The influence of Communism on career development and education in Romania.

Contemporary career counseling research has awakened career counselors to the reality that their theories of development, assessment, and intervention have been constructed within the capitalistic structure of the late-20th-century labor force in the United States. The social transition model of career counseling outlined by M. Pope (2000) has identified changes in developmental theory, assessment techniques, and intervention strategies, reflecting changes in U.S. culture in the new millennium. With the career counselor's focus on enhancing multicultural awareness, cultural sensitivity, and globalization, this project presents the societal forces within a Communist environment that influenced the career development process, illustrated by a case history.

**********

Career counseling has experienced a rich developmental journey through the 90-year evolution from initial vocational guidance movement, which described the shift from an agrarian society to an industrial society, to the contemporary career development models, which attempt to encompass the rapid changes in the United States' technological, change-driven corporate world. Pope (2000) has conceptualized a social transitions stage model describing the changes in the brief history of career counseling in the United States. He identified six stages, ranging from the initial job placement focus to the current focus on technology and changing demographics, internationalization and multicultural dimensions, and the school-to-job transition. In developing a vision for the future of career counseling, Parmer and Rush (2003) boldly suggested that career professionals "suffer from enclosing [themselves] within a cocoon of pretend reality" (p. 28). They explained that, as early as 1962, Wrenn described that this reality is based on the assumption that "the present is enduring" and "is based upon the past and the known, upon seeing that which is as though it would always be" (p. 445). Parmer and Rush alerted career counselors that, with the rapid trends of globalization, current "work and career terminology may not be reflective of thinking from the perspective of local and global arenas" (p. 28).

Parmer and Rush (2003) continued by explaining that work is a universal phenomenon. All cultures have opportunities for individuals to find productive labor that helps to provide self-definition and identity. However, they reminded career counselors that it is imperative for them to understand the cultural context or fabric in which this work plan is developed. Parmer and Rush shared the experience of a Peace Corps volunteer serving in Africa who quickly learned that the Western model of career counseling would not be an applicable template for individuals socialized in cultures with very different societal work norms and standards.

Contemporary career development theories have focused on person--environment fit, human development, and social learning as the foundation for Western models of career formation and counseling interventions. Chung (2003) awakened career counselors to the reality that these theories incorporate the values and views of the modern industrial era and are established on a hierarchical model characteristic of large organizations in the United States in the past century. Osipow and Fitzgerald (1996) noted that "the question of career development in other cultures is ignored" (p. 328). After reviewing the articles published in 2004 in the major American career journals, Guidon and Richmond (2005) also concluded, "What we have not learned enough about is career work ... with people whose cultural experience is vastly different from that of first-world nations" (p. 128).

With the challenges of Wrenn (1962) and the reinvigorating of this challenge by Parmer and Rush, career counselors need to broaden the competencies of cultural awareness in order to leave the cocoon of "cultural encapsulation" (Parmer & Rush, 2003, p. 26). This project attempts to enlarge career counselors' sphere by presenting the cultural influences on career development within a Communist country and illustrates these unique influences with a case study of a young man raised in Communist Romania.

Communist Principles Influencing Education and Career Development

After World War II, Eastern European countries, including Hungary, Poland, Bulgaria, and Romania, were forced to change their social, political, and economic standards to a radical system designed and imposed by the Soviet Union. Prior to the introduction of Communist principles, these Eastern European societies had identified themselves largely with Western Europe's cultural, religious, and intellectual heritage (Brzezinski, 1989). The new political and governmental transitions put specific imprints on these societies' cultures, causing challenging transformations. Brzezinski commented that

    cultural superiority, even if reluctantly and secretly acknowledged
    by those dominated, was a critical factor in the ability of the
    Roman or British or French empires to endure for so long. In
    contrast, the Soviet empire is viewed in Eastern Europe--rightly or
    wrongly--as retrogressive subjugation by a culturally inferior
    nation. Thus, even forty years after Stalin's imposition of Soviet
    rule, the Eastern European societies still chafe under their
    Communist regimes. (p. 105)

Engels (1914/1923) envisioned a classless "communal society" (p. 21) in which the strategy, the means, and the results of production belong to society as a whole. The starting point in creating this new social order he called Communism was the management of material resources with the abolition of private property. In Engel's view, the economic reorganization paralleled the management of human resources, as the needs of each individual became closely linked to the needs of the society. One of the first direct consequences to the massive social restructuring that had as a goal the creation of a classless, communal society was the emphasis on obedience and conformity.

