Toward a gender-inclusive conception of intimate partner violence research and theory: part 1--traditional perspectives.

Some three decades after the first shelters for battered women were established in England and the United States, public discourse and public policy on intimate partner violence (IPV) has framed the problem in terms of male perpetration and female victimization. Ideally, policy ought to be informed by unbiased research. However, IPV research has, until very recently, almost exclusively been concerned with the physical and psychological abuse of women by their male partners, and has ignored or marginalized alternative lines of research that suggest female-perpetrated partner abuse is a significant social problem. The reluctance to investigate these issues in an objective and scientific manner has been due to the prevailing patriarchal conception of intimate partner violence, a paradigm based on radical feminist sociopolitical ideology. In this paper, neglected lines of research are reviewed, including studies conducted in the 1980s and 1990s on offender personalities, self-defense, the effects of IPV and other contextual factors, emotional abuse and control, and the dynamics of high-conflict and violent couples.

Keywords: intimate partner violence (IPV), female perpetrators, male victims, patriarchy, personality types

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In December 2005, the United States Congress passed legislation reauthorizing the Violence Against Women Act (VAWA), originally enacted in 1996. As its name suggests, this legislation has funded programs that help female victims of intimate partner violence (IPV). The new version finally acknowledged that men, too, can be victims, and allows funding to be made available for this population (Young, 2006). This was only possible, however, because of persistent lobbying by men's rights groups, over the strenuous objections of battered women's advocates. Unless this resistance can be overcome, however, there is a strong possibility that the new legislation will have only a marginal impact on future prevention and intervention efforts with men.

The resistance comes from adherents to a particularly extreme form of feminist ideology who have shaped public attitudes and intervention policy over the past three decades by disseminating what many consider misleading and false information on IPV. Thus one finds on the official website of the National Coalition Against Domestic Violence (2006) the statement that 85 percent of IPV victims are women, while the American Bar Association's Commission on Domestic Violence puts the percentage at 90-95 percent (American Bar Association, 2006). On the VAWNET website (www.vawnet.org), we are told that "women use violence for a variety of reasons, but a common one is to defend themselves. Men typically use violence to control their female partners" (Dekeseredy, 2002, p. 3).

Actually, men and women assault one another at approximately equal rates (Archer, 2000) and do so for similar reasons (Medeiros & Straus, 2006). These findings are either disbelieved or ignored, and consequently domestic violence policy consists of arresting male perpetrators and mandating them to psycho-educational batterer intervention program (BIP) groups, many of which have been shown to be only marginally effective (Babcock, Canady, Graham, & Scharp, 2006), while providing supportive services to their female victims, despite the reality that many of them are co-perpetrators in the relationship. Men are arrested for intimate partner violence at far greater rates than women, and make up the vast majority of BIP participants. Men who have merely been accused of domestic violence may find themselves denied their parental rights (Heleniak, 2005). Finally, out of nearly 1,800 shelters in the United States, only the Antelope Valley Oasis Shelter in Southern California (Ensign & Jones, 2006) and perhaps one or two others accept male residents.

The Beginning of the Domestic Violence Movement

Wife abuse has always been prosecuted in the United States under existing assault and battery statutes. Not until the 1880s did various states enact laws specific to domestic violence, but those statutes were weakly enforced. By the 1960s and 1970s, the preferred police response to domestic disputes, including those involving physical violence, was mediation (Young, 2005). Mental health professionals often put victims in danger by not distinguishing between less serious, mutually abusive cases from those involving life-threatening attacks by a dominant, predatory partner (Hansen & Harway, 1995; Pagelow, 1981). The battered women's movement represented a grassroots response to this state of affairs (Martin, 1976; Pizzey, 1974). Initially made up of victims and their supporters, the movement was soon joined by academic feminists interested in the general advancement of women's rights. Citing victim accounts of highly controlling husbands, these feminists began to define spousal abuse as a gender issue, and provided the movement with a ready-made theory both to explain the problem and to provide a blueprint for change (see Table 1). In this patriarchal conception, "the correct interpretation of violence between husbands and wives conceptualizes such violence as the extension of the domination and control of husbands over their wives" (Dobash & Dobash, 1979, p. 15).

