:

      I am not dating anyone, and I consider myself a recovering
   Internet sex addict. I used to cruise the Internet for free porno
   picks and movie clips for about 12-14 hours a week. I have always
   felt guilty about it as if I was doing something very wrong. Now, I
   just masturbate once a week for about an hour or two with or without
   Cybersex stimulation. I feel very happy with myself and sort
   of renewed. I have managed the unimaginable, that is, to control
   my Cybersex addiction. Now, I control it; it doesn't control me. I
   really feel and act like a new man. I am sure that this change is
   here to stay, because I don't feel remotely as tempted as I did
   before. People ask me how I have managed to overcome my
   Cybersex compulsion, and I think it's easier than people think.
   First, try to become as sociable as you can. Second, try substituting
   the time spend surfing the Internet for porn with some other
   positive activity. Third, when you get the seemingly overwhelming
   desire to get online and masturbate at some Internet porn site,
   wait. Just wait, and it will go away. Fourth, give yourself
   permission to indulge on your sexual fantasies, but don't act on
   them. Just allow yourself to act on them, say, once a week for an
   hour or two. That will do it. I promise you. I do believe that
   Internet pornography can be very addictive and destructive. I don't
   believe that people should deny their sexual urges and impulses but
   learn how to control them instead. Self control is the key to a
   balanced life. Using Internet pornography or watching porno movies
   once a week for an hour or two is fine, but I think problems come
   when this becomes a habit and an addiction.

FINDINGS AND DISCUSSION

All men from the aforementioned interviews seem to be struggling, at varying degrees, with sexual obsessions as they spend a considerable part of their time fantasizing, planning, or thinking about sex and in the process become obsessed with their sexual ideations/behaviors as well as with the ritualistic mechanisms of effectuating them (Cooper et al., 2004). According to the DSM-IV (American Psychological Association, 1994) obsessions are characterized by "persistent ideas, thoughts, impulses, or images that are experienced as intrusive and inappropriate and that cause marked anxiety or distress" (p. 418).

These men habitually embark on an almost obsessive Internet quest for the perfect sexual image, story, or erotic material that would satiate their desire for the most arousing, stimulating, and intensely orgasmic sexual experience (Cooper et al., 2004). In the process, they come to experience Cybersex compulsion as a mental state of thinking, feeling, and acting that sustains and reinforces their unrealistic and exaggerated sexual preoccupations. Over time, they find themselves becoming considerably engrossed in their sexual fantasies and end up becoming addicted to Cybersexual masturbatory practices as the only avenue for fantasy fulfillment, stress release, and dealing with their depression and anxiety. For example, consider Keith's Cybersex routine of masturbating from pick to pick, ejaculating at the one ("the perfect pick") that excited him the most.

Money (1986) proposed that a person's "lovemap" is a cognitive/emotive schema that provides the trajectory for his/her sexual ideations and actions. Just like non-Cybersex sexual compulsives may spend a considerable amount of time searching for the best congruency between their "lovemap" and a real-life person, sexual behavior, or scenario, so, too, do Cybersex compulsives and at-risk users who cruise the Internet for the "most congruent" sexually explicit material. Lengthy Cybersexual journeys can throw them into a state of trance or flow whereby they become oblivious to the passage of time and even their own physiological needs, such as thirst, hunger, and sleep (Delmonico et al., 2001).

Even if Cybersex compulsives and at-risk users find the perfect Cybersexual image that most closely matches their "lovemap," the associated feelings of satisfaction fade away fast and have to be quickly derived from some other image or sexual theme:

   This is an important risk for those who use the Internet for sexual
   fantasy. For some, online sexual activities are not a problem, and
   can even be helpful, even as for others it becomes an endless
   search for an unattainable goal that can create a major barrier to
   intimacy and possibly satisfaction with an offline partner. (Cooper
   et al., 2004, p. 135)

The difference between a compulsive and a noncompulsive user lies in the inability of the former to stop the activity and control its intensity when he/she chooses to do so (Kafka, 1993; Schneider, 1994). Cooper (1998) defines sexual compulsion as an uncontrollable urge to perform an irrational sexual act even if the individual is well aware of its negative consequences. For example, consider the second paragraph of Joe's account whereby he reported being unable to stop his Cybersexual pursuits or the second paragraph of Ari's interview excerpt whereby he proudly admitted to have gained control over his sexuality and did not feel controlled by it any longer. Another factor determining compulsivity is the frequency of the activity (Kafka, 1993). In their study on online sexual compulsivity, Cooper, Putnam, et al., (1999) reported that individuals who spend 11 or more hours per week pursuing Cybersex experienced far more negative intrapersonal and interpersonal consequences than their occasional (one to three hours per week) counterparts. For example, consider Steve's account of admitting to spending a maximum of 12 hours per week on Cybersex and feeling guilty and depressed as a result or Ari's considerable guilt for spending 12-14 hours per week searching for free porno pictures.

