The relationship between race and students' identified career role models and perceived role model influence.

The authors examined whether college students' race was related to the modal race of their identified career role models, the number of identified career role models, and their perceived influence from such models. Consistent with A. Bandura's (1977, 1986) social learning theory, students tended to have role models whose race was the same as their own, and this finding held among career role models who were not members of students' families. Caucasian and racial minority students did not differ respecting overall number of, and perceived influence from, career role models. Career intervention and research implications are discussed.

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Understanding more about the unique issues and concerns of racial/ethnic minorities is important (Bowman, 1993; Chung, Baskin, & Case, 1999). Because they may face stereotyping, discrimination, and environmental barriers, individuals who are racial/ethnic minorities may experience unique career development challenges (Herr & Cramer, 1997). For example, a scarcity of same-race role models may be a barrier to some racial minority individuals' career development (Bright, Duefield, & Stone, 1998; Chung et al., 1999; Haas & Sullivan, 1991; Hamann & Walker, 1993) because there are disproportionately fewer racial minority professionals in many career fields and academic settings (Fouad, 1995). The assumptions behind this theoretical postulate are that role models of one's own race serve functions that models of a different racial/ethnic background do not serve and that people consider race when selecting career role models. However, although they may be theoretically likely, these assumptions have not been tested empirically. The purpose of this study was to examine how frequently college students' career role models are of a similar race/ethnicity as that of the student and to determine whether there are differences in the extent of influence from career role models among college students from different racial/ethnic groups.

Role Model Influences on Academic and Career Decision Making

Social learning theory (e.g., Bandura, 1977, 1986) suggests that people learn from watching others. Individuals' career decisions may be facilitated by role models--persons who are deemed worthy of emulation (Pleiss & Feldhusen, 1995)--because these individuals provide information about the outcomes associated with pursuing a particular career field and illustrate how to cope with career decision-making tasks (e.g., Hackett & Betz, 1981; Lent, Brown, & Hackett, 1994). Indeed, research has documented a relationship between role model influences and a variety of outcomes such as career salience, educational aspirations, and college major choices (Hackett, Esposito, & O'Halloran, 1989); perceived career information and career indecision (Nauta & Kokaly, 2001); and attitudes toward nontraditional careers (A. L. Greene, Sullivan, & Beyard-Tyler, 1982; Hackett et al., 1989; Savenye, 1992).

Role models may be especially important for minority individuals' career development because a history of discrimination and limited career options may have decreased their self-efficacy and outcome expectations, leading some minorities to have lower educational and career aspirations (B. A. Greene, 1990; Hackett & Byars, 1996). Social cognitive career theory (Lent et al., 1994) suggests that role models who have been successful in their careers may serve as a contextual support that would increase such individuals' self-efficacy and outcome expectations, thereby increasing aspirations toward and persistence in various educational and career realms. Assibey-Mensah (1997) suggested that minorities may also internalize societal stereotypes that need to be dispelled by powerful role models. Finally, Hackett and Byars (1996) posited that minority individuals may especially benefit from role models who illustrate successful coping strategies for dealing with frustrations encountered as a result of bias and discrimination. In fact, there is empirical support for the positive effects of role model influences on racial minority students' academic performance and achievement-related goals (Zirkel, 2002).

The Similarity Hypothesis and Individuals' Selections of Role Models

Several theorists (e.g., Bandura, 1977, 1986; Gottfredson, 1981; Hackett & Byars, 1996) have argued that individuals seek career role models whom they perceive as similar to them regarding some easily identifiable characteristics because they assume that such role models' experiences would apply to their own lives as well. In other words, a role model will be inspirational only to the degree that a person is able to identify with that model, and "evidence that dissimilar persons succeed from time to time does not necessarily persuade observers that they, too, can attain such outcomes from their efforts" (Bandura, 1986, p. 302). This thought is known as the similarity hypothesis. With respect to gender, the similarity hypothesis has been well supported by empirical data (Basow & Howe, 1979; Erkut & Mokros, 1984; Gilbert, 1985).

There is also some evidence that individuals identify more with same-race role models and that same-race models are beneficial. For example, Killian (1988) found that when given a choice to emulate various adult models in singing, children tended to prefer same-race models. Other studies have shown that children identify most with same-race television characters (King & Multon, 1996) and sports heroes (Cooper, Livingood, & Kurz, 1981). Ethnically matched models have also been shown to be more effective than ethnically different models in increasing self-efficacy for breast self-examinations and in reducing gender-stereotyped attitudes about nontraditional careers (Haas & Sullivan, 1991). Finally, in a 2-year longitudinal study, Zirkel (2002) found that adolescents who had at least one race-and gender-matched role model demonstrated better academic performance and had more achievement-related goals than did students without a race- and gender-matched role model; these effects were not found for non-gender-matched role models.