Rather than rely on interviews with abused women in shelters, the team of Straus, Gelles and Steinmetz (1979) gathered data from large representative national sample surveys, asked both the male and female respondents about their abuse, and inquired about rates of child abuse as well as interparental violence. In contrast to the sociopolitical feminist analysis, they conceptualized partner violence within the context of interpersonal conflict. The results, indicating that in intimate relationships men and women physically assault one another at approximately equal rates, were roundly criticized. Many feminists favored women's personal accounts over statistical analyses they construed as inherently male-centered, while others criticized Straus et al.'s methodology, noting, for example, the obvious limitations of a study which did not seek information about who initiated the violence, or their reasons for doing so (Yllo, 1988). "A kick with an open-toed sandal," wrote Pagelow (1981), "administered under a bridge table and an angry kick from a pointed western boot are vastly different in both the aggressor's intent to cause injury (the social meaning behind the act) and possible injury sustained" (p. 25). The not-so-subtle point, with references to western boots and sandals, is not simply that different individuals may be motivated to aggress for different reasons (which is, of course, true), but that only men intend to cause harm.

By the mid-1980s, given the growing battered women's movement and media interest in high-profile public policy on domestic violence, intervention means were changing rapidly. One by one, various states enacted legislation making spousal assaults a crime. In lieu of or in addition to incarceration, perpetrators were also mandated to participate in rehabilitation programs, known as batterer intervention programs. These generally followed the model set forth by the Duluth Intervention Project (Pence & Paymar, 1993), based on personal accounts of abuse from shelter women and infused with patriarchal ideology, which insists that the man is entirely responsible for interpersonal violence because he is automatically presumed, by virtue of being a male in a patriarchal society, to be the dominant partner. "When women do use violence against their spouses or cohabitants," according to Dobash and Dobash (1988), "it is primarily in self-defense or retaliation, often during an attack by their husband" (p. 60). Poor impulse control and personality factors are dismissed as excuses, there is no such thing as mutual abuse, and only one dynamic exits--the three-phase cycle described by Lenore Walker (1983). According to this scenario, (1) the man experiences internal tension, the fearful woman tries to accommodate his increasingly controlling and emotionally abusive behaviors, but she is unable to prevent (2) the inevitable explosion of violence. Relieved of the tension and recognizing that his partner might leave him or alert the police, (3) the man becomes remorseful, giving her renewed hope that he will change. But the tension mounts once again, and the cycle begins anew.

Limitations of the Patriarchal Conception

Proponents of the patriarchal conception present what at first glance seems to be plausible evidence in support of their position: From early childhood males are more outwardly aggressive than females, and as adults they commit the preponderance of violent crimes (Archer, 2004). Even in the 21st century, the status of women as a whole has yet to reach parity with that of men. Men account for the great majority of elected officials, as well as the top business executives, and would therefore be presumed to have the greater share of institutionalized power. Using socioeconomic measures, Yllo and Straus (1990) found that the most "patriarchal" states, in which men as a whole had the greatest amount of power, also reported the highest rates of male-on-female partner abuse. The 1975 National Family Violence Survey found that the number of male-dominant households (measured according to "who has the final say" in decisions regarding having children, whether a partner should go to work, etc.) exceeded the number of female-dominant households and that marital conflict was highest among the former (Coleman & Straus, 1990). Similar findings have been garnered from general population samples from South Korea (Kim & Emergy, 2003) and Hong Kong (Su Kom Tang, 1999), and college students in the United States (Fitzpatrick, Salgado, Suvak, King, & King, 2004).

Notwithstanding these data, support for the patriarchal conception is tenuous at best, and certainly does not warrant the gender-biased arrest and intervention policies currently in place. For example, the research previously cited by Yllo and Straus (1990) indicated that male-on-female panner assaults were also high in the least patriarchal states. The National Family Violence Surveys (Coleman & Straus, 1990) did find a higher proportion of male- versus female-dominated households in the mid- 1970s, but the differences were, even for that era, rather negligible, with only 9.4 percent of the households male-dominant, and 7.5 percent female-dominant. The rest were either divided-role or egalitarian power arrangement. The most significant finding was the correlation between high-conflict and physical violence in both male and female-dominant relationships.