Studies on the historical and cultural context of career development in East Germany and China emphasize strikingly similar principles and processes with the ones observed in Romania and the Soviet Union, given that obedience and conformity were vital to the successful functioning of each of these Communist societies (Pinquart, Juang, & Silbereisen, 2004; Zhang, Hu, & Pope, 2002). Article 10 of the former Romanian work code (Codul Muncii Republicii Socialiste Romania, 1973), for example, stipulated that work relationships be based on "the free acceptance of and constant conformity to the socialist work discipline" (p. 13). The spirit and tone of this principle is still reflected in the present Constitution of the Communist Party of China, adopted on November 14, 2002:

    Party members must adhere to the principle that the interests of the
    Party and the people stand above everything else, subordinating
    their personal interests to the interests of the Party and the
    people, being the first to bear hardships and the last to enjoy
    comforts, working selflessly for the public interests and working to
    contribute more. (para. 31)

The developmental plan required personal sacrifices and censored any expression of dissatisfaction or criticism. The influence of Western psychological or philosophical insights was interpreted as a destabilizing force that represented the potential for ideological overturn, and thinking "outside the lines" (Brzezinski, 1989, p. 52) risked being declared subversive. The educational curriculum was carefully selected to represent the socialist ideology, and the import of Western books (especially on psychology or philosophy) was severely restricted. Brzezinski explained, "Philosophical debates were inherently incompatible with a doctrine that saw itself as a closed system containing scientifically correct answers to all social dilemmas" (p. 152).

Political centralism was accompanied by cultural centralism. Each of the Eastern European countries, along with China, used a centralized plan of government aligned to the same Communist principles represented by the Soviet Union (Pinquart et al., 2004; Zhang et al., 2002). In Romania, the construction of a centralized economic system had two primary objectives: the industrialization of the economy and the establishment of socialism (Bachman, 1989). The plan for industrialization identified the working class as the ruling force, requiring a rigid outline that nominated the number of workers needed in each sector of the work environment. The educational focus was on expanding the working class, and the slots open in the educational system reflected this strategy.

In Romania (of the 1970s and 1980s), education was mandatory up to the 10th grade and free for the entire length of study. However, the number of high school graduates accepted into colleges or universities was severely restricted. According to the U.S. Library of Congress Study of Romania (Bachman, 1989), only 8% of these graduates were permitted to enroll into the highest educational track. The very same statistics (8%) apply to their East German peers, whereas in West Germany, 23% of late adolescents were accepted into colleges (Pinquart et al., 2004). According to Heller (1988), in the Soviet Union in the 1950s, "roughly 80% of the children finishing secondary school entered an institute of higher education; in the late 1970s, the figure was not more than 18%" (p. 163). Commenting on what they called "the governmental regimentation of access to the highest school track" (p. 127), Pinquart et al. noted that, in East Germany, access to university was determined by the expected need for employees in the relevant fields.

Indeed, Romania shared in this educational strategy with other Communist countries; the profiles and number of career specializations were regulated by a governmental plan outlining need and availability of job opportunities. Highlighting the contrast between democratic and totalitarian regimes, Pinquart et al. (2004) wrote, "Whereas in Western countries educational and career choices are only minimally influenced by the policy, the government of the former East European communist countries intruded upon individual career choices to a large extent" (p. 126). The welfare of each person had to be subordinated to the socioeconomic priorities of the government, resulting in severely restricted choices for the individual.