Purpose of This Study

Although Haas and Sullivan (1991) and Zirkel (2002) examined the relative impact of racially matched and unmatched role models on education and career-related outcomes among adolescents, no studies have been done to determine whether the race-similarity hypothesis holds regarding the types of career role models that young adults generally select. Moreover, we were unable to find empirical efforts to determine whether Caucasian and racial minority individuals do, in fact, differ in the number of career role models they choose and in the extent of influence from these career role models. Because verifying unique aspects of the experiences of minority individuals would have implications for career interventions and programs, we sought to explore potential differences between the experiences of Caucasian and racial minority college students regarding the influences of role models.

Our first research question was whether the race-similarity hypothesis would be supported with respect to students' identified career role models. Our prediction was that there would be a relationship between students' race and the predominant (modal) race of their identified career role models. Our second research question was whether racial minority individuals have fewer career role models and perceive less role model influence when making career decisions. On the basis of the similarity hypothesis and findings that minority individuals are underrepresented in many career fields, we expected that minority students would report having fewer career role models and would report less influence from career role models than would their peers in the racial/ethnic majority.

Method

Participants

Participants were 220 students attending a large midwestern university (with a typical racial/ethnic minority enrollment of approximately 15%) who participated in exchange for extra course credit in one of several psychology classes. There were no restrictions for participation, but because we needed to ensure an adequate racial minority student representation for the study, we oversampled this population by allotting additional sign-up spaces for non-Caucasian students. Among the final sample were 152 (69%) women and 61 (28%) men; 7 (3%) students did not indicate their gender. One hundred twenty-four (56%) students self-identified as Caucasian/European American, 69 (31%) as Black/African American, 19 (9%) as Hispanic/Latino, 1 (1%) as Pacific Islander, 4 (2%) as "other," and 3 (1%) did not indicate their race. There were 15 (7%) freshmen, 54 (25%) sophomores, 77 (35%) juniors, 69 (31%) seniors, and 5 (2%) students who did not indicate their year in school.

Measures

Number, relationship, and race of identified career role models. We asked students to list all the people they considered to be career role models (i.e., individuals whose career or academic behaviors they might in some way wish to emulate or from whom they drew inspiration). In addition, we asked students to identify, for each role model indicated, what that person's relationship was to them (e.g., mother, television star) as well as that person's gender and race. We calculated the total number of students' academic and career role models simply by summing their identified role models. Next, we determined the modal race of students' identified role models. If a student's identified role models comprised at least two more individuals of one race than of any other single racial group, we categorized that student as having a predominance of role models of that particular race; otherwise, we categorized the student as having no tendency to have role models of a particular racial/ethnic background. For example, a student who listed three African American role models and one Hispanic role model was categorized as having predominantly African American role models. A student who listed two African American role models and one Hispanic role model was categorized as having no clear tendency to have role models of a particular race.

Extent of role model influence. We used the Inspiration/Modeling subscale of the Influence of Others on Academic and Career Decision Making Scale (IOACDS; Nauta & Kokaly, 2001) to assess the degree to which students have received inspiration and influence from others when making academic and career decisions. This 7-item subscale uses 5-point Likert-type items (1 = strongly disagree, 5 = strongly agree) such as, "There is someone I am trying to be like in my academic or career pursuits" and "There is no one particularly inspirational to me in the academic or career path I am pursuing" (reverse scored). The Inspiration/Modeling subscale has good internal consistency (a coefficients ranging from .87 to .91; Nauta & Kokaly, 2001). In this study, coefficient alpha was .87. The scale's validity is supported by correlations in expected directions with measures of occupational information, career indecision, and career certainty and a nonsignificant relationship with a measure of social desirability (Nauta & Kokaly, 2001).

Procedure

Students signed up to attend small-group data-collection sessions. The first author explained the purpose of the study, obtained written informed consent, and handed out questionnaires. When students had finished, the first author debriefed them and provided extra credit documentation.

Results

Research Question 1

Our first research question was whether students select career role models whose race is similar to their own. Table 1 illustrates both the number and percentage of role models of various racial groups identified by Caucasian and minority students and the modal race of their role models (using the criterion of two or more role models of a given race than are indicated for any other races). A chi-square analysis (restricted to Caucasian and African American students, because there were not enough participants from other racial groups to satisfy chi-square requirements for minimum expected cell frequencies) revealed a significant relationship between students' race and the modal race of their identified role models, [chi square](2) = 164.28, p < .001, thus supporting the race-similarity hypothesis. Ninety-four percent of the Caucasian students and 81% of the African American students had role models whose predominant race was the same as their own.