Patriarchal explanations are also contradicted by other research findings. First, most men are neither physically assaultive nor controlling (Dutton, 1994; Yllo, 1993). Second, women are as victimized in same-sex relationships, where patriarchal structures should not exist, as in heterosexual ones (Coleman, 1994; Lie, Schilit, Bush, Montagne, & Reyes, 1991), and violent lesbians include "feminine" as well as "butch" types (Renzetti, 1992).

Some studies of battered women have identified conservative gender attitudes among violent husbands (Coleman, Weinman, & Hsi, 1980; Rosenbaum & O'Leary, 1981), while others (Neidig, Friedman, & Collins, 1986) have found no such link. In Sugarman and Frankel's (1996) comprehensive review of studies on patriarchy and partner violence, significant correlations were found between pro-violent attitudes and assaults against female partners, but traditional gender role attitudes (for example, that the woman should let the man make all the decisions and not work outside the home) did not differentiate violent from non-violent men. And surprisingly, the violent men measured lower on measures of masculinity, including goal-directed and instrumental (stereotypic masculine) versus expressive (stereotypic female) behaviors.

Feminist theorists have not yet explained how patriarchal power translates into personal power in most relationships. One might suppose that a prominent businessman who is well-connected politically in a small town would have an advantage over an uneducated wife, especially if she lacked a network of influential friends. But most men are not so well-connected. Also, the feminist focus on institutional power ignores other forms of power that are more germane in the home setting. These include (1) the personal power that comes from having a dominant personality and (2) relationship power, which can be measured by the extent to which one person is needed by his or her panner (Felson, 2002). Thus a strong-willed woman who is ready to use whatever tactics are necessary to get her way and is married to a passive man who is emotionally dependent on her will have the power in the relationship, no matter how "patriarchal" the society is in which they live. Ironically, it is partly due to the patriarchal code of chivalry that most men are reluctant to hit their female partners, even when subjected to physical abuse (Cook, 1997; Fontes 2006).

A review by Archer (2004) of cross-cultural research on general aggression found, as expected, far higher rates of physical aggression and somewhat higher rates of verbal aggression by men. Measures of anger and hostility, however, revealed few differences between the genders (Averill, 1983; Archer, 2004). Females of all ages engage in indirect aggression against peers, co-workers, and others (Bjorkqvist, 1994; Frieze, 2005), and adolescent girls use indirect forms of aggression at significantly higher rates than boys (Archer, 2004). Studies have shown that women, when feeling justified to do so, may engage in direct aggression if they think they will remain anonymous (Frodi, Macaulay, & Thome, 1977; Richardson, 2005).

While women may feel inhibited from displaying aggression outside the home, societal norms excuse female aggression in the home, where women seek to defend their interests as mothers and homemakers (Straus, 1999). The minimization of female-perpetrated abuse is perpetuated by clinicians, who rate abusive and controlling behaviors as "more abusive" when perpetrated by a man regardless of the context (Follingstad, DeHart, & Green, 2004), and who are unable to predict at greater than chance levels violence by women released from a psychiatric emergency room (Skeem et al., 2005).

Scrutinized in terms of empirical findings, one detects a number of holes in the patriarchal theory argument. Why, then, did it "take hold" so quickly, and why does it continue to shape public policy on domestic violence?

As the NFVS indicated, a great many men were victims of IPV at the start of the battered women's movement. In fact, there have always been male victims and while past law-enforcement responses to partner violence were certainly inadequate in cases of female victims, they were hardly vigorous in protecting males, who were doubly victimized by public ridicule (see George, 2003, for a discussion of public shaming rituals of abused men, such as the "Skimmington procession" (1)). But, as previously noted, it was primarily women who took up the cause of helping domestic violence victims. On the other hand, because of their socially conditioned need to present a facade of strength and downplay their victimization, abused men did not spontaneously gather in comparable numbers, and although some advocates early on cautioned against the politicization of domestic violence (Pizzey, 1997), the movement was inevitably co-opted by what Sommers (1994) calls gender feminists, whose radical ideology could not allow for the existence of male victims.

