Understanding at-risk Korean American youth.

The variables that contribute to being at risk for school dropout among Korean American adolescents were investigated and possible intervention strategies were explored through qualitative interviews with 10 Korean American adolescents. Three major themes contributing to the students being at risk emerged: (a) a sense of alienation, (b) feelings of helplessness and hopelessness, and (c) searching for support. Intervention strategies for school counselors were generated with respect to their roles and functions defined by the ASCA National Model[R].

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Korean Americans are one of the fastest growing ethnic groups in the United States (U.S. Census Bureau, 2002). Approximately 1 million Korean Americans reside in the United States, which reflects a 37% increase since 1990. In 2000, the dropout rate for Asian/Pacific Islander youth (3.5%) was lower than for youth from any other racial/ethnic group (U.S. Department of Education's National Center for Education Statistics, 2001). However, in metropolitan areas such as New York, the dropout rate for this group was much higher than the national dropout rate for this group. According to the Board of Education of the City of New York (1998), 9% of Asian students, including Korean Americans, dropped out of school during the 1997-1998 school year and 22.9% were retained. As the Korean American population grows, the need for attention to at-risk Korean American students also will increase. Yet, limited research has been devoted to this population.

GENERAL VARIABLES AFFECTING SCHOOL DROPOUT

Researchers have endeavored to identify characteristics predictive of dropping out of school. Contributing factors have included individual, family, school, and community influences. For example, low socioeconomic status has been cited as influencing dropping out of school (Bradby, Owings, & Quinn, 1992; Gruskin, Campbell, & Paulu, 1987; McMillen, Kaufman, & Klein, 1997; Orr, 1987; Weis, Farrar, & Petrie, 1989). Other identified factors have included a family member's drug or alcohol abuse (National Collaboration for Youth, 1989; Tindall, 1988); physical or emotional abuse (Tindall); and family trauma, such as death, divorce, violence, separation, or unemployment (Farmer & Payne, 1992; Tindall; Weber & Mertens, 1987; Wehlage, Rutter, & Turnbauch, 1987; Wells, Bechard, & Hamby, 1989). Additionally, students are more likely to drop out of school if they have a family member who has dropped out (Bhaerman & Kopp, 1988; National Collaboration for Youth; Tindall). If parents have low education levels, limited expectations of their children and education itself, and ineffective parenting skills, their children are more likely to drop out of school (Farmer & Payne; Gruskin et al.; Reyes, 1989; Tindall).

Psychological, behavioral, physical, and sociocultural influences on school dropout also have been identified. These include low self-concept and self-esteem, an unclear sense of identity (Bhaerman & Kopp, 1988; Reyes, 1989; Weber & Mertens, 1987; Wehlage et al., 1987; Weis et al., 1989), low motivation, limited educational and occupational aspirations (Eckert, 1989; Farmer & Payne, 1992; Weber & Mertens; Wells et al., 1989), and undefined educational goals. Furthermore, students at risk of dropping out of school avoid taking responsibility for their schoolwork (Wells, 1990) and have negative attitudes toward school (Eckert; Farmer & Payne; Weber & Mertens).

Students who are at risk of dropping out of school often demonstrate disruptive school behaviors (Reyes, 1989; Farmer & Payne, 1992; Tindall, 1988) and tend to lack social adjustment skills (Bhaerman & Kopp, 1988). They also tend to be involved in antisocial activities that conflict with the law (Farmer & Payne; Gruskin et al., 1987). Being employed (Bhaerman & Kopp; Farmer & Payne; Gruskin et al.) and becoming pregnant or getting married (Orr, 1987; Weber & Mertens, 1987; Wells, 1990; Wells et al., 1989) also increase the risk of dropping out of school.

Researchers have found that the school environment often plays the most important role in a student's decision to drop out (Eckert, 1989; Farmer & Payne, 1992; Kronick & Harcis, 1998; Orr, 1987; Payne, 1989; Reyes, 1989; Roderick, 1993; Wehlage, 1989; Weis et al., 1989; Wells, 1990). Burned-out teachers who are not interested in students, perceived injustices and discrimination by teachers (Farmer & Payne; Payne), and low expectations of students by a school or teachers (Wells; Wells et al., 1989) contribute to higher dropout rates.