Because family members (the majority of whom were of students' own race) were identified as role models by 96% of the participants in our study, we wondered if the race-similarity hypothesis would be supported among non-family-member role models as well. To answer this question, we computed an additional chi-square analysis that was identical to the first, except that this time we examined the relationship between students' race and the race of only those career role models who were not members of the students' family. This chi-square was also significant, [chi square](2) = 77.27, p < .001. Although 52% of all the students were categorized as having no clear tendency to have non-family-member role models of a particular race, none of the Caucasian and only 2% of the African American students were categorized as having a predominance of non-family-member role models with a race different from their own. Thirty-three percent of the Caucasian and 55% of the African American students were categorized as having a predominance of non-family-member role models of their own race. Thus, the support for the race-similarity hypothesis is not simply an artifact of students' strong identification with family member role models.

Research Question 2

Our second research question was whether minority students would report having fewer career role models and less perceived role model influence than would Caucasian students. We used two analyses of variance (ANOVAs) to examine whether there were differences in (a) the total number of career role models and (b) scores on the Inspiration/Modeling subscale of the IOACDS among Caucasians, African Americans, and Hispanics (again, small sample sizes precluded the inclusion of students of other races in these analyses). Contrary to our hypothesis, there was no main effect for race on the total number of career role models identified (M = 4.13, SD = 2.05 for African Americans; M = 4.47, SD = 3.37 for Caucasians; M = 4.47, SD = 2.09 for Hispanics), F(2,209) = 1.10, p = .37, or on Inspiration/Modeling subscale scores (M = 24.09, SD = 6.71 for African Americans; M = 24.43, SD = 6.29 for Caucasians; M = 24.74, SD = 6.57 for Hispanics), F(2, 202) = 0.96, p = .91. To rule out the possibility that equal numbers of family member role models accounted for the nonsignificant differences in total role models identified across groups, we conducted a third ANOVA with the number of non-family-member role models as the dependent variable. Again, there was no main effect for race, F(2, 209) = .38, p = .68.

Discussion

We were encouraged to find that most students were able to identify career role models whom they admired and would like to emulate (only two students in our study did not list a career role model, and the average student identified four role models). Given previous research documenting the beneficial effects of role models on students' career development, this finding suggests that many students, both Caucasian and minority, do have access to some valuable resources as they make academic and career decisions.

Our study yielded support for the race-similarity hypothesis (Bandura, 1977, 1986; Gottfredson, 1981) with respect to students' selection of career role models. The majority of career role models identified by students were of their own race, and this was true even among role models who were not members of their family. Social comparison theories (e.g., Festinger, 1954) suggest that students may identify more strongly with others who they perceive as similar to themselves, whereas other researchers (Assibey-Mensah, 1997; B. A. Greene, 1990; Hackett & Byars, 1996) have suggested that people (especially racial minorities) may intentionally look to same race role models for information about how to negotiate difficult career tasks such as challenging stereotypes, being a minority in the workplace, or coping with the consequences of such difficulties. Although we do not know whether our participants identified more strongly with role models whose race was the same as their own or simply had greater access to role models of their own race, it does seem that students are more likely to select same-race individuals as their career role models.

There are compelling theoretical reasons to believe that same-race role models may be beneficial, especially for minority students (Assibey-Mensah, 1997; B. A. Greene, 1990; Hackett & Byars, 1996; Hernandez, 1995). On the other hand, there may be advantages to having role models of different races as well (Hamann & Walker, 1993). Role models who are different from oneself may help to challenge and dispel myths and stereotypes and may promote greater appreciation of diversity. Given the homogeneity in race of our Caucasian and African American students' role models (94% and 88% same-race, respectively), we wonder if there may be merit in encouraging students to identify with more heterogeneous role models. Because of the clear advantages of same-race role models (Zirkel, 2002) on students' academic achievement, it would seem prudent not to encourage students to seek diverse role models to the exclusion of same-race role models, but perhaps encouraging students to find as many role models as possible without eliminating models from consideration on the basis of their race would be a worthy goal.

Given that a lack of same-race role models has been theorized as a barrier that disproportionately affects minority individuals' career development (Bright et al., 1998; Chung et al., 1999), we were pleasantly surprised to find that the minority students in our sample did not report fewer career role models and less influence from role models. Thus, our data call into question the assumption that a lack of same-race role models is necessarily a barrier for minority students. An optimistic interpretation is that progress in reducing racial discrimination and harassment has made available more visible minority role models for students of color. It is also possible that minority individuals, recognizing barriers to their career development, actively seek and make use of career role models even when fewer same-race models are available. Alternatively, minority role models who have successfully coped with challenges to their own career development may recognize the benefits of vicarious learning experiences and therefore take steps to ensure that they are available to help facilitate someone else's career development. This latter possibility is given credence by findings that Black parents are more likely than White parents to view themselves as role models and sources of wisdom for their children (Hart, McAdams, Hirsch, & Bauer, 2001).

