The powers that shouldn't be; five Washington insiders the next Democratic president shouldn't hire.The Powers that Shouldn't Be
Given he was garnering about 2 percent in national polls, it may have seemed a bit premature for former Arizona Governor Bruce Babbitt Bruce Edward Babbitt (born June 27, 1938), a Democrat, served as United States Secretary of the Interior and as Governor of Arizona. Biography
Born in Los Angeles, California, Babbitt graduated from the University of Notre Dame, and attended the University of Newcastle to have started naming possible cabinet appointments last July. During a Democratic candidates deate in Houston, Babbitt decided that for his quest to be taken seriously, it might help to drop some serious names. So right then, only 480 shopping days before the election, he rattled off a list of Washington's finest, including Robert "Mr. Democrat' Strauss and Warren Christopher Warren Minor Christopher (born October 27, 1925) is an American diplomat and lawyer. During Bill Clinton's first term as President, Christopher served as the 63rd Secretary of State. , Jimmy Carter's deputy secretary of state and a certified member of the foreign policy establishment. Babbitt's press secretary, Mike McCurry, explains the Christopher choice: "It was a way of communicating to inside the Beltway "Inside the Beltway" is a phrase used to characterize parts of the real or imagined American political system. It refers to the Capital Beltway (Interstate 495), a beltway that encircles Washington, D.C. . Hey, I have some sense of how things move in Washington, I'm no hick governor with straw coming out of my ears.''
Babbitt inadvertently let the TV audience in on what political junkies have been all too aware of: the other campaign, the one for federal jobs. It's already well under way. Candidates are trying to attract big-name advisers and, just as important, would-be appointees have begun campaigning aggressively for post-season jobs. Like the unknown governor yearning for the presidency, the aspiring cabinet secretary must start early if he or she wants to stand out.
When Gary Hart was the front-runner, the seekers clamored to get close to his senior aides. "As the Hart campaign was warming up there were people trying to elbow their way in, some with very sharp elbows,' Richard E. Feinberg, a foreign policy adviser to Hart, told The New York New York, state, United States
New York, Middle Atlantic state of the United States. It is bordered by Vermont, Massachusetts, Connecticut, and the Atlantic Ocean (E), New Jersey and Pennsylvania (S), Lakes Erie and Ontario and the Canadian province of Times. Hart's exit affected this other campaign as much as it did the one for the nomination. Now the seekers have spread out. Super-lobbyist Anne Wexler is a top adviser to Michael Dukakis Michael Stanley Dukakis (born November 3, 1933) is an American Democratic politician, former Governor of Massachusetts, and the Democratic presidential nominee in 1988. He was born to Greek and Vlach immigrant  , James Schlesinger is whispering in Richard Gephardt's ear, Robert Strauss The name Robert Strauss can refer to:
1. Pleasing; agreeable: "Reading requires an effort.... Print is not as ingratiating as television" Robert MacNeil.
2. themselves with senior advisers, by writing unsolicited memoranda, providing either advice on campaigning or specific issues, by offering to organize a briefing session on a subject.' Or they pound out opinion pieces, angle for a few precious minutes on "Nightline,' or attend conferences. Lots of them. The conferences of choice this year have been those of the Washington-based Center for National Policy. The Center has become a sort of employment agency for the government-in-waiting, just as the Trilateral Commission Trilateral Commission
From the site at Trilateral.org:
The Trilateral Commission is a non-governmental policy-oriented discussion group of about 325 distinguished citizens from North America, the European Union, and Japan which seeks to foster mutual issues for which these and the Industrial Policy Study Group were in previous elections.
Insiders know the they'd better campaign now because competition becomes frenzied during the ten-week transition period after the election. The clawing and climbing of job seekers has been so frenetic during past transitions as to evoke Stephen King <noinclude></noinclude>
Stephen Edwin King (born September 21, 1947) is an American author of over 200 stories including over 50 bestselling horror and descriptions from officials involved: "a black morass,' "a whirlwind,' "thunder clouds and lightning,' "that tidal wave tidal wave, term properly applied to the crest of a tide as it moves around the earth. The wavelike upstream rush of water caused by the incoming tide in some locations is known as a tidal bore. ,' "that avalanche, that onslaught.'
Presidents, in part to avoid the stampede, often choose people they know and trust, a formula that can backfire in the form of a Bert Lance Thomas Bertram Lance, known as Bert Lance, (Born June 3, 1931 in Gainesville, Georgia) is an American businessman, known mainly for his resignation from President Jimmy Carter's administration amid scandal in 1977. or Frank Moore Frank Moore is a name shared by the following individuals:
1. A recent convert to a belief; a proselyte.
2. A beginner or novice: a neophyte at politics.
a. Roman Catholic Church A newly ordained priest. as Carter; many of the administration's legislative initiatives stumbled over Moore's inexperience--"as disaster' is how one top Carter aide describes Moore's tenure aide describes Moore's tenure.
Presidents will also make cabinet-level selections that satisfy the demands of the department's constituencies. Reagan selected James Watt to be secretary of interior to please Western politicians like Senator Alan Simpson Alan Simpson may refer to:
To dispel the impression they'd make appointments of the caliber of Lance, Moore, or Watt, candidates have made an equally perilous mistake: relying on respectable Washington insiders.