Another Communist principle that had a strong impact on the career choice was the "equal obligation on all members of society to work" (Engels, 1914/1923, p. 19). It was readily adopted in the Constitution of the Socialist Republic of Romania (Constitutia Republicii Socialiste Romania, 1972), which provided that "work is a duty of honor for each citizen of this country" (p. 4). The Romanian work code (Codul Muncii Republicii Socialiste Romania, 1973) also stated, in its very first paragraph, that "workers have the right and the obligation to engage in work that is necessary to society, as each person's welfare and interests are organically linked to the welfare and development of the society as a whole" (p. 8). The addition of the obligation to work forced far-reaching changes in the work ethics and the career choice process. If unemployment was to be eradicated, every high school or college graduate was to be guarantee a job. The significant impact of this provision was that, upon completion of one's educational program, an individual could not apply for a job of his or her choice; the individual was assigned a job. Therefore, during the educational course, students began the career decision-making process by weighing concerns about various factors determined by job assignment, particularly geographical location of the assignment. The opportunity to work in a large city or to remain close to home, along with the anticipated working conditions, became the most important factors in the final decision. The already low number of options available for college or university studies was further reduced by the undesirability of some of their assignments. The range of career choices was restricted and had a very limited field of action in the socialist Romania (Ioanid, 2000; Ludusan, 2003).

Sen (2000) examined the interplay of factors that create the unique context in which development takes place, evidencing the crucial role of freedom on self-determination and quality of life. Sen's view of freedom encompasses both "the processes that allow freedom of actions and decisions, and the actual opportunities that people have, given their personal and social circumstances" (p. 17). Five distinct yet interconnected types of instrumental freedoms are identified: (a) political freedoms, (b) economic facilities, (c) social opportunities, (d) transparency guarantees, and (e) protection security. The aforementioned governmental strategies that make the subject of our study are undeniable social influences on the nature and reach of these individual freedoms; they shape the capability set of alternatives, or what a person is free to do, independent of his or her abilities (Sen, 2000).

Sen's (2000) systematical organization, definition, and overview of instrumental freedoms helps us in underlining their disruption by the Romanian Communist state actions. First, political freedom, the liberty to choose from different political parties, was nonexistent, given that there was only one political organization: the Romanian Communist Party. Second, communal property and centralization of the economic system translated into a lack of economic facilities, denying the individual entitlement to economic transactions. Third, free access to health care and education represented unprecedented conveniences welcomed by all citizens. However, the central planning and economic reality of the Communist administration put its imprint on this social opportunity by limiting the access to higher education and the level of health care offered (e.g., by severely restricting the import of new medical technology). The politically shaped and restricted range of social opportunities was also evident in the process of career choice and advancement, because hierarchical advancement was open only to members of the Communist Party. Fourth, the growing reality of censorship in the informational system, paralleled by the spread of suspicion and distrust among young and old Romanians alike, gives the picture of an increasing opaqueness (the very opposite of transparency) throughout the 42 years of Communist rule. Finally, through guaranteed employment and pensions, the Communist system offered the undisputed advantage of protection security. Ironically, the aforementioned protection security, the only instrumental freedom familiar to Romanian citizens, was fractured by the overturn of the Communist regime. It is easily understandable why in 1992, 3 years after the Revolution of 1989, the newly elected president won the campaign under the slogan "A president for our peace of mind!" (I. Ulescu, personal communication, May 3, 2005). Discussing the reluctance to change a previously confining situation, Sen (2000) wrote,

    Deprived people tend to come to terms with their deprivation because
    of the sheer necessity of survival, and they may, as a result, lack
    the courage to demand any radical change, and may even adjust their
    desires and expectations to what they unambitiously see as feasible.
    (p. 63)

Higher Education Possibilities and College Choice Process

According to the U.S. Library of Congress Study of Romania (Bachman, 1989), the Romanian academic system was highly competitive, with very restricted numbers for admissions to university. Choosing a college was equivalent to choosing a career with that decision completed by the end of high school at the age of 18. "Despite an impressive network of universities, technical colleges, academies and conservatories, only 8 percent of those eligible for higher education were permitted to enroll. The central government allocated slots based on predicted demand for given occupations" (para. 16). With this restricted opportunity for admissions, competition became very intense at an early age. Because entrance exam scores were the sole criterion used for acceptance into higher education programs, students began planning their area of specialization as early as the eighth grade, so they would be able to devote a significant portion of their high school education to this academic focus. This practice required career choice and decisions to be pushed to the age of 16, or sometimes even as early as 14 (Bachman, 1989).