"Angry over a history of domination," writes Linda Kelly (2003), "feminists have discredited female violence in order to give women a secret way to strike back" (p. 822, citing Straus). This is not the only explanation. Many are undoubtedly "enthralled with the power that comes with having one's philosophy hold sway and the control they feel from influencing criminal justice policy. Ironically, they often attribute these very power and control motives to abusive men" (Dutton & Corvo, 2006, p. 31). Frontline workers, many of whom had been previously battered themselves (Loseke, 1992) may be forgiven for their ignorance and tendency to over-generalize from their personal experiences, but as Dutton and Nicholls (2005) suggest, patriarchal theory has persisted due to groupthink and the fear engendered among those who might otherwise challenge it. Especially among academics and policy-makers, one would suspect revenge as equally plausible an explanation as any for the callous, cynical disregard gender feminists have had for the truth.

Alternative Research Trends: The 80s and 90s

During the 1980s and 1990s, a substantial increase in domestic violence research yielded a body of often flawed, sometimes illuminating findings. These served to broaden the discussion, fuel the ongoing debate over issues of methodology and the role played by women in family violence, and undermine patriarchal theories of causation.

Personality Research and Male Batterer Typologies

From extended interviews with a sample of 400 battered women in Colorado, Walker (1983) identified a personality profile for men who batter, featuring lower socioeconomic status (SES) than their mates, chauvinistic attitudes, and a propensity toward alcohol abuse, insecurity, emotional dependence, possessiveness, and jealousy. Using the Cattell 16-Personality Factor (16PF) test and the Michigan Alcoholism Screening Test, Scheurger and Reigle (1988) found high levels of violence among men in BIP groups were associated with anxiety, depression, poor self-esteem, alcoholism, and social nonconformity, including poor impulse control. Browning and Dutton (1986) theorized male batterers use violence to both reduce tension and create emotional distance from their partner out of fear of emotional intimacy or losing control. Dutton and Strachan (1987) found that violent men demonstrated a greater need for power, due to low self-esteem and feelings of powerlessness, compared to non-violent men. In a later paper, Dutton (1994) wrote:

   Patriarchy does not elicit violence against women in any direct
   fashion. Rather, it may provide the values and attitudes that
   personality-disordered men can exploit to justify their abuse of
   women. This distinction is an important one: It explains why the
   majority of men remain nonviolent and how they differ in at least
   one essential and nontautological aspect from violent men. (p. 176)

Data on the personalities of violent men came primarily from victim reports, as in the Walker study, or from clinicians without the benefit of control groups. Neidig et al. (1986) attempted to correct for this shortcoming by interviewing and extensively testing 119 military men who had perpetrated at least one act of IPV in the previous year, as well as a nonviolent control group matched for demographic variables. The physically abusive men were not found to exhibit a significantly greater degree of chauvinistic attitudes or to lack empathy for their partners. The only significant difference between the groups was that the violent men recorded lower scores on the Coopersmith Self-Esteem Inventory. The authors concluded that personality and attitudinal factors are not as important as stress and marital discord in predicting violence. They speculated that the men were not batterers in the classic sense but rather "hitters" whose violence was of the "expressive" type, largely influenced by stress and relationship dynamics, as opposed to the "instrumental" violence exhibited by more controlling types of men.

Hamberger and Hastings (1986), recognizing that men arrested for spousal abuse did not uniformly exhibit the same degree of violence or psychopathology, categorized this population according to a cluster of distinct personality characteristics. From this work and a review of the literature, Holtzworth-Munroe and Stuart (1994) proposed a now-famous typology of male batterers consisting of (1) family-only, (2) dysphoric-borderline, and (3) generally violent antisocial types. The family-only types were regarded as the least dangerous, with low levels of psychopathology and less serious domestic violence histories. In Jacobsen and Gottman's (1998) schema, Pit Bulls represented the dysphoric-borderline types in their intense dependency needs and desire to control their partners. Akin to generally violent, antisocial men, "cobra" types exhibited less emotional dependency, but had poor impulse control (with histories of criminal activity and substance abuse) and were capable of perpetrating severe violence, including the use of weapons. Others have attempted typologies of their own, among them Dutton (1988, 1998), whose early two-dimensional model characterized intimate abusiveness as impulsive or instrumental on one axis, and undercontrolled or overcontrolled on the other.

