The increase in incarcerations among women and its impact on the grandmother caregiver: some racial considerations.

This article analyzes census data on the increase in incarcerations among women, with specific emphasis on some racial differences. The steady rise in female incarcerations and its impact on grandmothers who are caregivers of their children is the focus of this analysis. The article includes sociodemographic and health characteristics of imprisoned mothers, a review of relevant research, the impact of incarcerations on family caregivers, and implications for research. The rate of female incarceration has increased by 11% per year since 1985. A disproportionally higher number are women of color. Approximately fifty-three percent of the children whose mothers are imprisoned are cared for by grandmothers. The rapid increase in the female incarceration rate suggests the need for additional research on the social, economic, and health impact of this phenomenon on family caregivers, especially grandmothers.

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There has been a dramatic increase in the number of incarcerations among women over the past three decades. In 1970, only 5,635 women were incarcerated in federal and state prisons. By 1985, however, this number increased to 21,296, and was as high as 74,730 by the latter part of 1996. Presently, there are over 90,000 women in U.S. prisons (National Women's Law Center, 1999). This constitutes a 256% increase in female incarcerations and a growth rate of 11.2% per year since 1985. Similar numbers of women were in local jails (McQuaide and Ehrenreich, 1998). These figures include a disproportionately higher number among women of color. Women have become the hidden victims of the state's zeal for incarceration (National Women's Law Center, 1999). Since incidence and prevalence rates among the female inmate population are increasing rapidly, it is important to recognize this vulnerable group as a significant one for policy, research, and program intervention.

In spite of these drastic increases, however, little is known about the characteristics and needs of incarcerated mothers in general, and not much more is known about the care and welfare of their young children. A number of problems are associated with the rapidly increasing rate of incarcerations among African American women. The health problems of the mother as well as the care of the children are among the problems that place a serious burden on the grandmother, who is the primary caregiver of 53% of the children under 18 years. In spite of the rapid increase in incarcerations of African American mothers and the associated problems, as well as the increased popular and scholarly interest in the area, there is little systematic research on how imprisonment of daughters with minor children affect the family, and the grandmother caregiver, in particular, who must care for the vast majority of their young children. In an effort to highlight some of the issues and problems, this article will provide information on (1) sociodemographic and health characteristics of imprisoned mothers, (2) a review of recent research on custodial grandparenting, (3) incarcerations and family caregiving, and (4) implications for research. There is an urgent need for social scientists to study aggressively the scope, nature, and magnitude of the issues involved in incarceration of young African American mothers, and it's impact on grandmother caregivers. In an effort to ensure strong and healthy families, we need to understand how these and other social and public health problems influence the daily lives and well being of our most vulnerable population.

Sociodemographic and Health Profile of Female Inmates

The majority of the 84,500 women incarcerated in state and federal prison as of the end of 1998, are there for economic crimes. The rapid increase within the last 10 years is due, in part, to the worsening of economic conditions for women, as well as the increase in arrest rates because of the war on crime and the war on drugs. The most common convictions are for property crimes, such as check forgery and illegal credit card use. Eighty percent of imprisoned women report incomes of less than $2,000 in the year before the arrest, and 92 percent report incomes under $10,000. Ninety percent of women in prison are single mothers (National Women's Law Center, 1999). And, over the past 30 years, poverty has been increasingly associated with single female heads of households. Racism and economic discrimination are intricately linked to sexism in our culture, creating severe inequalities in the court system and the prison system. This race-sex based discrimination in convictions and sentencing is consistent with the racial norms and expectations in society. African American women are twice as likely to be convicted of killing their abusive husbands than are White women. And, in general, African American women receive longer jail time and higher fines than White women for the same offenses (National Women's Law Center, 1999). The majority of women convicted of violent crimes were for either defending themselves or their children from abuse (National Women's Law Center, 1999). Perhaps not so surprising is the fact that the average prison terms for killing a husband are twice as long as for killing a wife.

The general characteristics of incarcerated women seem to be consistent throughout the literature. Nearly half of the women in both state prisons and local jails have never been married. In state prisons, there is a tendency to be a high school dropout (58 percent). Seventy-five percent are between the ages of 25-34, and the average age is 29. Most are mothers of dependent children (80%), and were not employed at the time of the arrest. An alcohol and drug abuse history is associated with 90 percent, and the vast majority are women of color. African American and Hispanic women together represent approximately 64 percent of the female inmate population (50% and 14% respectively). White women constitute the remaining 36 percent (Kurshan, 1999; Smith, 1999; National Women's Law Center, 1999).

Family background characteristics seem to play a major role in the incidence of jail inmates (Table 1). Approximately 55% of incarcerated African American females were raised by their mother only in comparison to 34% White and 37% Hispanic. Approximately 10% of African American women were raised by their grandparents, in comparison to 4% for White women and 8% for Hispanic women. Nineteen percent of the African American female jail population grew up in public housing in comparison to 5% for White and 9% for Hispanic women. All three groups report relatively high incidence of the incarceration of a brother and father. The incarceration of the father is more prevalent among White female inmates (21%), whereas the incarceration of the brother is more common among African American inmates (35%). In the African American and Hispanic female inmate population, a smaller percentage of their parents or guardians abused alcohol; 18% and 19% respectively, in comparison to 30% of White female inmates (Bureau of Justice Statistics, 1999a; 1999b).