Study Limitations

The most significant limitation of this study is the nature of our sample. Minority individuals who have entered college have likely overcome many real and perceived career-development barriers such as discrimination, harassment, and lower self-efficacy and outcome expectations. Our unexpected finding that Caucasian and minority students did not differ in the number of and influence from career role models could be attributed to sample bias. Perhaps the minority students in our sample were a select group who have had adequate role model influence. It will be important for future researchers to investigate the number of and perceived influence from career role models and to examine the race-similarity hypothesis among students who may be at risk for lower academic and career aspirations and performance as well. In addition, our sample sizes only allowed us to examine the race-similarity hypothesis using Caucasian and African American students. Although the frequency with which students of other racial/ethnic backgrounds selected career role models of their own race does seem to support the similarity hypothesis as well, it will be important to replicate these findings with larger, more diverse samples in the future in order to understand unique subtleties within each group.

Because this has never been studied, there are no available data indicating whether students' tendency to have role models whose race was the same as their own constitutes a preference for role models of their own race. Perhaps, students have simply had greater exposure to others of the same race. It would be useful for future research to determine the degree to which students actually prefer and actively seek out role models of their own and different races.

Another limitation is that we do not know whether there were qualitative differences among the career role models identified by Caucasian and minority students in this study. Despite no significant differences in the overall number of and degree of influence from career role models, it is possible that the role models of students from different racial groups differed with respect to level of education, prestige of career, ranges of career types, and so forth. Any differences of this nature might be expected to affect students' own perceived career options as well (Hackett & Betz, 1981). Future research is needed to address this possibility.

Finally, our conclusions are based on the responses of students at one point in time. Changing social climates clearly may have an impact on the degree to which students have access to role models they find inspiring. For example, affirmative action policies may have meant that more minority individuals were present to serve as role models in academics and higher education than in previous decades. In light of the dismantling of affirmative action policies in some states, it will be important to continue to assess, over time, the degree to which minority students perceive adequate same-race role model influences.

Study Implications

It would be premature, on the basis of this single study, for career counseling and guidance professionals to conclude that limited access to career role models is not a barrier to minority students' development, as has been theorized. The documented benefits of role models on career development outcomes (A. L. Greene et al., 1982; Hackett et al., 1989; Nauta, Epperson, & Kahn, 1998; Nauta & Kokaly, 2001; Savenye, 1992) suggest that interventions designed to increase all college students' access to inspirational role models may be a worthy endeavor; however, our findings do raise questions about assumptions that there is a greater need for role model interventions with minority college students than with Caucasian students.

When career role models are lacking and interventions are designed to increase students' access to models from whom they may draw inspiration and guidance, the results of our study suggest that it may be wise to use a diverse group of potential role models to allow for the possibility that students do, in fact, choose to adopt racially similar role models. When minority students seek to increase access to racially similar role models, career professionals might encourage participation in externships or placements in businesses owned by members of the minority community. In addition, because students' attitudes toward nontraditional careers have been shown to be influenced by role models presented only on video or in print (Hernandez, 1995; Savenye, 1992), encouraging minority students to find ethnically similar career role models who appear in movies or television may be a possibility. Finally, career professionals might operate at the systems or societal level by encouraging minority professionals in the workplace to take an active and visible role in modeling, given their potential importance to minority students, and they might choose to advocate for social policies designed to increase the hiring of minority teachers for schools with significant minority enrollments.

TABLE 1 Race of Students' Identified Role Models as a Function of Their
Own Race

                  Participants' Race
                  African              Hispanic/
                  American  Caucasian  Latino     Other
Identified Role   (n = 69)  (n = 124)  (n = 19)   (n = 5)
Models' Race      n     %   n     %    n      %    n    %

Race of all role
 models
  African
   American       253   88   25   4     9     11   15   39
  Caucasian        33   11  524  93    27     32   11   29
  Hispanic/
   Latino           2   <1   11   2    48     56    0    0
  Other             0    0    2  <1     1      1   12   32
Modal race of
 role models
   African
    American       56   81    0   0     0      0     1  20
   Caucasian        2    3  116  94     3     16     1  20
   Hispanic/
    Latino          0    0    0   0     8     42     0   0
   No clear
    tendency       11   16    8   6     8     42     3  60

Note. Because most students identified more than one career role model,
the number of all role models exceeds the number of participants. The
modal race of students' identified career role models was classified as
"No clear tendency" to have role models of a particular race if the
difference between the number of role models of different races was
fewer than two.

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Danesh Karunanayake and Margaret M. Nauta, Department of Psychology, Illinois State University. Danesh Karunanayake is now in the Department of Educational Studies at Purdue University. This research is based on the first author's master's thesis under the direction of the second author. The authors thank Jeffrey H. Kahn for reviewing a previous draft of this article. Correspondence concerning this article should be addressed to Margaret M. Nauta, Illinois State University, Department of Psychology, Campus Box 4620, Normal, IL 61790-4620 (e-mail: [e-mail]).