Research on Contextual Factors

Because the 1975 National Family Violence Survey did not inquire about rates of initiation and self-defense, findings of comparable assault rates by men and women were easily dismissed. In the 1980s and 1990s, however, a small number of studies examined the context of IPV.

Mutuality and Initiation Rates

A second National Family Violence Survey was conducted in 1985, with a sample exceeding 6,000 respondents. To eliminate the problem of male underreporting, Straus (1993) examined the data provided by the wives and found that in 48.6 percent of assaults, both partners were violent. The husband was the sole perpetrator in 25.9 percent of the cases and the wife was the sole perpetrator 25.5 percent of the time. A survey of 200 military couples to whom the police had responded to a domestic violence call (Langhinrichsen-Rohling, Neidig, & Thorn, 1995) reported an 83 percent rate of mutual assaults. In a longitudinal study of 1,037 New Zealanders (Moffitt & Caspi, 1999), most cases of partner violence among young adults were deemed to have been mutual.

Rates of mutuality only tell us that both partners were violent. They do not indicate which partner initiated the assaults or what percentage of aggressive behavior was in self-defense. In the second National Family Violence Survey (Straus, 1993), the wives reported that they initiated the violence 53.1 percent of the time, their husbands 42.3 percent of the time. Those who could not remember who started the violence accounted for the remaining 3.1 percent of cases. The National Youth Survey (Morse, 1995), drawing on data from 1,725 respondents in the Eastern United States, yielded similar results, with 61.3 percent of the men and 54.2 percent of the women reporting that the female partner had initiated the violence in their last serious argument. A dating population study of 865 students at four universities in the South by DeMaris (1992) determined that it was the female partner more often than not who initiated the physical violence. Of the women reporting violence in a representative sample of 707 adult respondents in Alberta, Canada (Dutton, Kwong, Bartholomew, & Kim, 1999), 67 percent identified themselves as the initiator. High rates of female-initiated violence have also been found among couples in which the man had been court-mandated to a BIP group. In the Austin, Texas, study by Shupe, Stacey, and Hazlewood (1987), the woman initiated the assault one-third of the time. In Gondolf's (1996) multi-site study of men's BIP groups, during a treatment follow-up period, the female victims reported they initiated the violence in 40 percent of the cases.

The following sections of this paper explore in greater detail the broader context in which domestic violence occurs. They include a discussion of self-defense, the use of emotionally abusive and controlling behaviors, and various abuse dynamics found among couples observed in laboratory studies.

Self-Defense and Other Motives

In a study by Saunders (1986), 39 percent of the battered women interviewed said they had used severe violence exclusively in self-defense, while 42 percent reported that self-defense was the motive at least half the time. These findings suggest that even among such a highly victimized population, self-defense is used in less than half the cases. Representative sample surveys have found self-defense to be far less significant in the vast majority of instances of IPV. In one survey of dating couples (Follingstad, Wright, Lloyd, & Sebastian, 1991), 17 percent of the men and 18 percent of the women said they had hit in self-defense. Only l0 percent of partner-violent women and 15 percent of partner-violent men reported they had used physical aggression in self-defense in Sommer's (1994) Winnepeg, Canada study. Of the 62 partner-violent spouses in martial counseling studied by Cascardi and Vivian (1995), only 5 percent of the wives and l0 percent of the husbands identified self-defense as a motive for their use of mild physical aggression. More wives endorsed self-defense as a motive for severe physical aggression (20 percent), a significantly higher percentage than what severely aggressive husbands reported (none), yet still quite low overall.