Institutional tracking (Roderick, 1993), ineffective or unfair discipline systems (Farmer & Payne, 1992; Payne, 1989; Reyes, 1989; Wehlage et al., 1987), and a lack of cooperation among students, teachers, parents, and administrators further promote the decision to drop out of school. Additionally, a lack of alternative programs to meet the needs of potential dropouts and a lack of adequate counseling services contribute to school dropout (Eckert, 1989; National Collaboration for Youth, 1989; Weber & Mertens, 1987). Transitions from levels of schooling (Roderick, 1993), as well as frequent school transfers within levels, also increase the likelihood that a student will drop out (Bhaerman & Kopp, 1988; Wells et al., 1989).

A community's peer networks and peer group norms also affect dropout behaviors (Eckert, 1989; Reyes, 1989). Through membership in networks that promote at-risk behaviors, youth become detached from school and their families, becoming dependent on peer groups for emotional, psychological, and material support. When younger youth associate with older youth through these networks, school avoidance behaviors increase. Furthermore, a limited availability of social services programs--such as drug and alcohol abuse programs, family counseling, and mental health centers--also contributes to at-risk behaviors (Wells et al., 1989).

AT-RISK FACTORS AFFECTING ASIAN AMERICAN STUDENTS

Several factors may impede Asian American students' adjustment in American school systems (Bradby et al., 1992; Chancellor's Asian/Pacific American Advisory Council, 1993; New York City Board of Education, 1989). For example, their limited English proficiency tends to decrease students' confidence and self-efficacy with regards to education, and it lowers their aspirations for graduating from high school and advancing into higher education (Bradby et al.). The unfamiliar concept of individual self as well as newly expected classroom behaviors and learning methodologies (active participation and discussion of new ideas) differ from those used in their country of origin (passive receptivity and rote memorization) and impede Asian American students' learning (New York City Board of Education).

Improper assessment and class placement based on either English proficiency (New York City Board of Education, 1989) or the age of the student (Chancellor's Asian/Pacific American Advisory Council, 1993) is likely to cause difficulties for Asian American students, leading to frustration and alienation stemming from the inability to relate to classmates if placed in a class with younger students, or to unreasonably high levels of English proficiency needed if placed in an age-appropriate class (New York City Board of Education). Furthermore, antagonistic attitudes toward Asian Americans by other students, as well as conflicts between native-born and foreign-born Asian American students (Chancellor's Asian/Pacific American Advisory Council), also impede Asian American students' healthy school adjustment.

Asian American students' school adjustment also is influenced by personal and familial factors such as (a) low self-esteem caused by identity confusion, (b) role reversal in the family created by the children being more English proficient than their parents, and (c) underutilization of counseling due to the "unwritten rule" of family privacy. Furthermore, low socioeconomic status, high parental expectations for academic achievement, and lack of parental involvement in school also have been found to create school adjustment problems for Asian American students (Bradby et al., 1992; Chancellor's Asian/Pacific American Advisory Council, 1993; New York City Board of Education, 1989).

PURPOSE OF THIS STUDY

Researchers have identified characteristics that place students at risk for school dropout, as well as characteristics specific to Asian American students that influence school maladjustment. Although the Korean American population is growing, little research has been conducted specific to Korean American students who may be at risk for dropping out of school. This study was conducted to investigate variables that were perceived to contribute to being at risk for school dropout among Korean American adolescents in New York City. The researchers also examined solutions that at-risk Korean American adolescents perceive as beneficial for alleviating variables influencing school dropout.

METHOD

A qualitative, individualized interview approach was used to explore the perspectives of at-risk Korean American adolescents in developing behaviors that lead to school dropout. Furthermore, an "ascriptive identity" (Lofland & Lofland, 1995, p. 17) approach that emphasizes intimate familiarity based on identity similarity was used, because the primary researcher's ethnic and bicultural identity as a Korean American was expected to increase the possibility of gathering rich information from those being interviewed.

Informants

The participants were Korean American adolescents living in New York City who were referred to the primary author by the directors of two independent youth centers serving Korean American youth. To be eligible for participation in the study, the informants had to meet at least three at-risk criteria (i.e., family history of school dropout, limited proficiency in English, retention during one or more years in school, status of dropout from school). Additionally, participants were considered by the center directors to be thoughtful, articulate, and wilting to cooperate (Patron, 1990). Fifteen adolescents were referred for a screening interview and 10 were chosen for further interviews.