There are, of course, some talented people in Washington institutions like Congress, the thinktanks and law firms This list of the world's largest law firms by revenue is taken from The Lawyer and The American Lawyer and is ordered by 2006 revenue:
illiterate - not able to read or write unemployables.' Carter pointed out that he had plenty of capable employees on his farm who could operate forklifts but couldn't sign their names--just the sort of common sense you're more likely to pick up on a peanut farm than on the banks of the Potomac. Califano continued to advocate that old liberal warhorse, a guaranteed national income, which doomed the welfare reform initiative Carter had made such a high priority.
Finally, there is the danger that in the quest for Verb 1. quest for - go in search of or hunt for; "pursue a hobby"
quest after, go after, pursue
look for, search, seek - try to locate or discover, or try to establish the existence of; "The police are searching for clues"; "They are searching for the someone with an impressive resume who knows how Washington works, a president overlooks obvious faults he wouldn't tolerate from some no-name, such as, say, being a complete jerk. James Schlesinger impressed candidate Jimmy Carter with his brains, his high-level experience (he'd run the CIA CIA: see Central Intelligence Agency.
(1) (Confidentiality Integrity Authentication) The three important concerns with regards to information security. Encryption is used to provide confidentiality (privacy, secrecy). , the Atomic Energy Commission Atomic Energy Commission (AEC), former U.S. government commission created by the Atomic Energy Act of 1946 and charged with the development and control of the U.S. atomic energy program following World War II. and the Defense Department), and with secrets regarding the defense spending vacillations of his old boss, Gerald Ford, just in time for the presidential debates. After the election, Carter hired Schlesinger as energy secretary. But Carter fired Schlesinger in 1979 in part for the same reason Gerald Ford had--he was unbearably arrogant and impatient with lesser minds who disagreed with him, and hence inept at dealing with Congress.
Similar disasters lurk among the respectable candidates for appointment in a new Democratic administration. Each of the five people on our list represents a tendency of establishment Washington that a Democratic president would have to challenge if he or she hopes to govern well enough to win reelection re·e·lect also re-e·lect
tr.v. re·e·lect·ed, re·e·lect·ing, re·e·lects
To elect again.
re in '92. Several have an additional liability: character flaws that might not hamper their ability to win a seat at the cabinet table but, once there, could prove damaging to their president. All have some fine qualities, and after eight years of watching conservative rockheads in top federal jobs, almost any Democrat is going to seem refreshing. But that's hardly an argument for giving them some of the most important jobs in America.
It may seem a little early to be sorting resumes for a Democratic cabinet a year before the party has even chosen a nominee, let alone taken the White House. But by next fall it will be too late; when "that avalanche, that onslaught' comes, the harried president-elect will start turning to those people who helped him early in the campaign. With each passing day, these troublesome courtiers are winning valuable brownie points Brownie points are a hypothetical currency, which can be accrued by doing good deeds or earning favour in the eyes of another, often one's superior. Conjectures for etymology
The Oxford English Dictionary . Putting a few establishment resumes in the "reject' pile right now might be the next step towards making the Democratic party something the nation can be proud of.
To understand what's wrong with Pat Caddell, take a sip of New Coke New Coke was the unofficial name of the sweeter formulation introduced in 1985 by The Coca-Cola Company to replace its flagship soft drink, Coca-Cola or Coke. and then a sip of Classic Coke. If you're like me, you'll wonder how on earth Coca-Cola thought changing the formula was a great new idea. Yet it makes perfect sense that Caddell was a marketing consultant on the New Coke campaign. It was, after all, new. A change. And Caddell is the official strategist/ pollster/Svengali of those on-the-move-and-lookin'-for-a-change baby boomers See generation X. . "Coke was very receptive,' Scott Miller Scott Miller may refer to:
There is no doubt that despite the slump of his current candidate, Joe Biden This article is about the United States Senator from Delaware, for other uses of the name, see Biden.
Joseph Robinette Biden, Jr. (born November 20, 1942) is an American lawyer and politician from Wilmington, Delaware. , Caddell knows how to win elections--he helped George McGovern George Stanley McGovern, (born July 19, 1922) is a former United States Representative, Senator, and Democratic presidential nominee. McGovern lost the 1972 presidential election in a landslide to incumbent Richard Nixon. , Jimmy Carter, and Gary Hart stun political pundits. Caddell has shown brilliance in analyzing the Democratic party's problems. He saw the need to come up with a "better approach for the Democratic party than constantly trying to glue together another version of the New Deal coalition every four years,' as John McEvoy, a Hart adviser and Caddell fan, puts it.
But there is an aspect to his thinking that is bad not only for his candidates but for governance. Caddell believes the key to winning contemporary elections is appealing to "alienated' voters--that ever-growing group of mostly younger voters who are not easily identified as liberal or conservative and don't trust government, politicians, or the parties. You can't lure these voters with programs and stands on specific issues, so the theory goes. Rather, you must remain as uncommitted as they are. You lure them by attacking that which caused their alienation: the Establishment. Even if he were inclined to help his candidate address the nation's substantive problems and articulate a coherent package of solutions, he'd have trouble. Caddell understands polling, public opinion, and campaigning, but his knowlege of and interest in government is scant. As a result, Gary Hart, a man with at least some substantial views on major issues, became, under Caddell's control, open to the charge, "Where's the beef?' A good bit of beef was there; Caddell simply had no urge or facility for conveying it. He helped express only that part of Hart's appeal he understood and thought was important--his youth, newness and independence from "the failed politics of the past.'
Promising disaffected voters or soft-drink guzzlers something you can't deliver is more than just cynical, it's reckless. "Basing politics on appeals to alienated voters,' writes Sidney Blumenthal Sidney Blumenthal (born November 6, 1948) is a widely published American journalist, especially on American politics and foreign policy.