Among the 1,978 respondents to a British national survey who reported to have engaged in partner violence, 17 percent of the women and 21 percent of the men claimed to have done so because they "thought [the other] was about to use a physical action against me." As reported in Carrado, George, Loxam, Jones, and Templar (1996), approximately 21 percent of the women and 27 percent of the men said they were "getting back at [the other] for some physical action [the other] had used against me." This might be interpreted as self-defense, but probably also indicates retaliation, in which the abused party engages in violent behavior to punish the partner or to vent anger, rather than strictly to protect himself or herself from immediate harm.

In Felson and Messner's (1998) analysis of 2,000 intimate partner homicides, self-defense (defined as protecting oneself from bodily harm) accounted for 9.6 percent of female-perpetrated killings but only .5 percent of male. A definition that included retaliation for previous physical attacks yielded rates of 46.2 percent and 11.1 percent for women and men, respectively. Sixty percent of the women killers had claimed self-defense as reported in Mann's (1988) study of spousal murders in several large urban areas. However, 58 percent of the murders were determined to have been premeditated. Furthermore, 30 percent of the women killed their partners when those partners were incapacitated (either drunk, bound, or asleep), yet the majority of these women (60 percent) also claimed self-defense.

Assaultive individuals report several other motives for their violence besides self-defense, with most studies finding few differences along gender lines. In a large survey of dating university students conducted in several states (N = 2,338) by Makepeace (1986), the women reported a far greater use of self-defense than the men (35.6 percent vs. 18.1 percent), unusual for a non-shelter sample. Only 6.8 percent of the women reported intimidation as a motive, compared to 21.3 percent of the men. However, more women than men said their intent was "to harm" the other (8.3 percent vs. 2.4 percent), and comparable percentages of women (24.2 percent) and men (28.3) said their violence was due to "uncontrollable anger." In Cascardi and Vivian's (1995) marital counseling study, the women reported anger more often than the men did as the motive for violence, but the men reported higher rates for the combined motives of anger and coercion (57 percent vs. 40 percent for severe aggression).

Are we to interpret these studies as evidence that women's violence is more "expressive" and men's primarily "coercive" or "instrumental"? In fact, the line between "expressive" and "coercive" intentions may not be so clear. "A violent act," writes George (2003), "to cause a partner to 'get away from me' and 'leave me alone' is equally interpretable as goal directed and instrumental reasoning forcing the victim to surrender their position in an argument and force them to leave the scene, room, or house" (p. 50).

The women in Follingstad et al.'s (1991) dating survey were more likely than the men to report having assaulted a partner "in retaliation for emotional hurt" (55.9 percent vs. 25.0 percent), "to show anger" (57.6 percent vs. 37.5 percent), and "to get control over the other person" (22.0 percent vs. 8.3 percent). In the Carrado et al.'s (1996) study, the most frequently endorsed motives were (1) attempts to communicate ("I thought it was the only way to get through to him/her"), reported by 53 percent of the women and 64 percent of the men and (2) retaliation ("Was getting back at him/her for something nasty he/she said or threatened to do to me"), reported by nearly identical percentages of women and men (52 percent vs. 53 percent). Attempts to communicate motivated a high percentage of the partner-abusive women in the Fiebert & Gonzalez (1997) Southern California survey: 44 percent wanted to "get partner's attention," while 43 percent said their partner was "not listening to me." Reflecting society's tolerance for women's IPV, 38 percent said that they "did not believe my actions would hurt my partner." Overall, partner violence would thus appear to be driven by a variety of motives.

Emotionally Abusive and Controlling Behaviors

As with female victims of IPV, male victims have also given testimonials of their experiences of being abused by partners who seek to assert power and control over them.