The informants' ages ranged from 16 to 19 years. Four had dropped out of school, 1 was attending an alternative school, and 5 were in the 10th grade. Five were male and 5 were female. Four informants primarily spoke English with peers and 6 spoke Korean.

Procedures

In-depth interviews following a semistructured interview guide were used as the primary method of data collection. This approach allowed the flexibility for adapting wording and sequences of questions according to each informant's preferences and needs (Patron, 1990) and allowed the researcher to be flexible when exploring issues that might be revealed when asking questions and interacting with participants (Glesne & Peshkin, 1992). Each interview lasted approximately 50 minutes, and each informant was interviewed at least three times to collect information-rich data. Interviews were performed in the language, either English or Korean, chosen by each informant.

The credibility of the study was enhanced through triangulation of data (interview and observation), triangulation of sources (adolescent and parent), triangulation of analyst, and informant check (Patton, 1990). Face-to-face interviews included observation of informants' behaviors. The recording of behavioral observations facilitated the cross-checking validity of information drawn from interviews by helping sort out inconsistent responses. For triangulation of sources, the maternal parent of each informant was interviewed once. The interview results obtained from parents were used to compare and cross-check the consistency of information provided by their children. For analyst triangulation, a Korean American doctoral student majoring in psychology was used. For informant check, typed transcripts of interviews were returned to the informants after each interview with instructions for them to verify the accuracy and validity of the data.

Data Analysis

Preliminary data analysis was conducted concurrently with data collection. Final analysis was completed after the last interview. Each audiotaped interview was transcribed and analyzed before the subsequent interview so that categories and patterns of the informant's story could be examined and missing information identified for further exploration in the following session. Large coding categories were pre-assigned. The two main categories were the contributing factors to at-risk behaviors and informant-generating intervention strategies, both of which covered four domains, or subcodes: (a) school, (b) community, (c) family, and (d) individual. After each set of transcripts was organized, the researcher carefully read the data twice to get a sense of the totality of the data, as recommended by Bogdan and Biklen (1998).

RESULTS

Three major themes contributing to the students being at risk emerged from the data analysis: (a) a sense of alienation, (b) feelings of helplessness and hopelessness, and (c) searching for shelter.

Sense of Alienation

A sense of alienation appeared to deter the youth from being successful in school. The youth reported that they began to develop school avoidance attitudes and behaviors, such as high absenteeism and frequent class cutting, when they perceived that they were not treated as independent, respectable individuals both at school and at home. School-related factors that provoked feelings of alienation were (a) insensitive and discriminatory school personnel, (b) peer harassment, and (c) cultural discrepancies.

Although all informants presented these factors as obstacles to their school success, English-speaking informants differed from non-English-speaking informants. English-speaking participants experienced alienation in elementary school and displayed class-cutting behaviors as early as the sixth grade. All English-speaking informants had dropped out of school by the 10th grade. In contrast, the Korean-speaking youth experienced a sense of alienation after they entered high school. The Korean-speaking youth reported that they were average or above-average students before they came to America and that they had worked hard in school during the early adjustment period in the United States.

The Korean-speaking youth claimed teachers' prejudiced, insensitive, uncaring, and sometimes even aversive attitudes toward them, along with perceived unfair disciplinary policies, evoked a desire to stay away from school. To illustrate, one informant complained, "Once you give a bad impression in any way, that goes forever. They think like, 'She can do only this much.' That makes me feel bad." Another informant endorsed this statement by saying,

   Although I go to school regularly, teachers
   would still treat me according to an image
   they have of who I was. I was late one time,
   breaking well-developed routines, then the
   teacher told me that my old habit came out
   again. Instead, she should have applauded my
   efforts to improve. But they didn't. They just
   see me as the way I was in the past. When they
   see me as a low achiever, then I don't wanna
   go to that class because I am always treated
   that way. When I take a test, and I score high,
   then they think I cheated. They just think like
   that. If I get 100 by studying hard, then they
   think, "You cheated. How could you score
   100? You always get 60." They only think like
   that. Therefore, because they don't recognize
   me for my effort, I don't feel like studying.