For a minority of individuals, Cybersex compulsion becomes an addiction whereby the sexual experience becomes processed through a four-step cycle and the gratification derived from it becomes intensified with each repetition. As Carnes (1994) points out, this four-step cycle includes (a) the obsessive/preoccupation stage--a mental state whereby an addict's mind becomes engrossed with sexual thoughts and imagery, leading to an almost obsessive search for sexual stimulation (consider how Joe's initial search for a few porno pictures turned into an almost incessant preoccupation lasting for hours); (b) the ritualization stage--an anticipatory preparatory period whereby the addict prepares the front stage (Goffman, 1959/1974) that would eventually accommodate the carrying-out of his backstage sexual experience (consider the description of Steve's and Keith's Cybersexual routine in the third paragraph of their interview excerpts); (c) the compulsive sexual behavior stage--referring to the actual enactment of the various sexual acts, which the addict feels unable to control (consider Joe's, Tim's, Steve's, Keith's, and Ari's admitting to masturbating at various Cybersexual images); and (d) the desperation stage--having to do with the accompanying feelings of powerlessness, emptiness, hopelessness, depression, shame, and guilt following the completion of the sexual experience (consider Joe's, Steve's, Ezra's, and Ari's admitting of guilt for indulging in their Cybersexual pursuits).

Like any other forms of compulsion, Cybersex compulsion can be treated with cognitive behavior techniques, which essentially teach patients how to identify and solve the problem as well as how to learn coping skills to prevent its relapse (van Wormer & Davis, 2003). Often treatment is performed in conjunction with medication. In addition, support groups with similarly affected individuals are recommended as a valuable source for social, emotional, and psychological support (Carnes et al., 2001; Delmonico et al., 2001; Orzack, 2004).

The last paragraph of Ari's interview excerpt suggests a strengths-based approach for treating compulsive and at-risk Cybersexual pursuits. Substituting time spent surfing the Internet for porn with some other positive activity (such as developing a hobby or volunteering to help others in need) and becoming more sociable (such as initiating new friendships or revitalizing old ones) tends to break the cycle of compulsion as the individual's mental and emotional energies become channeled and expended toward more positive ends. The last two steps he identified are very important in helping the individual develop patience--as he learns how to wait through his overwhelming desire to indulge in Cybersexual pursuits--by not punishing himself for having sexual urges but learning the skill of reducing the frequency of their actualization to a comfortable and guilt-free level.

CONCLUSION

The relative ease, anonymity, and affordability of establishing and maintaining sexual interactions on the Internet tends to have negative intrapersonal consequences for Cybersex compulsives and at-risk users in terms of experiencing considerable guilt, depression, anxiety, and a general inability to experience adequate intimacy with real-life partners (Benotsch, Kalichman, & Cage, 2002; Cooper et al., 2004; Cooper, Putnam et al., 1999; Cooper, Scherer et al., 1999; Delmonico, 1997; Lane, 2000).

Waskul (2004), however, rightly argues that, for many individuals, the Internet constitutes an important avenue for healthy sexual pursuits. For instance, he contends that Cybersex might prove very useful for (a) gay adolescents or physically/mentally challenged, unattractive, or shy individuals living in rural areas far removed from the social support networks of urban areas and (b) women who desperately seek anonymity in an effort to expand their sexual repertoire beyond the limited bounds of the androcentric double standard. Although Cybersexual pursuits by committed couples have often been labeled as a new kind of "virtual infidelity," the editor goes on to say that easy access to Internet sex has also rejuvenated otherwise monotonous monogamous relationships.

The effect of compulsive and at-risk Cybersex use on relational well-being (dating, marital, and familial) constitutes a neglected area of research that warrants further investigation. Even though it is intuitively appealing to assume that compulsive Cybersex use is automatically detrimental to relational happiness and stability, there are couples who consider virtual sexual stimulations as relational sexual stimulants. Various questions, however, need to be answered that, due to space limitations, are beyond the scope of the present study. These are (a) at what frequencies are Cybersexual pursuits considered beneficial to some couples, and when do they turn pathological and destructive to the couples' sexual relationships, (b) are joint partner Cybersex pursuits more beneficial than solitary ones, and (c) which of the two partners tends to benefit most from Cybersex pursuits, and what are some of his/her social psychological characteristics? Finally, other neglected areas of study include the effect of Cybersex on individuals from different racial, cultural, ethnic, and religious backgrounds as well as a detailed exploration into the intrapersonal and interpersonal effects of the different types of Cybersex pornography.

Correspondence concerning this article should be addressed to Andreas Philaretou, 1501 Harvey Road, Apt. # 526, College Station, TX 77840. Electronic mail: [e-mail].

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ANDREAS G. PHILARETOU

Western Michigan University

Kalamazoo, MI

AHMED Y. MAHFOUZ

Prairie View A&M University

College Station, TX

KATHERINE R. ALLEN

Virginia Polytechnic Institute & State University

Blacksburg, VA