   She called him "cock sucker" and "prick." She chose what clothes he
   could wear to work, arguing that certain ties or shirts would
   attract his female colleagues. If he disregarded her choices, he
   came to find his wardrobe burned to ashes. She insisted ... that he
   couldn't go out with his friends. If he did, she locked him out of
   the house for the night. He wasn't permitted to read the Toronto
   Sun, because the tabloid carries daily photos of a woman in a
   bikini--the "Sunshine Girl"--and that was evidence that he lusted
   after other women. When she started a fight, she would follow him
   from room to room in their house, keeping up all night: "I'm not
   finished with you!" Exhausted, he came late to work too many times
   and got fired. (Pearson, 1997, p. 124)

A key tenet of gender-feminist patriarchal theory is the male batterer's need to control his partner and assert male privilege. In addition to the use of physical force, the batterer is said to use a variety of emotionally abusive and controlling behaviors, visually represented on the now-ubiquitous "Power and Control Wheel" (Pence & Paymar, 1993) (2). In the 1980s and 1990s, numerous studies were published that examined men's use of these non-physical tactics, such as intimidation, emotional abuse, isolation, and male privilege. Only a handful of studies sought to determine the extent to which women also engaged in such behaviors, starting with the National Family Violence Surveys (Straus et al., 1980; Straus & Gelles, 1990), which reported comparable gender rates for not only physical assaults but also verbal abuse. Rouse, Breen, and Howell's (1988) survey of 130 dating and 130 married students found women are more likely than men to engage in isolation behaviors, such as "monitors time," "discourages same-sex friends" and "discourages opposite sex friends." The male and female respondents in Stets' (1991) study of dating students reported equivalent rates of controlling behaviors (for example, "I keep my partner in line") as well as psychological abuse (for example, "I degraded him/her"). In a study of 1,625 university students (Kasian & Painter, 1992), male respondents reported higher rates of received abuse on a modified version of the Psychological Maltreatment of Women Inventory, which measures for control, jealousy and isolation, verbal abuse, and withdrawal of affection. There were no gender differences in rates of received emotional abuse.

Higher rates of victimization than perpetration were reported by the male subjects in Stacey, Hazelwood, and Shupe's (1994) study of men in batterer treatment on four of the 13 items from the CSR Abuse Index ("deny rights to privacy," "deny access to family," "withdraw emotions to punish," and "withhold sex to punish"). Although the men reported lower rates of victimization than females on the other nine items, the differences were usually not large. For example, "deny freedom of activities" was cited by 71 percent of men and 72 percent of women; "deny access to friends" was cited by 57 percent of men and 63 percent of women; and "censor phone calls" was reported by 53 percent of men and 60 percent of women. One would have expected much larger differences from this population, considering the men had been arrested and deemed "batterers" while their female partners were deemed "victims."

Stalking and Sexual Coercion

The National Violence Against Women Survey (NVAWS), drawing on a sample of 16,000 men and women, reported that 26 percent of the male victims were stalked each year by a current or former intimate, and 77 percent of the female victims, a ratio of 3 women for each man victimized (Tjaden & Thoennes, 2000). However, studies drawn from community samples have indicated comparable rates, depending on how "stalking" is defined. Spitzberg and Rhea (1999) examined a variety of stalking subtypes, collectively known as obsessive relational intrusion (ORI). Results from their sample of college students in Texas revealed a 54 percent rate of male-perpetrated ORI's, versus 46 percent for females. The college survey by Langhinrichsen-Rohling and her colleagues asked respondents to report on their own ORI behavior, as well as incidents of ORI victimization (Langhinrichsen-Rohling, Palarea, Cohen, & Rohling, 2000). There were no overall differences in stalking rates. A major difference between the genders was that men made more unwanted visits to homes and apartments, whereas women left the greater share of unwanted phone messages. Women were also four times as likely to report having been physically threatened.

In the NVAWS (Tjaden et al., 2000), 3.8 percent of the men reported to having been raped the previous year. More than four times as many women (20 percent) said that this had happened to them. As with stalking rates, however, rates for coercive sexual behaviors narrow considerably between the sexes when an expanded definition of rape is employed and when the interview is not framed within the context of a crime survey (Muehlenhard & Cook, 1988; Waldner-Haugrud & Magruder, 1995).

Laboratory Studies of Couples

Another line of research has investigated the relationship dynamics in couples with an abusive husband using direct observation of subjects in the laboratory. The results were a far cry from Walker's (1983) three-phase cycle (tension build-up, battering event, contrition). Margolin, John, and Gleberman (1988), for instance, found that negative communication by abusive husbands was reciprocated with negative communication by the wives. Cordova, Jacobsen, Gottman, Rushe, and Cox (1993) observed, "the women are continuing the conflict engagement, even though they have histories of being subjected to physical abuse" (p. 563).