Peer harassment, such as discrimination by other students, also contributed to school avoidance behaviors. One informant stated,

   In our classes, not speaking English ... we call
   that "being caught" among us. If I stay quiet,
   they don't know that I can't speak English.
   But once I am "caught" ... then from that
   moment on the other students look down
   upon me. They curse me thinking I don't
   understand it. As you know, we understand.
   Problem is we can't respond in English.
   Therefore, we hate school because we can't
   talk back against the offense.

A sense of alienation also was related to cultural differences. In Korean culture, affective emotion and interdependency in human relationships are valued. There is an expectation that the teachers will be as personally invested and protective of students as in a parent-child relationship. When these expectations are met with the formality of actual student-teacher dynamics, the teachers are perceived as indifferent. One informant described this cultural discrepancy:

   They just see us as students. There's no
   Cheong [an affective emotion of Korean people
   in forming relationships with others].
   Before, a teacher played a joke on me. So I
   thought I became closer to the teacher, but
   this was not the case.

The lack of school activities with which Korean students could readily identify was reported to prevent students from developing a sense of belonging and ownership. As one informant explained,

   We don't have interest in school activities. In
   Korea, we wait for a field day with excitement
   from a week before the day. But here if there
   is a music concert or a play, American peers
   pour into the auditorium with excitement.
   But we have no interest. Even though teachers
   require us to attend to pass classes, many
   don't go.

Feelings of Helplessness and Hopelessness

Overall, the youth seemed to appreciate the value of education, as well as their parents' efforts to promote their educational success. Because the youth did value education as well as the expectations of their parents, they felt disappointed, frustrated, ashamed, and guilty about their lack of success in school, which ultimately led them to feeling helpless and hopeless. None of the youth could identify a single educational or life goal for their future. Feelings of helplessness and hopelessness were more obvious among the Korean-speaking youth than among their English-speaking counterparts. Three factors seemed to have largely provoked feelings of helplessness and hopelessness: (a) language deficiency, (b) retention, and (c) lack of adequate counseling services.

The language deficiencies of the Korean-speaking youth had a detrimental effect on their success in school. They experienced difficulty keeping up with class work and completing homework. One informant described how she struggled when homework was beyond her ability:

   I get homework that I have no idea what to do
   with. For example, if I have to write an essay,
   to begin to think that this is beyond my ability,
   I can't finish it. This continues until the
   next morning, I stay anxious with the thought
   that I have to do it, but in the end, I can't finish
   it. Then I don't go to school.

Retention was another factor that contributed to the loss of hope among the informants. Because a retention system does not exist in Korea and age plays a critical role in establishing and maintaining peer relationships in the Korean culture, being older than their peers caused the youth to experience shame and anxiety. When this sense of shame and anxiety was coupled with their inability to keep up, as well as the perceived lack of support from teachers, the youth were more likely to give up on school success.

Lack of adequate counseling services intensified some informants' feelings of hopelessness as well. All of the English-speaking informants stated that they had "never thought of meeting school counselors," and they felt offended when they were referred to a counselor. In contrast, the Korean-speaking informants perceived that the difficulty of making appointments with counselors, the short period of time available for discourse, and the perceived unkind, official attitude of counselors made them feel discouraged because this counseling was seen as a last resort before dropping out of school.

Searching for Shelter

The youth's desire to avoid contact with academically successful peers and their feelings of inferiority, inadequacy, and isolation evoked from teachers contributed to their skipping classes and meeting up with at-risk peers for comfort. In addition, ineffective discipline and parental pressure to succeed (as perceived by the student), as well as the lack of a positive support system, increased the likelihood of spending time with peers with similar issues and concerns. While the youth cited "having fun" and "habit" as immediate factors leading to their lack of success in school, their behaviors of pursuing fun over schoolwork could be understood as an escape from feelings of inadequacy and frustration stemming from their inability to successfully carry out their school responsibilities.

English-speaking youth and Korean-speaking youth differed in the ways they chose to relieve their frustrations with school and home. The English-speaking youth expanded their social networks to include at-risk peers from different ethnic groups, either pursuing popularity, or developing substance abuse behaviors, or both. Popularity was sought by boys through conforming to a "tough-guy" image and by girls through focusing on their appearance. The youth who pursued popularity demonstrated high self-esteem because of the popularity that they had earned among their peers.