Upon high school graduation, a student was permitted to apply to only one college, in one specific department. Past academic records or related experience held no value during the admission process; the only admission criterion was the score on the entrance examinations (Bachman, 1989). With this early age for career decisions, it is not surprising that family had a strong influence on career orientation. As Lent, Brown, and Hackett (2000) observed, an individual's family or immediate circle of significant others functions both "as a filter that distills perceptions of structural barriers in the larger environment and [as] a source of information about how one might cope with such barriers" (p. 45). Families acquired private tutoring for their children many years prior to the highly selective and demanding entrance exams. These families were attempting to ensure success in the chosen career arena. "The cost of a private tutor was prohibitive for many workers and peasant families, and rural-urban differences in education exacerbated their differences" (Bachman, 1989, para. 18). For students who gained successful admission to the competitive and selective university programs, the Romanian state provided generous financial support, including low-cost housing and meals, free tuition, book subsidies, and monthly stipends. The financial package awarded depended on various factors, like socioeconomic background and area of specialization.

The national economic policy, through its centralized planning system, also led to a departure from the common gender stereotypes of career choice. Higher numbers of college admission slots and greater opportunities for large city assignments made engineering an especially attractive field of studies. Because separate college admissions were offered to male and female applicants, many female students took advantage of the educational slots available in electronics, construction, heavy machinery, or metallurgic engineering, for example (I. Ulescu, personal communication, May 3, 2005).

At the universities, the curricular content placed a strong emphasis on theoretical knowledge and minimized the value of practical applications and experiential work opportunities within the educational experience. According to Ludusan (2003), "the entry exam competition accentuated students' study efficacy and performance, it increased their level of knowledge. However, the educational system failed to offer the experiential tools needed for the practical integration of that knowledge" (p. 10). The highly specialized college curriculum carried the informational load of a combined bachelor's- and master's-level education. With the lack of practical experience, however, graduates faced a great disadvantage when they attempted to "translate" these studies to Western educational standards. With the downfall of the Communist regime and abrupt opening of opportunities to work and study abroad, necessity to establish an international curriculum of university studies emerged with unprecedented power (Ludusan, 2003).

The following case study provides an example of a career development path shaped by the Communist influences of contemporary Romania. A structured interview was conducted to investigate the career choice process, the meaning of career and the definition of success, and real or perceived risks and obstacles throughout the career path.

Case History

Flaviu, a 42-year-old Romanian man, described the familial context in which he grew up as rather atypical of a Romanian family of the 1970s and 1980s. "Families are small in Romania, most of them of no more than two children, and both parents have to work in order to make the ends meet," he explained. This was not the case in Flaviu's family. His father worked as a military engineer, and his mother stayed home and raised the children. The oldest of three children, Flaviu remembered vividly his parents' material difficulties due to the limited income, but he emphasized that their message has always been about achieving the highest education rather than making money.

    In my extended family, work has never been considered just means to
    put bread on the table. It was important what you were doing. The
    lesson was that you choose to do in life whatever you liked to do.
    Money was going to come along the way.

Flaviu's subsequent evolution stayed true to this model, although he never forgot his parents' financial struggle and put effort into ensuring that his career choices would lead to financial comfort as well.

Flaviu's initial career dreams and later career development were set in motion by an early childhood memory: watching the moon landing.

    I was 6 years old when it happened. Space flight was the most
    fascinating thing of my early years and keeps being as such even
    today. This was a thread along which my choices of reading, doing,
    and dreaming were built on.

Indeed, reading and dreaming flourished together. As soon as he learned to read, Flaviu spent most of his free time surrounded by adventure and science fiction books. It was a way to travel and to learn about interesting things, places, or times where he could not be; it was a way to access parallel realities that were out of reach.

In his desire to become an astronaut, the young boy first turned his attention toward physics. Later on, during his high school years, Flaviu studied astronomy and became increasingly more interested in philosophy. "It completed the perspective on how the world works," he explained.