Born in Chicago, he earned a BA in sociology from Brandeis University in 1969 and started his career in Boston as a journalist who wrote in The Permanent Campaign, "seems self-deefeating, since as a politics without a fixed position, it creates more alienated voters. Carter may have been able to win the presidency on this basis, but he has found it difficult to govern.'
This explains the fallout from the infamous "malaise' speech that Carter and Caddell wrote based on a long Caddell memo. Carter spoke eloquently about leadership and national angst but offered no compelling plan of action. Although most people remember the speech as a disaster, Carter's approval rating shot up immediately afterwards. It was only disastrous a few days later when Carter's solution--some awkward cabinet firings and haphazard policy proposals--gave the (correct) impression that he wasn't in control. "Having diagnosed the patient's moral neurosis neurosis, in psychiatry, a broad category of psychological disturbance, encompassing various mild forms of mental disorder. Until fairly recently, the term neurosis was broadly employed in contrast with psychosis, which denoted much more severe, debilitating mental , Dr. Carter was unable to provide the cure,' writes former Carter speechwriter speech·writ·er
One who writes speeches for others, especially as a profession.
speechwrit Hendrik Hertzberg. "He'd raised expectations so high that when he proved unequal to Adj. 1. unequal to - not meeting requirements; "unequal to the demands put upon him"
inadequate, unequal - lacking the requisite qualities or resources to meet a task; "inadequate training"; "the staff was inadequate"; "she was unequal the task of meeting those expectations the public took a terrible revenge.'
Joe Biden is now learning the same lesson. Caddell has modified his boiler-plate "outside insurgent' strategy to fit the fact that his candidate has been a U.S. senator for 15 years; Biden is now "an inside insurgent INSURGENT. One who is concerned in an insurrection. He differs from a rebel in this, that rebel is always understood in a bad sense, or one who unjustly opposes the constituted authorities; insurgent may be one who justly opposes the tyranny of constituted authorities. ,' leader of that fiery rebellion known as the "coming of age of a new generation.' Biden's rhetoric, his promise of a renewal of idenalism, can dra thundering applause. But already the gap between promise and delivery is showing. "What's Biden Saying?' was the headline of a David Broder column about a campaign speech Biden gave outlining his foreign policy. After interviewing members of the audience, Broder concluded that "Biden's speech really demonstrated more of the tempatation to fuzz the issue than to give a straight answer.' The New Republic's Morton Kondracke found the same reaction in Iowa, where Biden in August was "doing nothing in the polls and is gaining the coffee shop reputation as a "big mouth, not serious.''
Just suppose Biden picks up in the polls and wins the election thanks to Caddell's strategy. Having failed to offer alternative views and positions, Biden, like Carter but unlike Reagan, will arrive in office with no mandate to do anything in particular except maintain his popularity in the polls--a job for which he would need the assistance, obviously, of Pat Caddell. During the 1976 Florida primary, Caddell's polling showed that the public thought Carter was unclear on the issues. "The problem,' Caddell told Blumenthal, "was that the fuzzy issue had caught up with Carter.' The campaign sonn put out a series of pseudo-substance ads that corrected the "fuzzy issue' at least enough to get Carter
Get Carter is a 1971 British crime film, directed by Mike Hodges and starring Michael Caine as Jack Carter, a gangster who sets out to avenge the death of his brother. into the White House. Thanks, Pat.
Is it really Caddell's fault if Carter had no program, Hart couldn't articulate his, and Biden's a windbag wind·bag
1. The flexible air-filled chamber of a bagpipe or similar instrument.
2. Slang A talkative person who communicates nothing of substance or interest. ? Of course not. And a president with a coherent program and message might make good use of Pat Caddell's strategic mind. But it says something about Caddell that he has not tended to drift to people like that. If a solid candidate did manage to sign him on he or she had better be careful: Pat Caddell, in his personal behavior, is a p.r. disaster waiting to happen. He either gets his way or, well, he has a tantrum tan·trum
A fit of bad temper.
n a sudden outburst or violent display of rage, frustration, and bad temper, usually occurring in a maladjusted child or immature or disturbed adult. . "He's like a lot of people who make it very young,' Frank Mankiewicz Frank Fabian Mankiewicz II (born 16 May 1924) is an American journalist.
He grew up in Beverly Hills, California. His father, screenwriter Herman Mankiewicz, co-wrote Citizen Kane.
Mankiewicz received a B.A. , executive vice president of Hill & Knowlton and a Caddell ally, has said. "He's certainly had a late adolescence.' As a consultant to Gary Hart's 1984 campaign, Caddell would thunder and moan and threaten resignation again and again when he felt his strategy wasn't being followed, oblivious to how his public whining hurt the candidate. During a key fundraiser on the night of the New Hampshire primary The New Hampshire primary is the first of a number of statewide political party primary elections held in the United States every four years, as part of the process of the Democratic and Republican parties choosing their candidate for the presidential elections on the subsequent , he stormed past perturbed per·turb
tr.v. per·turbed, per·turb·ing, per·turbs
1. To disturb greatly; make uneasy or anxious.
2. To throw into great confusion.
3. potential donors and out the door, leaving Hart to make the best of To improve to the utmost; to use or dispose of to the greatest advantage.
To reduce to the least possible inconvenience; as, to make the best of ill fortune or a bad bargain.
See also: Best Best a bad public scene. "You can't believe a grown man would behave that way,' observes a member of Hart's campaign staff who maintains a friendship with Caddell. "He's like a parody of some temperamental movie director.'
