The view from Europe.

SHOULD GOVERNOR DUKAKIS make it to the White House, he may cherish the thought, in his sea of troubles, that at least he will have one staunch ally in NATO: Andreas Papandreou, the Greek prime minister. In September, Papandreou survived heart surgery, having come to London in the company of a comely and much younger friend, Dimitra Liani. Whether this relationship was fueled by the ex-stewardess's undoubted beauty, or by her previous close links with the KKE (Greek Communist Party) is unclear.

The ethnic link between the two men is obvious, each the obverse of the other: Dukakis, of Greek immigrant stock; Papandreou, Greek-born but a naturalized U.S. citizen, who had to recover his Greek nationality when the rule of the Colonels collapsed and he came home to start his rapid climb to the top.

More important, both men are liberals of the most worrying sort. In this context, Papandreou leaves Dukakis way behind, and the question is whether that is merely because the Greek premier has had the time and opportunity to do his worst.

Under Papandreou, Greece's Socialist government has had little in common with the Socialist governments in France, Spain, and Portugal. Soviet penetration of the media has been startling, and not confined to the notorious tabloid Ethnos, which has been a vehicle for undiluted Soviet propaganda. The government-sponsored "peace" movement has been at the disposal of Moscow. To cap it all, Papandreou felt the need, last January, to go to East Berlin to discuss disarmament with the East German leader Erich Honecker. I can't imagine why. (Or alternatively, I can.)

Where would NATO stand with Mr. Dukakis in power? Europeans are worried by what they read and hear of his views on nuclear weapons and on SDI. They note that he is tougher on South Africa (no threat to the U.S.) than on Cuba (which even John F. Kennedy found threatening). They note that he is passionately against anti-Communist guerrillas (in Nicaragua or in Angola), and against any use of force by the United States (unless sanctioned by the United Nations).

Much of this is less worrying to Europeans than to NR readers or me. President Mitterrand decided that being indignant about the Contras or about apartheid was an easy way of making his Socialist Party believe he was a true socialist. But on defense, Mitterrand's Republic is a staunch ally: outside the integrated command of the Alliance, but with it in reality, possessing its own authentically independent deterrent and ready to guarantee the territorial integrity of Germany.

What of Prime Minister Thatcher? The question answers itself European heads of state or government are expected to hold their tongues while the American voters pick their new leader. But it is hardly likely that the Iron Lady would find much in common with a President Dukakis; unless, of course, on coming to the highest office, he should decide to turn conservative. (Such things have been known to happen: look at Felipe Gonzalez of Spain, that "Socialist" proponent of the market economy.)

In London, some years ago, Vice President Bush addressed an invited audience in the City of London's Guildhall. I can report, in all sincerity, that he made an excellent impression, appearing tough and forthright on the things that matter to Europeans in the American context: on NATO, on defense, on standing up to the Soviet threat.

So, if the question were: "Is Bush your ideal President?" the answer would be "No." But if it were: "Is Bush the best President we can hope for?" the answer would be a fairly resonant "Yes."

Either way, Europeans have reasons for apprehension. The sad fact is that, collectively, the Western Europeans are weak and wimpish when it comes to the (literally) most vital question of all, which is survival in the face of the Soviet threat.

Although ,a Thatcherite on most issues, I have often been critical of the prime minister on foreign affairs (her attitude to the liberation of Grenada, for instance). But she was essentially right in her forthright speech in Bruges, Belgium, on September 20, which so shocked French Socialist European Commissioner Jacques Delors. One passage, in particular, is relevant to the U.S. presidential election: "We must strive to maintain the United States's commitment to Europe's defense. That means recognizing the burden on their resources of the world role they undertake, and their point that their allies should play a full part in the defense of freedom, particularly as Europe grows wealthier."

THAT REALLY is the crunch. The late Jean Monnet's dream of a "United States of Europe" was wildly premature. Until French Premier Mendes-France killed the European Defense Community in 1954, Europeans were on the right lines. Any talk of one Europe is illusory unless Europeans tackle their own defense, and are ready to pick up the tab. The Europe of the Brussels bureaucrats pleases Delors, but is an obnoxious concept so long as Europeans continue to be so largely dependent on American muscle.

The weakest link is West Germany. And possibly the weakest leader is Chancellor Kohl. With a weak or isolationist President in the White House, the outlook would be perilous. Even the West Germans, I believe, would opt for George Bush, if they had the vote.

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