    I was really fascinated with philosophy and still am. I hoped that I
    would have my contribution to the history of thinking and mankind
    through writing. This was my first option in high school. On the
    other had, I was interested in science and technology.

Strongly inclined to choose philosophy as a career, Flaviu researched the opportunities and became "painfully aware" that being a philosopher in Romania translated into being a teacher of Marxism. "I wouldn't have really made a living, and I would have hated myself for doing it," he explained.

Flaviu's parents strongly discouraged his choice of philosophy as well. Although their message about a future career had always been supportive of Flaviu's talents ("Choose whatever you like to do!"), soon he understood that the suggestion was defined by the realities of the Romanian job market, characterized by a very restricted range of careers. At the end of high school, Flaviu was resigned to follow in his father's footsteps. He applied to the military academy and studies in aerospace electronics. The choice was also spurred by the family's financial difficulties, because the military was the only institution offering free housing, free food, and free books for the first 3 years of studies. Flaviu passed the entrance exam into college with the highest grade and was valedictorian at graduation. His academic success is even more remarkable considering that his achievements are entirely attributable to his intelligence and hard work; Flaviu's parents never were able to pay for any private tutoring, a standard for many students in the very competitive educational programs.

After college graduation, Flaviu was assigned to a helicopter base outside the city, in a maintenance job that came in deep contrast with his skills and aspirations. For 2 years, he commuted more than 5 hours a day, 6 days a week. After the 1989 revolution, Flaviu transferred to an institute closer to home and worked in research and development. "It was exactly what I expected engineering to be, making the dreams come true," he said. Identified by his ability to assimilate complex information and transform it into innovative solutions, Flaviu was selected to be part of a special research project team to work in Israel. The 5 years spent there were described as the climax of his career in aerospace engineering, but the return to Romania led to a series of disappointments. The research and development department he had worked for now seemed stagnant, and the lack of real projects became frustrating. "I did not want to stay there and just wait for retirement," Flaviu commented.

    I gave it up, because I wanted to do something with my life. I
    looked around for 1 year. Initially, I tried to look in aerospace,
    but it was useless, because there was nothing. I tried to find a
    place where I can leave a trace, and I can have the satisfaction of
    accomplishing something.

Four years ago, Flaviu decided to embark on a new career in business development. He described it as a "completely upside-down thing" from what he did in the military.

    You have to make your own money; nobody pays you from the budget.
    And you can lose your job tomorrow if you are not making money for
    the company. There is no safety net there. It was very challenging.
    On the other hand, it was appealing, because I could make a
    difference by bringing programs to life.

Flaviu enjoys challenging situations that call on his ability to quickly assess resources and take appropriate actions.

The decision to change careers came with personal sacrifice. Flaviu had to give up not only a military career of 18 years but also an early retirement. He will have to retire at 65 years of age instead of 55. Understandably, he got apprehensive about "dropping everything behind and going into uncharted waters." Yet, as he described, the most difficult part of the change does not pertain to what was left behind or to what is to come; it has to do with the everyday demands that the new career places on his time, leaving him exhausted.

Asked about his present satisfaction level, Flaviu answered that he is not sure if the present career is more satisfying than his past career in avionics software. He added, though, that it is certainly more rewarding than the time right before he left the military.

    I'm talking about making a difference around me, not necessarily in
    my life. I'm talking about leaving a mark. It is also a difference
    in my life, obviously. I work long hours, and I am better paid. But
    the biggest difference is about making things happen around me. I am
    no longer frustrated.

Discussion

Contemporary career counseling theories are based on a number of implicit assumptions: There is free choice and a large range of occupational choices; occupational success is largely attributable to individual merit; individual assessment, exploration of personality traits, and career dreams bring one closer to making them happen; and work plays a central role in people's lives. Personality characteristics and individual preferences play less of a role in career orientation than does conformity to the expectations initially outlined by parents and reinforced by the societal Communist principles. Emphasis is placed very early in the adolescent years on education choices linked to specific career needs of the government. Counselors trained in the Western models of career development theories need to be aware of the limitations in the application of contemporary career orientation models for individuals whose career paths were shaped within a Communist culture. Counselors need to be sensitive to the fact that, with these clients, career history may simply be a fortuitous path, not a product of careful planning or a reflection of personality. Therefore, it is essential to reality test inferences and assumptions when taking a career history, especially when the historical or cultural context in which the career choice took place had a restricted range of options.