Regardless of the primary language that the youth used, their efforts to search for comfort and security were rewarded by finding ways out of their discomfort. These efforts included (a) manipulating school policies, (b) using an empty house for congregating, and (c) using community entertainment facilities. The informants reported that they would cut classes often because, once they were out of the school door, no effort was made to prevent them from leaving. The informants indicated that the presence of a strict security check on incoming students, coupled with a loose check on outgoing students, increased the tendency to avoid coming to school altogether by skipping.

When both parents were employed, the informants took advantage of the absence of the parents and used their houses as gathering places. In the absence of adult supervision, the youth could enjoy their own activities during school hours, expanding their social network of at-risk peers. One stated,

   I lived like right by the school, like a block
   away, and like tight in front of the school.
   While classes were changing, you could just
   run out of the school and we would go to my
   house. That's when my house became like a
   party house. That's when I started really messing
   up. Because I became one of those teenage
   party machines--cut every day ... started like
   a bad habit of drinking.

The youth also used various community entertainment facilities as shelters. Culturally oriented Korean-owned businesses, such as pool halls, comic-book stores (Manhwabang), cafes, diners, karaoke places (Noraebang), and night clubs, provided comfortable social settings for the youth. By frequenting these places, the youth made friends with other at-risk Korean American peers of different ages and genders who were from different schools or who had already dropped out of school.

The expansion of their social network provided the youth with more opportunities to intensify their at-risk behaviors, further increasing the possibility of dropping out of school. One informant said, "All my friends are dropped out of school. So I would like to drop out, and hang out with them." The negative influence of association with at-risk peers was magnified when younger adolescents were involved with youth older than themselves. Through association with older youth in the community, the informants also learned that they could take the General Equivalency Diploma (GED) examination and go to college if they quit school. Knowing this information increased the likelihood of paying less attention to high school graduation. As one informant said,

   From junior high school I knew I would be
   GED. If you get a hundred kids, all hundred
   of them would know what GED is. They rely
   on it. So all my friends were like, "GED,
   GED." GED wasn't even a second choice for
   me. It wasn't even in the back of my head.
   The fact that I knew that such a thing existed,
   it was hard to deny it.

Interventions

The youth described several ways they may have been helped to make a better adjustment to school. For example, the youth looked for personalized care from teachers. They wanted teachers to demonstrate sensitivity to their needs and feelings. When the youth returned to a class after cutting, they expected teachers to have a private conference, rather than dealing with them in class. One informant said, "I wish teachers would ask me questions in person, not in front of the whole class. It's embarrassing."

In addition to more personal involvement from teachers, the informants and their parents expected counselors to play a more active role in their lives. Despite the English-speaking youth's negative perceptions toward counseling, all the informants responded that they had looked to school counselors for help from time to time when they realized that they were headed in the wrong direction. One informant voiced this realization by saying, "I've made terrible choices in my life. What should I do? This is a recurring issue for me." Similarly, the youth and some parents suggested that parental involvement in school would help alleviate at-risk behaviors.

Peer intervention also was suggested as an effective strategy. One informant who transferred to an alternative school described his experience of helping other peers:

   We, 12th graders, gathered together last year
   and agreed that we won't let the same things
   happen again. And we didn't cut and told
   other kids not to, either. Guys thought it was
   a nice club, but girls said, "What kind of violent
   organization is this!" We took kids home
   and told them not to cut classes. They were
   told that if they cut again, then they would get
   in trouble saying, "How are you gonna support
   yourself later?" Kids followed us well and
   they almost did not cut again.

In relation to peers, the youth perceived that both associating with the right peers and separating from the wrong peers could help them change. When the youth referred to the right peers, they mostly talked about a supportive girlfriend or boyfriend.

