Trade pacts fall short. (Book Review).Two developments--regionalism in Latin America Latin America, the Spanish-speaking, Portuguese-speaking, and French-speaking countries (except Canada) of North America, South America, Central America, and the West Indies. and the multilateral trade system--are the subjects of this book by Maria Cristina Rosas, a social sciences professor at the Universidad Nacional Aut6noma de Mexico. Regional trade pacts such as Mercosur have not satisfied the needs of development in Latin American countries List of American countries Nations:
v. in·dus·tri·al·ized, in·dus·tri·al·iz·ing, in·dus·tri·al·iz·es v.tr. 1. To develop industry in (a country or society, for example). 2. nations. Such access, reciprocal--or, better still, preferential--is vital for Latin America's economic liftoff. But protectionism by the developed world obstructs progress. Paradoxically (some would say cynically), since the end of the Cold War the advanced countries have preached and imposed economic liberalization Economic liberalization is a broad term that usually refers to less government regulations and restrictions in the economy in exchange for greater participation of private entities; the doctrine is associated with neoliberalism. on underdeveloped countries while maintaining strong protectionist measures against foreign products. They have done so by alleging concerns about sanitation, dumping and political agendas. Rosas details how the advance of globalization globalization Process by which the experience of everyday life, marked by the diffusion of commodities and ideas, is becoming standardized around the world. Factors that have contributed to globalization include increasingly sophisticated communications and transportation by means of its primary method, deregulation Deregulation The reduction or elimination of government power in a particular industry, usually enacted to create more competition within the industry. Notes: Traditional areas that have been deregulated are the telephone and airline industries. , weakens national autonomy. Reduced autonomy not only implies that governments have less power to control events within their borders, but it also robs them of the ability to negotiate at the international level. Rosas argues that economic decisions increasingly fall into the hands of transnational companies. There is a "privatization privatization: see nationalization. privatization Transfer of government services or assets to the private sector. State-owned assets may be sold to private owners, or statutory restrictions on competition between privately and publicly owned of the decision-making process on a planetary scale," she says. While constant supervision is exerted on governments, above all on the less-developed economies so that they do not restrict economic liberalization, oversight of big companies diminishes or disappears. The author cites the arrival of monopolies like Microsoft to support her case. Rosas' book springs from her doctoral thesis and is backed by long and meticulous research and tables and data from economic and social indicators in Mexico, as well as from other Latin American countries. The work also contains a useful compendium of organizations, agreements and trade balances, as well as an evaluation of the first seven years of the North America North America, third largest continent (1990 est. pop. 365,000,000), c.9,400,000 sq mi (24,346,000 sq km), the northern of the two continents of the Western Hemisphere. Free Trade Agreement. Many analysts say it is too soon to form a judgment on Nafta, but Rosas suggests it is possible to make certain observations, among them that the huge expectations that accompanied the pact have been modified to more limited expectations. The agreement ushered in a remarkable increase in trade among its three main partners-the United States, Mexico and Canada In tandem, however, greater interaction exacerbated certain problems, including increased Mexican immigration immigration, entrance of a person (an alien) into a new country for the purpose of establishing permanent residence. Motives for immigration, like those for migration generally, are often economic, although religious or political factors may be very important. into the United States and a rise in drug trafficking. Rosas concludes on a pessimistic tone: With the failure of the third ministerial summit of the World Trade Organization in Seattle in late 1999, developing countries lost the possibility to promote their economic interests before the block of developed nations. Although the book was written before the fourth WTO See World Trade Organization. summit in Doha, Qatar, the author believes the multilateral trade system is in crisis and she doesn't put much hope in Doha. "Latin America and the Caribbean face greater uncertainties now," she writes. Latin America is in "limbo," awaiting an extraordinary event or a miracle that starts a new dynamic and encourages new hope. That event could be a quick implementation of the Free Trade Area of the Americas The Free Trade Area of the Americas (FTAA) (Spanish: Área de Libre Comercio de las Américas (ALCA), French: Zone de libre-échange des Amériques (ZLÉA), Portuguese: Área de Livre Comércio das Américas , an enormous effort to unify the continent in a framework of free trade that, at the moment, seems to have slammed on its brakes. Whatever the new path, Rosas concludes, it's vital to remember that "the final purpose of economic activity is not the submission of the society to the service of the market, but the opposite." Or as Charles Pasqua, France's former interior minister, said years ago: "What matters is not the market; what matters is people." The International Economy in the 21st Century: The WTO, the United States and Latin America By Maria Cristina Rosas Universidad Nacional Autonoma de Mexico US$30 |
|
||||||||||||||

Printer friendly
Cite/link
Email
Feedback
Reader Opinion