He's no less persistent when his ideas are dumb. In the 1980 campaign, Caddell urged Carter to attack Reagan as a racist and a warmonger. The plan backfired when the press made Carter's "meanness' a major campaign issue. "Pat would frequently come into my office with some off-the-wall idea that we needed to implement "right away,'' recalls one senior White House official. "I'd usually sit there and listen and then not do anything, and the idea would usually just go away.' Unfortunately, Caddell is such a dynamic, persuasive and relentless character that too many of his bad ideas just don't go away.
No, not the Chicago Bear. And if this William Perry were to be given a kitchen-appliance nickname it would not be "refrigerator' but "self-adjusting-all-weather-nasally-attentive microwave oven.' William Perry is Mr. High-Tech of the defense world. His license plate reads "HI TECH.' And he's on the short list to be secretary of defense. He's already advised several candidates (expressing "the greatest admiration' for Al Gore Noun 1. Al Gore - Vice President of the United States under Bill Clinton (born in 1948)
Albert Gore Jr., Gore ), is a regular conference goer, a habitual commission-joiner (he was on both the Scowcroft and Packard commissions), and is a trusted adviser to defense-god Sam Nunn Samuel Augustus Nunn, Jr. (born September 8, 1938) is an American businessman and politician. Currently the co-chairman and Chief Executive Officer of the NTI (Nuclear Threat Initiative), a charitable organization working to reduce the global threats from nuclear, biological and . He was Carter's undersecretary of defense for research, engineering, and acquisition, and, as the title implies, understands the complex technologies that go into modern weapons. But his record of having helped build an arsenal of weapons that don't work shows he knows quite a bit less about the unpredictable realities of combat.
That's too bad "That's Too Bad" is the debut single by Tubeway Army, the band which provided the initial musical vehicle for Gary Numan. It was released in February 1978 by independent London record label Beggars Banquet. because the next secretary of defense will have to be a particularly good one to help guide our military out of the mess created, in part, by William Perry. After all, the Reagan arms buildup was primarily a radical increase in purchases of weapons designed and developed during the Carter administration Noun 1. Carter administration - the executive under President Carter
executive - persons who administer the law . As under secretary, Perry effectively controlled which emerging technologies and weapons systems would receive R&D funds and which systems the Pentagon would procure. Among the regrettable high-tech weapons systems he gave the green light to: the MX missile (still no basing system), the TV-guided Maverick missile (fighter pilots become sitting ducks Sitting Ducks is an iconic lithograph created by Michael Bedard in the late 1970s. It depicts a literal interpretation of the idiom "sitting duck". Three ducks are relaxing in the sun on white chairs by the poolside, one looks up and notices two bullet holes in the wall. when they launch them), the F-18 fighter (costs more, performs worse than the planes it replaced), the Aquila Remotely Piloted Vehicle An unmanned vehicle capable of being controlled from a distant location through a communication link. It is normally designed to be recoverable. See also drone. drone (worse than the Israeli version, 16 times as expensive), the DIVAD DIVAD Division Air Defense gun (no amount of money could make it work), and the Apache helicopter (the Pentagon recently grounded the entire fleet).
Many a fine man might have succumbed to the pressures of the services lobbying for these duds. The trouble is that Perry is devoted to the idea that the U.S. can throw technology at its defense problems. This is not surprising given that his military experience is almost entirely of the chalkboard variety. Trained in mathematics, he worked in the California electronics industry, where he co-founded a defense electronics R&D firm before going to the Pentagon. Since leaving government he's been working as an investment banker Investment Banker
A person representing a financial institution that is in the business of raising capital for corporations and municipalities.
An investment banker may not accept deposits or make commercial loans. specializing in high-tech and defense companies.
When faced with questions about the high costs and inconvenience of high technology weapons, he whips out his calculator metaphor. Calculators, he points out, used to be clunky devices that took up half your desk and cost several hundred dollars a piece. Today they fit in your palm and run $5.99. True, the microelectronics used in modern weapons are better and cheaper than they used to be. But the price of the microelectronics-laden weapons themselves--not to mention their operating costs operating costs npl → gastos mpl operacionales and the rate at which they break down--has skyrocketed. Meanwhile, the price of comparable consumer items, like cars, with all their fancy new electronics, has dropped slightly in real dollars over the past five years. That's because in the defense market--unlike the consumer market--a handful of producers sell a small number of units to one buyer--the Pentagon, whose perverse bureaucratic tendency is to demand ever more expensive and complicated products.
Perry argues that high-tech is good tech because it's the best way to compensate for the Soviet's numbers advantage; they have four tanks deployed for every one of ours, for example. Our only hope, he says, is to make use of our country's etechnological superiority. Rather than match the Soviets tank for tank, Perry promoted something called Follow on Forces Attack (FOFA FOFA Follow-On Forces Attack
FOFA Find One Find All ), a strategy that, in theory, uses guided missiles, heat-seeking "smart' munitions mu·ni·tion
War materiel, especially weapons and ammunition. Often used in the plural.
tr.v. mu·ni·tioned, mu·ni·tion·ing, mu·ni·tions
To supply with munitions. , and complicated radar targeting systems to destroy Soviet forces before they get to the battlefield.
