The price of protection.

A commitment to war has been the ultimate price that Canada has paid for its protection by great powers. But, even in peacetime, Canada supported the vital security interests of its powerful allies and has continued to do its share for the common defence. This sense of commitment was captured well by Prime Minister Willian Lyon Mackenzie King in his response to President Roosevelt's 1938 pledge to protect Canada. Said King, "we too have obligations as a good and friendly neighbour ......

In 1938, King and Roosevelt committed their countries to defend one another, and in 1940 the Ogdenburg Agreement created a Permanent Joint Board on Defence (PJBD). These events set the stage for closer military cooperation between Canada and the United States not only during, but after World War II.

The onset of the Cold War and ominous advances in military technology strengthened Canadian-American military collaboration. The Soviet Union had acquired nuclear weapons and long-range bomber aircraft that could reach North America. This led to the establishment of a joint command for the air defence of North America under the 1958 North American Air Defence Agreement (NORAD). NORAD now became Canada's post-1945 military obligation and represented the North American counterpart to NATO. While the Soviet bomber threat receded long ago, NORAD remains a major element of Canadian defence policy.

At times, Canada's obligations under NATO and NORAD have fuelled intense domestic debates. Among the principal issues at stake has been Canada's nonnuclear defence policy. Many Canadians abhor nuclear weapons, even though they have relied upon the American nuclear deterrent for their security. Therefore, at the outset of the nuclear era, Canada announced that, while it had the technical capabilities, it would not become a nuclear power. By the late 1950s, however, in light of the Soviet Union's growing military strength, Canada's armed forces were expected to assume nuclear roles under NATO and NORAD. Indecision over this issue contributed to the defeat of the Conservative government of John Diefenbaker in 1963. While the victorious Liberals under Lester Pearson honoured Canada's nuclear commitments, it would remain a subject of political controversy.

As Prime Minister in 1968, Pierre Elliot Trudeau renounced Canada's nuclear roles. That decision led to the most thorough review ever of Canada's defence policy. This review concluded that Canada's troop and equipment commitments to NATO should be significantly reduced. To the dismay of its NATO allies, in 1971 Canada halved its 10,000 strong troop presence in Europe. The review also concluded that Canada's NORAD forces should be more concerned with challenges to Canadian sovereignty in its air and coastal spaces than with Soviet bombers, a now much diminished threat to North American military security.

But the retreat from alliance was short-lived. In 1975, Canada renewed its commitment to NATO with the purchase from West Germany of 128 Leopard I main battle tanks designed for use in Central Europe. In 1983, Canada strengthened its North American defence by signing the Canada-United States Test and Evaluation Program (CANUSTEP). To the dismay of some Canadians, CANUSTEP permitted the testing by the United States of nuclear-capable cruise missiles in Canadian air space.

Such decisions are often more useful for Canada as instruments of diplomacy than as measures of military strength. They have symbolized Canada's continued commitment to its alliances even when a common enemy has not been clearly present. Canada's allies value this commitment and see it as a willingness on our part to share the burden of global military responsibilities. Moreover, Canada's military allies are amongst its closest trading partners; in return for the economic advantages this brings, they expect Canada to do its share for the common defence. The close relationship between Canada's trade and defence policies was recognized in the 1994 Defence White Paper. For example, a growing Canadian interest in the security of Asia and Latin America is anticipated, as these are regions where Canada is trying to build stronger trade links. But maintaining a military force also has benefits and consequences for the economy here at home.