In a study by Burman, John, and Margolin (1992), wives of abusive husbands responded to both negative-offensive statements (for example, criticism and insult) and negative-defensive statements (for example, disagreement or "yes, but ..." statements) with negative-offensive statements of their own. The husbands, however, typically responded to negative-offensive statements with negative-defensive ones. Babcock, Waltz, Jacobsen, and Gottman (1993) found violent husbands and their wives were equally likely to make demands of the other or to withdraw in response to their partner's demands, thus making continuation of the conflict as well as further resentments and power struggles more likely. Jacobsen, Gottman, Waltz, Rushe, Babcock, and Holtzworth-Munroe (1994) observed the husbands to be more domineering and defensive, but the wives were rated as more angry, belligerent, and contemptuous. In spite of the self-selective nature of the sample (all the men had perpetrated either several acts of serious violence or at least one act of very serious violence in the past year), the authors noted that half the wives would have qualified for batterer treatment.

Conclusions

These studies, together with the data contradicting patriarchal theories of etiology of partner intimate violence, and emerging research on personality factors among violent men and contextual variables such as self-defense, cannot be ignored. A convincing body of evidence had established that women (1) initiate physical violence as often as, or more often than, men; (2) rarely assault strictly in self-defense, but rather, like their male counterparts, are driven by a variety of motives; (3) engage in comparable levels of emotionally abusive and controlling behaviors as men, with the exception of rape and physical intimidation; and (4) generally participate as active agents in abuse dynamics, rather than react passively.

Although the patriarchal paradigm has continued to inform the making of public policy, its theoretical foundations are beginning to fall apart and the way is being paved for radically new perspectives on the causes and treatment of intimate partner abuse, among them the author's gender-inclusive conception (Hamel, 2005). In this first decade of the new millennium, amidst continuing debate and controversy, it is becoming more and more evident that IPV is truly a human problem, and not simply one of gender.

References

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JOHN HAMEL

San Rafael, CA

Correspondence concerning this article should be addressed to John Hamel, John Hamel, 481 Via Hidalgo, Suite 270, Greenbrae, CA 94904. Electronic mail: [e-mail]

(1) These took various forms. Accounts from England tell of the husband victim and his wife paraded before the townspeople accompanied by musicians playing drums and bagpipes. A French custom involved having the beaten husband ride a donkey backwards.

(2) The "wheel," based on interviews with female victims in a shelter setting, identified eight power and control tactics used by male batterers: intimidation, emotional abuse, isolation, minimizing, denying and blaming, using children, using male privilege, economic abuse, and using coercion and threats.

John Hamel, Private Practice, Greenbrae, California.

Table 1
The Patriarchal Conception of Domestic Violence

                       Patriarchal conception: 1970s--present

Theory and research    Domestic violence defined as "wife
                       battering." Ninety-five percent of domestic
                       violence perpetrated by men. Male victims
                       primarily gay, assaulted by other men.

                       Abuse caused by patriarchal system that
                       sanctions men's dominance over women, rather
                       than psychopathology, anger or communication
                       problems.

                       Conception based on feminist sociopolitical
                       theory. Draws from crime studies and
                       clinical data from battered women shelters.

                       Conflict Tactics Conception: Dissenting
                       model focuses on broader problem of family
                       violence. Causes in violent role modeling,
                       individual pathology, poor conflict and
                       communication skills. Fifty percent of
                       violence perpetrated by women, but assumed
                       to be primarily in self-defense. Women
                       suffer seven times more physical injuries.

                       Alternative: Based on large-scale
                       representative surveys. Draws from conflict,
                       family systems and social learning theories.

Policy and treatment   Arrest policies target male perpetrators.
                       Same-sex education groups for men (for
                       example, the Duluth model), victim services
                       and outreach services for women.

                       Alternative: Same sex cognitive behavioral
                       groups for men. Possibility of couples
                       counseling with victim's consent. Focus on
                       man as perpetrator.