A few minor problems. According to according to
1. As stated or indicated by; on the authority of: according to historians.
2. In keeping with: according to instructions.
3. the Office of Technology Assessment, no one can say how much FOFA will cost, though the whole premise is that it will be cheaper than building more battlefeld weapons like tanks. No one can say if the plan will work, because no one has figured out how to test all the systems working in tandem Adv. 1. in tandem - one behind the other; "ride tandem on a bicycle built for two"; "riding horses down the path in tandem"
tandem . The more money we spend on FOFA, of course, the less we have to buy tanks, giving the Soviets an even bigger advantage. Yet FOFA, dubbed "the 13 miracles weapon' by Pentagon skeptics, has moved ahead under the Reagan administration Noun 1. Reagan administration - the executive under President Reagan
executive - persons who administer the law and would probably get a big boost if Perry returned.
It's not that technology can't improve weapons. The cruise missile cruise missile, low-flying, continuously powered offensive missile designed to evade defense systems. Although the German V-1 (1944) was a simple cruise missile, the cruise missile did not realize its potential until the 1970s, when the United States sought to is an example of a worthwhile high-tech weapon Perry helped bring about, though it too has problems. But the best way to determine, short of battle, when technology is improving weapons and when it is not, is a system of rigorous testing. This is where we should really worry about Perry. His most infamous accomplishment in office was to quash the Office of Testing and Evaluation (OTE OTE Chiefly Brit (esp. in job adverts) on target earnings: the minimum amount of money a salesman is expected to make
OTE abbr (Comm) (= on-target earnings) → Einkommensziel nt ). Created in 1977 by Perry's boss, Defense Secretary Harold Brown Harold Brown may refer to:
Perry initially succeeded in reducing the OTE's staff to eight, but even then the office raised embarrassing questions about some Perry-backed weapons. So he teamed up with defense industry executives to convince senior Pentagon officials to limit the office's role to review tests conducted by the individual services, and later, to have all review functions transferred back to Perry's Research and Engineering Office.
Perry also kept more and more defense projects outside congressional oversight Congressional Oversight refers to oversight by the United States Congress of the Executive Branch, including the numerous U.S. federal agencies. Congressional Research Service (CRS) Report for Congress
Congressional Oversight by enlarging the Pentagon's top secret "black budget.' Before coming to Washington, he and his company had prospered by working on black projects for U.S. intelligence agencies. "He liked black projects from a management point of view,' recalls Robert Komer Robert William "Blowtorch Bob" Komer (February 23, 1922 - April 9, 2000) was a key figure in the pacification effort to win South Vietnamese "hearts and minds" during the Vietnam War, heading Civil Operations and Revolutionary Development Support. , former undersecretary of defense for policy. "He was terribly pleased to have Congress out of his hair.' But pleasant as its programs are to administer, the black budget, according to some insiders, has become a hiding place for the biggest boondoggles around, such as the Stealth bomber and the forward-thiinking program to have roving robots fight World War IV. (See "The Dark Secret of the Black Budget,' Tim Weiner, May 1987.)
You'd hope that if he doesn't like extra testing or congressional oversight, he would at least encourage vigorous internal debate. "Perry didn't like brouhaha, he didn't like debate around the table,' recalls Charles Myers, who worked under Perry as director of air warfare air warfare
Military operations conducted by airplanes, helicopters, or other aircraft against aircraft or targets on the ground and in the water. Air warfare did not become important until World War I (1914–18). . "It's natural for these guys who come from private industry. They're used to working with people who share the common goal of making a profit. They don't realize that in government people have competing interests. . . . For weaknesses in proposals to surface, you need to demand fierce adversarial debate.'
Creating controversy and making enemies, however, is not the Perry style. James Schear, executive officer of the Aspen Strategy Group The Aspen Strategy Group (ASG), founded in 1984, is a program of the Aspen Institute. It is a bipartisan forum composed of current and former politicians, civil servants, academics, journalists and business leaders who discuss issues of key importance in the realms of foreign , which Perry co-chairs with Brent Scowcroft Brent Scowcroft (born March 19 1925 in Ogden, Utah) was the United States National Security Advisor under Presidents Gerald Ford and George H. W. Bush and a Lieutenant General in the United States Air Force. , says Perry remains on good terms with people in the defense industry, the R&D community, and throughout the Pentagon--the very people a good defense secretary should rile. Adds Schear, "I honestly can't think of a single person who dislikes him.'
If a Democrat is elected president, Anne Wexler will likely rise to the level of her incompetence. The brilliant business lobbyist who served as Jimmy Carter's assistant for public liaison (chief cajoler ca·jole
tr.v. ca·joled, ca·jol·ing, ca·joles
To urge with gentle and repeated appeals, teasing, or flattery; wheedle.
[French cajoler, possibly blend of Old French of interest groups), is now eyeing a cabinetlevel post, most likely Commerce or Transportation, according to friends and associates. As probably the Democratic party's most pluggeding and powerful female activist, she's got a good shot at it. If the president happens to be Michael Dukakis, whom she advises regularly, Wexler's chances will increase.
It would be a troubling sign if a Democratic administration put a corporate lobbyist in charge of a department whose major constituents are corporations, especially when the person, in the words of one Carter administration official, "has no philosophy, no view, no conceptual apparatus' about regulation, commerce, or economic policy. Her ideas on these subjects "depend on who gets to her last, and her daily friends and informational contacts are bigshots in the business world.' Such "open-mindedness' on business matters is the perfect mind-set for a corporate lobbyist, but a cabinet secretary who mistakes the position papers of the Chamber of Commerce for the national interest would fit better into a Republican administration. On many non-business issues, Wexler's heart is in the right place. Giving her a business-related cabiner post, howerver, would be folly.