Contemporary theories, developed in the Western cultures, are strongly linked to Western values. These theories hold an emic (insider) perspective, although it is often assumed these theories are etic (generalizable). As career counselors focus on self-efficacy, outcome expectations, and personal goals, these constructs provide an awareness of variables that are less culture dependent.

Future counseling strategies with clients who did not live in the Western world during their early developmental years will benefit from longitudinal research that follows the career journey of individuals who make their career transition into the world of work in this new culture. Longitudinal research will provide interesting data about the tools that facilitate a successful transition for these cross-cultural clients.

References

Bachman, R. D. (Ed.). (1989). Romania: A country study. Washington, DC: Library of Congress, Federal Research Division. Retrieved November 4, 2003, from http://countrystudies.us/romania/

Brzezinski, Z. (1989). The grand failure: The birth and death of Communism in the twentieth century. New York: Scribner.

Chung, Y. B. (2003). Ethical and professional issues in career assessment with lesbian, gay and bisexual persons. Journal of Career Assessment, 11, 96-112.

Codul muncii Republicii Socialiste Romania [The work code of the Socialist Republic of Romania]. (1973). Bucharest, Romania: I.T.C.

Constitutia Republicii Socialiste Romania [The Constitution of the Socialist Republic of Romania]. (1972). Bucharest, Romania: Editura Politica.

Constitution of the Communist Party of China. (2002). Retrieved September 1, 2005, from http://www.fas.org/irp/world/china/docs/const.html

Engels, F. (1923). Principiile comunismului [The principles of Communism]. Barlad, Romania: N. Peiu. (Original work published 1914)

Guidon, M. H., & Richmond, L. J. (2005). Practice and research in career counseling and development--2004. The Career Development Quarterly, 54, 90-137.

Heller, M. (1988). Cogs in the wheel: The formation of Soviet man. New York: Knopf.

Ioanid, I. (2000, July 25). Despre generatii [About generations]. Adevarul Literar, p. 12.

Lent, R. W., Brown, S. D., & Hackett, G. (2000). Contextual supports and barriers to career choice: A social cognitive analysis. Journal of Counseling Psychology, 47, 36-49.

Ludusan, A. (2003, March 18). Statul subteran si egalitatea de sanse [The underground state and the equality of opportunities]. Observator Cultural, p. 10.

Osipow, S., & Fitzgerald, L. (1996). Theories of career development (4th ed.). Needham Heights, MA: Allyn & Bacon.

Parmer, T., & Rush, L. C. (2003). The next decade in career counseling: Cocoon maintenance or metamorphosis? The Career Development Quarterly, 52, 26-34.

Pinquart, M., Juang, L. P., & Silbereisen, R. K. (2004). The role of self-efficacy, academic abilities, and parental education in the change in career decision of adolescents facing German unification. Journal of Career Development, 31, 125-142.

Pope, M. (2000). A brief history of career counseling in the United States. The Career Development Quarterly, 48, 194-211.

Sen, A. (2000). Development as freedom. New York: Anchor Books.

Wrenn, C. G. (1962). The culturally encapsulated counselor. Harvard Educational Review, 32, 444-449.

Zhang, W., Hu, X., & Pope, M. (2002). The evolution of career guidance and counseling in the People's Republic of China. The Career Development Quarterly, 50, 226-236.

Lona Whitmarsh and Ruxandra Ritter, Department of Psychology, Fairleigh Dickinson University. Correspondence concerning this article should be addressed to Lona Whitmarsh, Department of Psychology, M-AB2-01, Fairleigh Dickinson University, 285 Madison Avenue, Madison, NJ 07940 (e-mail: [e-mail]).