DISCUSSION

The American School Counselor Association National Model (ASCA, 2003) emphasizes that school counselors are to be leaders, advocates, and collaborators who promote success in school by attending to every student's academic, career, social, and personal needs. Certainly, the outcomes envisioned from the ASCA National Model have implications for counselors working with at-risk Korean American youth and their families. School counselors in school communities where Korean American students are present should recognize that these students have unique needs, such as the desire to receive culture- and language-sensitive responses from all school personnel. One area in which cultural sensitivity is needed is individual student planning. The failure of these youth in school seems to stem in large part from feelings of hopelessness and helplessness. School counselors' attention to Korean American youth's educational, personal, and occupational goals may infuse hope into their lives.

The sense of isolation that at-risk Korean American youth feel in school and the perceptions of limited counseling opportunities available to them indicate a greater need for responsive services via individual and group counseling. Increased individual counseling opportunities would help the youth identify a caring adult within the school system and may increase their interest in school. In addition, group counseling with these youth could have great utilities. Participation in groups may provide at-risk Korean American students with opportunities to build supportive peer relationships at school, rather than seeking peer support among those who have already dropped out of school. Such groups may address negative experiences such as discrimination, frustration caused by limited English proficiency, cultural conflicts, peer pressure, and conflicted relationships with parents.

The development and implementation of peer helping programs also may be beneficial for at-risk Korean American youth. For the Korean-speaking at-risk youth in this study, peer tutoring seemed to help them to concurrently meet their academic and social needs. Peer mentors can provide support in the school environment, thus enhancing a sense of belonging and hopefulness.

Promoting a school climate that is accepting of diverse cultures is critical to helping at-risk Korean American youth embrace their ethnic identity while also promoting a sense of belonging in school. School counselors should develop and deliver classroom guidance units promoting multicultural awareness to all students. They may want to introduce multicultural events such as international festivals and Korean New Year celebrations. Utilizing Korean American community resources, such as guest speakers, would be an effective way of enhancing understanding of Korean American students.

School counselors also need to promote the involvement of Korean American parents in their children's education. Both the youth and the parents in this study believed that greater parental involvement in school could decrease school failure. Because many parents have limited English proficiency, meetings with Korean American parents need to be conducted in Korean by Korean-speaking counselors or by providing translation services. The need to engage Korean American fathers is especially emphasized because of their traditional lack of involvement in child rearing.

School counselors also need to promote understanding among other school personnel, through staff development opportunities, about the sense of isolation experienced by Korean American students. School counselors should conduct staff development opportunities to solicit cooperation from other school personnel in order to alleviate students' sense of frustration and alienation. It is especially important that teachers know that these youth desire more personal contact with teachers.

School counselors need to enlist the community's support in providing a healthy community environment for youth at risk. This can include the school counselor's efforts to highlight issues confronting at-risk youth through such activities as writing articles for Korean newspapers and making presentations for Korean community organizations. Because the students in this study did not seem to be involved in positive extracurricular activities, school counselors may enlist the support of leaders in the Korean American community to plan and implement extracurricular activities that would be meaningful for these youth.

Limitations

The generalizability of the findings of this study is limited. The study was conducted in one of the five boroughs of New York City. Because of the heavy concentration of Korean immigrants in this borough, informants' socioeconomic, cultural, and educational circumstances may not represent those of Korean Americans residing in other geographic locations. Furthermore, a small number of informants participated in the research and purposeful sampling was used, which limits generalizability beyond the sample studied. However, the purpose of qualitative research is to maximize opportunities to gather in-depth information, rather than generalization (Patton, 1990). Informants were selected based on ability and willingness to provide in-depth information. This informant selection methodology excluded adolescents who were judged by the primary researcher to have a limited ability to provide information-rich data. Consequently, the results may only represent the views of Korean adolescents who are capable of higher levels of verbal expression. Finally, some interviews were conducted in Korean. In this circumstance, translation may have diluted the original meaning of information provided by the participants.

Conclusion

All students are able to achieve regardless of their ethnic backgrounds if they are given proper support. School counselors who fully embrace the concepts of the ASCA National Model will be able to effectively serve those Korean American youth who can be described as discouraged individuals who need encouragement and support from school counselors if they are to adjust and be successful in the American school system.

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Suhyun Suh, Ed. D., is an assistant professor in Counselor Education, Counseling Psychology, and School Psychology, Auburn University, AL. E-mail:[e-mail] Jamie Satcher, Ph.D., is a professor, Program in Counselor Education, the University of Alabama, Tuscaloosa, AL.