Wexler has had a long career of helping liberal causes. A tireless campaign organizer in the 1960s and 1970s, she excelled at building unlikely interest group coalitions--persuading construction unions to support antiwar an·ti·war
Opposed to war or to a particular war: antiwar protests; an antiwar candidate. Democrats, for instance. She employed her skills for Jimmy Carter in 1976 and landed a job in the Commerce Department, where she stayed until 1978, when she moved to the White House.
The new job required meeting with the myriad interest groups that demand White House attention. Wexler's predecessor, Mide Costanza, had let her liberal impulses upset the delicate interest group balance, once engineering a meatless White House buffet to celebrate Vegetarian Food Day at a time when cattlemen were complaining about low beef prices. The White House wanted Wexler, among other things, to patch things up with the business community. She did, becoming famous for her "Wednesday group,' in which lobbyists, lawyers, and business people could share their concerns directly with Carter and his aides.
The day after Reagan's inauguration, she and two other Carter officials followed a well-worn path into the private sector, setting up their own lobbying firm. They soon added a Republican partner, Reagan confidant Nancy Reynolds, making the firm "administration-proof.' She became, in the words of journalist David Owen
She has used her skills to fight some seamy seam·y
adj. seam·i·er, seam·i·est
1. Sordid; base: "seamy tales of aberrant sexual practices, messy divorces, drug addiction, mental instability, and suicide attempts" battles. Soon after starting her firm, Wexler represented Foothills Pipeline Company, a Canadian energy firm. Foothills was part of a consortium Congress said could build an Alaska natural gas pipeline, provided the costs weren't passed on to consumers until after the pipeline was up and running. When those costs skyrocketed and banks refused financing for the projectT he consortium hired Washington's top Democratic power brokers--Robert Strauss (former chairman of the Democratic party), Charles Manatt (then chairman of the Democratic party), and Wexler. They lobbied Congress to let the consortium bill customers for the costs of construction--potentially $37 billion--even if the project were never completed and no gas delivered. The consortium hoped this would lure the banks back.
Consumer groups led by Ralph Nader counterattacked. Rep. Tom Corcoran, a conservative Republican, called the legislation "potentially the greatest consumer rip-off in the history of the United States “American history” redirects here. For the history of the continents, see History of the Americas.
The United States of America is located in the middle of the North American continent, with Canada to the north and the United Mexican States to the south. .' Wexler and her partners organized Alaska interest groups to pressure congressmen, and the consortium backed it up with $80,000 in campaign contributions. They won the vote, but, thankfully, the banks still didn't trust the pipeline enough to fund it.
Last fall, Wexler had a chance to demonstrate to skeptics that she still had a liberal core on business issues. The mid-term election had broken all records for campaign spending, with Senate candidates spending an average of $3 million and House candidates $300,000 each, to win their seats. PACs, most of which are affiliated with a business, accounted for a third of all that money. But a consensus was finally building to take some major action. The Senate was considering legislation, sponsored by Senate Majority Leader Robert Byrd and Senator David Boren, that would give public money to candidates who voluntarily limited their total campaign spending, thereby reducing the impact of PACs and reversing the fundraising wars that bid up campaign costs.
A group of Washington lawyers and lobbyists asked Wexler to join them in backing Byrd-Boren, but rescinded the invitation when they found out about Wexler's latest venture. The Washington representative of one of her firm's clients was head of a group called the National Association of Business Political Action Committees (NABPAC NABPAC National Association of Business Political Action Committees ). Wexler agreed to help coordinate the group's efforts to fight Byrd-Boren. As an alternative, NABPAC offered a package of worthy little reforms--more financial disclosure, a higher limit on personal contributions--that left PAC power intact. While the Byrd-Boren forces were trying to stave off defeat of their bill, Wexler was helping NABPAC marshal Republicans for a filibuster filibuster, term used to designate obstructionist tactics in legislative assemblies. It has particular reference to the U.S. Senate, where the tradition of unlimited debate is very strong. It was not until 1917 that the Senate provided for cloture (i.e. .
Wexler's strong association with liberal causes, her Jewish-mother charm, and her pioneering as a woman in the world of big-stakes lobbying, gives her a reputation as more than just a dealcutter for big business, a Robert Strauss with pearls. She promotes this image by publicly expressing her concerns about the problems of the Democrats, having lamented in 1983, "I worry about the impact of special interest groups.' It's a legitimate point, so legitimate that Anne Wexlr shouldn't be in the next Democratic cabinet.
Mary Frances Berry Mary Frances Berry is the Geraldine R. Segal Professor of American Social Thought and Professor of History at the University of Pennsylvania and the former chairwoman of the United States Commission on Civil Rights. She is also the former board chair of Pacifica Radio.
For a Democrat looking to appoint blacks and women to high government posts, Berry's resume is a special treat. She's an author, lawyer, academic, and experienced federal bureaucrat. She was assistant secretary of education in Jimmy Carter's HEW and is a member of the Civil Rights Commission, where she has led smart and merciless attacks against the clownish chairman, Clarence Pendleton. "Mary Berry's name will surely be on the list any Democratic president looks at when he's picking a secretary of education,' says Roger Wilkins, the black former assistant attorney general. Insiders agree Berry also has a good shot at a top job in Health and Human Services Noun 1. Health and Human Services - the United States federal department that administers all federal programs dealing with health and welfare; created in 1979
Department of Health and Human Services, HHS or at the chairmanship of the Civil Rights Commission. But many of Berry's colleagues know that the scrappiness she showed in her battles with Pendleton has an ugly side-- a vitriolic, uncompromising style she uses against both conservatives and liberals to promote her ideas, which are sometimes downright weird.
Although the assistant secretary job was mostly a figurehead figurehead, carved decoration usually representing a head or figure placed under the bowsprit of a ship. The art is of extreme antiquity. Ancient galleys and triremes carried rostrums, or beaks, on the bow to ram enemy vessels. position, she managed to earn a reputation as someone who simply couldn't be dealt with. "Abrasive and not interested in compromise' is how a former HEW official describes her; "a bull in a china closet,' says another. Officials of various ideologies learned to avoid involving her in policy decisions out of fear she'd shatter consensus and jeopardize initiatives. "She found herself isolated. She so distrusted people as to not be trustworthy herself,' explains yet another former HEW colleague. "The question was always "What do we do about Mary?' Eventually they just sent her out on speaking engagements.'
She wasn't much help on the lecture circuit either. In one speech, Berry embarrassed the Carter administration by praising major aspects of the education system in communist China. That students chosen by the government to receive higher education "must develop what they call socialist consciousness and culture,' was no cause for criticism. "It would be both cheap and easy for us here in America to denounce that approach.'
A momentary flight of harmless cultural relativism? Consider what Berry and co-author John Blassingame wrote in their 1982 book, Long Memory: The Black Experience in America. In one chapter she gave an interesting revisionist re·vi·sion·ism
1. Advocacy of the revision of an accepted, usually long-standing view, theory, or doctrine, especially a revision of historical events and movements.
2. interpretation of Great Society efforts to promote family planning family planning
Use of measures designed to regulate the number and spacing of children within a family, largely to curb population growth and ensure each family’s access to limited resources. in black ghettos: "Although most historians have dismissed the claims of Afro-Americans that the United States had inaugurated a campaign of genocide against black people in the 1960s as unfounded, hysterical charges, the threat of genocide was real. It was roughly comparable to the threat faced by Jews in the 1930s.' And on why American blacks remained cool to communism in the twenties and thirties: "Subjected to a massive barrage of propaganda from American news media, few of them knew about Russia's constitutional safeguards for minorities, the extent of equal opportunity, or the equal provision of social services to its citizens.' The guys at the Ukrainian-American League must have loved that one.
Berry holds in contempt not only "white moderates who claim to be our friends but try to tell us how to think' but liberal blacks who don't happen to share her take-no-prisoners political style. A Washington reporter recalls, "She would call me up and just castigate cas·ti·gate
tr.v. cas·ti·gat·ed, cas·ti·gat·ing, cas·ti·gates
1. To inflict severe punishment on. See Synonyms at punish.
2. To criticize severely. me for reporting a David Stockman speech or a White House statement regarding the Civil Rights Commission. She uses the most hateful, obnoxious language, telling me I'm a black reporter so therefore I'm being irresponsible.' Berry would rather burn a bridge than build one. She decided not to endorse the call by Civil Rights Commission moderate John H. Bunzel for chairman Clarence Pendleton to resign. Principle is all very nice, but to Berry having an easy target was more important.
Her bitter single-mindedness makes her not just unpleasant but incapable of guiding policy on difficult and controversial issues about which liberals themselves--not to mention the nation as a whole--have strong disagreements. In advocating the standard civil rights remedies-- affirmative action affirmative action, in the United States, programs to overcome the effects of past societal discrimination by allocating jobs and resources to members of specific groups, such as minorities and women. , busing, minority set-asides, comparable worth--she shows unwillingness to concede that some of the civil rights groups' ideas aren't completely on target. Berry last year tried to quash a Civil Rights Commission report that suggested discrimination was only one of many causes of the persistent gap between the incomes of black and white males. (She regularly attacks the research quality of reports she happens to oppose on ideological grounds, a practice for which Pendleton is justifiably assailed but Berry is not.) She acts as though anything opposed by conservatives is by definition laudable, a formula guaranteed to leave bad policies intact. Just because conservatives attack set-asides doesn't mean such programs aren't a lousy way to encourage minority entrepreneurship.
The folks at the University of Colorado University of Colorado may refer to:
EOP Executive Office of the President
EOP Equity Office Properties Trust (ticker)
EOP Emergency Operations Plan
EOP Earth Orientation Parameters ) because the classes were "remedial.' The faculty argued that "high-risk' minority students, though helped by the courses, were still entering fall classes seriously deficient in language skills.
Minority students and EOP officials protested. Berry and the English department reached a compromise under which the students would receive credit for the summer courses but would also have to take freshman English. Simple enough, until 25 minority students barricaded themselves in the dean's office. Berry, who had already left for Washington, came back to campus to negotiate. (She had told the university the federal job would last only a year and the U.S. Senate that she expected to stay in Washington indefinitely. Angry officials in Washington and Colorado were just discovering the conflicting statements when Berry flew back to Boulder to defuse the crisis.) Outside, according to the Denver Post, minority students led a rally to support the "struggling masses' inside, calling the course compromise "racist' and demanding "destruction of the capitalist system which the University of Colorado represents.'
After meeting with the students, Berry announced a new policy: if the students would be nice enough to leave the building without tearing it apart, the university would grant all their demands--no freshman English requirements; EOP, not the English department, gets control of the classes; amnesty for the protesters. English professors were beside themselves with anger and drew up a petition demanding that she be censured. But Berry was already back in Washington, leaving the university to clean up the mess.
Brzezinski? What newly elected Democrat would be crazy enough to appoint the guy responsible for Jimmy Carter's national security policy? All those who play the credibility game. It is common practice for a president to appoint someone who represents the opposite wing of the party in order to gain credibility for a particular policy. No one is more despised by right-wing Republicans than Henry Kissinger, that proponent of (and they spit out the word) detente dé·tente
1. A relaxing or easing, as of tension between rivals.
2. A policy toward a rival nation or bloc characterized by increased diplomatic, commercial, and cultural contact and a desire to reduce tensions, as through . But as head of Reagan's bi-partisan commission on Central America, Kissinger was able to give the report credibility with groups beyond the right wing of the party and still come out tough on the Sandinistas. Brzezinski has positioned himself well to be useful to a Democratic president by maintaining a continuous barrage of conservative opinion pieces, speeches, and books. Painful as it may be--"the whole topic stirs up an animal I thought I had put down,' says former State Department spokesman Hodding Carter--we cannot be reminded too often of just what a bad choice Brzezinski would be.
First, right now he is just about in sync with the right wing of the Republican party. He supports Star Wars and the contras, is suspicious of even Reagan's arms control negotiations, and has heartily endorsed the administration's efforts to use American ships to protect Kuwaiti tankers carrying Japanese oil from attacks by Iran--all to keep the Soviets out of the Persian Gulf. (I say "right now' he's too conservative because in the beginning of the Carter administration he was quite the advocate of a "multi-polar' worldview world·view
n. In both senses also called Weltanschauung.
1. The overall perspective from which one sees and interprets the world.
2. A collection of beliefs about life and the universe held by an individual or a group. . But when it became clear that such a view wasn't politically popular, he returned to his natural fixation on East-West relations.)
During the Carter administration he was the master of counseling "bold' action to be "tough' on the Soviets even when reality dictated another course. He argued for sticking by the Shah long after it was clear the Shah had lost his nerve and his internal support. He pushed plans for an Iranian military coup, while reports from the field said the military wasn't prepared to stage one. Even his support of the hostage rescue mission was rooted in geopolitics geopolitics, method of political analysis, popular in Central Europe during the first half of the 20th cent., that emphasized the role played by geography in international relations. . Fourteen hours before the mission began, Brzezinski wrote, "If it is a success it will give the United States a shot in the arm which it has needed for 20 years.' On human rights, "except for one speech on Human Rights Day at the White House, Zbig was nothing but a roadblock,' recalls Patricia Derian, the assistant secretary of state for human rights.
In theory, any Democratic administration could have a token adviser to habitually boil down all international situations into an East-West struggle--sort of a hard-line ombudsman. But such a role requires a certain self-control, a maturity Brzezinski does not possess. This is a man, according to Hamilton Jordan, so insecure that he would put positive press clips on himself into the president's "in' box. Even in his own memoirs, he didn't bother to hide his own petty insecurities, sprinkling the pages with bitter playground comments. In Power and Principle, he mentions that Cyrus Vance "had a way of . . . blinking his eyelashes' in the presence of the president. Walter Mondale, another Brzezinski foe, had a "loving way he would comb his hair in front of the mirror.' West German Chancellor Helmut Schmidt wore elevator shoes.
Even after Irangate, nobody is looking back wistfully to Brzezinski's tenure as NSC NSC
National Security Council
Noun 1. NSC - a committee in the executive branch of government that advises the president on foreign and military and national security; supervises the Central Intelligence Agency chairman. Let's just say he was no "honest broker.' Indeed, he relentlessly exploited the main built-in advantage of the office--instant access to the president--to waylay his opponents. He put himself in charge, for example, of writing reports summarizing NSC meetings for the president. But he convinced the president that in order to control leaks he should not let those reports circulate among insignificant players like the secretary of state, who had also attended the meetings. This allowed Brzezinski to put his own spin on other people's arguments, as Vance would often discover when he finally got a copy of the report--after Carter had made his decisions, of course. "Mr. Vance did not understand until very late that it was total war,' Hodding Carter says.
Brzezinski even proved willing to damage his own administration in order to further his policy goals. Take, for example, the 1978 policy fight between Vance and Brzezinski over events in the Horn of Africa Horn of Africa, peninsula, NE Africa, opposite the S Arabia Peninsula. Also known as the Somali Peninsula, it encompasses Somalia and E Ethiopia and is the easternmost extension of the continent, separating the Gulf of Aden from the Indian Ocean. . Brzezinski believed the presence of Cuban advisers in Ethiopia during a border dispute with Somalia should hinder the SALT II talks. Vance was adamant that it was a local issue that could be worked out in regional negotiations and that it was absurd to endanger arms control over such a minor matter. Carter listened to the arguments, then sided with Vance, and made the position public. Later, on "Meet the Press,' Brzezinski blurted out that the Soviets were engaged in an effort "to encircle en·cir·cle
tr.v. en·cir·cled, en·cir·cling, en·cir·cles
1. To form a circle around; surround. See Synonyms at surround.
2. To move or go around completely; make a circuit of. and penetrate the Middle East [and] to stir up racial animosities in Africa' and implied that these transgressions should be linked to SALT II. Carter was furious when headlines in The Washington Post and The New York Times the next day announced both a tougher American attitude towards the Soviets and a serious dispute within the administration. Brzezinski, a man obsessed ob·sess
v. ob·sessed, ob·sess·ing, ob·sess·es
To preoccupy the mind of excessively.
v.intr. with the need to present a tough image to the Soviets, had made his own president look indecisive in·de·ci·sive
1. Prone to or characterized by indecision; irresolute: an indecisive manager.
2. Inconclusive: an indecisive contest; an indecisive battle. and weak.