Women in both state and federal prison facilities are older than those in local jails or on probation (Table 2). One in 5 women in jail or under probation supervision are under 25. State prisoners constitute 1 in 8 and federal prisoners 1 in 11 of the age group under 25. Women who are in correctional facilities are more likely to have been never married than their female counterpart in the general population. Approximately 50% of women incarcerated in state and federal facilities as well as local jails have never been married. A majority of women in the justice system are high school graduates, and some 40% of high school graduates have attended some college and beyond. Female prisoners are generally more economically deprived than their male counterpart. Approximately 4 in 10 women were employed full-time prior to their arrest in comparison to 6 in 10 men. Although significant for both groups, approximately 37% of incarcerated women had incomes less than $600 per month before incarceration in comparison for 28% of men. Some 30% of female inmates reported receiving welfare assistance immediately before their arrest, whereas only 8% of men inmates received this type of assistance (Bureau of Justice Statistics, 1999a; 1999b).

The lifetime prevalence rate of incarceration among African American women is significantly higher than for White or Hispanic women. According to the office of Bureaus of Justice Statistics 11 women out of 1,000 will be incarcerated in a state or federal prison at some time in their lives. It is estimated that 36 out of 1,000 African American women, 5 out of 1,000 White women, and 15 our of 1,000 Hispanic women will end up in prison during their lifetime (Bureau of Justice Statistics, 1999a; 1999b).

Near the end of 1998, 84,427 women were under the jurisdiction of state and federal correctional institutions, 75,241 were in state maintained institutions, and 9,186 were in the federal institutions. It is reported (Bureau of Justice Statistics, 1999a; 1999b) that from 1990 to 1998, the rate of female imprisonment increased by an annual average of 8.5% in state and federal prisons. Prison populations increased nationally an average of 6.7% annually over the same 8-year period (Table 3).

In viewing state incarceration rates, there are sharp variations (Table 4). For example, a little under 50% or 33,345 of women prisoners were housed in southern states. Female incarcerations in southern states were higher than for any region, constituting 65 inmates per 100,000 population. The western states constituted some 25% or 18,845 of the total state prison population. The per capita rate of imprisonment was 58 per 100,000. Midwestern states had approximately 18% of women state prisoners, constituting 13, 684 with a rate of 42 inmates per 100,000 population. The northeastern states accounted for 12% of women prisoners or 9, 367 with an incarceration rate of 31 (Table 4).

Female prison inmates have a series of health related problems. One in four women is either pregnant or postpartum at the time of imprisonment. Any number of health problems may accompany a woman to prison, including drug addiction, tuberculosis, HIV/AIDS and other sexually transmitted diseases. It is reported that rates of HIV among the female inmate population is much higher than that which is found in the general population.

This is due primarily to the concentration of women who engage in risky behavior--injection drug use, multiple sex partners, and unprotected sex (Smith, 1999). According to the U.S. Bureau of Justice Statistics (1999a; 1999b), in 1997, an estimated 2,200 women serving time in state prisons were HIV-positive, approximately 3.5% of the female inmate population. An estimated 20,200 male inmates, or approximately 2.2 percent of the male population, was HIV-positive. The female inmate HIV-positive population peaked in 1993 at 4.2%.

The myriad health and social problems of the incarcerated young mother also become the problems of the grandmother caretaker. Because many of the problems are chronic, such as AIDS and drug addiction, the role of the grandmother caregiver is often permanent. In cases where the mother has transmitted the AIDS virus to the unborn child, grandmother caregivers assume responsibility for the care of approximately 70 percent of these babies. Acoca (2000) reports that one northeastern women's correctional facility, testing for AIDS has revealed between 25% and 30% of the women have tested positive for the AIDS virus. In addition to HIV, many other infectious diseases requiring treatment are prevalent among incarcerated women.

Approximately 50% of female offenders incarcerated in state prisons had used alcohol, drugs, or both at the time of the offense for which they were incarcerated. Drug use was reported to be more prevalent at the time of the offense than the use of alcohol. Women inmates in state prisons reported a higher usage of drugs than men. Forty percent of female inmates in comparison to 32% of men had been under the influence of drugs when the offense occurred. Men, on every measure of alcohol use, had a higher percentage of alcohol usage at the time the crime occurred than did women (Bureau of Justice Statistics, 1999a; 1999b; Acoca, 2000).

Research Perspectives

Increase in custodial grandparenting

Since 1970, there has been a 77 percent increase in the number of households maintained by grandparents (U.S. Bureau of the Census. 1997). In 1970, 2.2 million or 3.2 percent of American children lived in a home maintained by a grandparent. However, this figure increased to 3.9 million or 5.5 percent by 1977 (Casper and Bryson, 1998; US. Bureau of the Census, 1998; Velkoff and Lawson, 1998). In 1998, this figure has increased to 4 million or 6 percent of all children under 18. The greatest increase; however, was among children with only one parent present in the household. This pattern, grandchildren living in households maintained by grandparents with only the mother present, increased from 1970 to 1997 by 118%. Since 1990, the greatest growth has been in the number of grandchildren living with their grandparents only, with neither parent present (Casper and Bryson. 1998; U.S. Bureau of the Census, 1998).

The increase in households maintained by African American grandparents is primarily headed by the grandmother. This trend is particularly noticeable, in general, but particularly in inner city, poor, crime infested neighborhoods. African American children are more likely to live in the home of their grandparents than are Whites or Hispanics. In 1992, 12 percent of African American children lived in the home of their grandparents, in comparison to 4 percent of White and 6 percent of Hispanic children (U. S. Bureau of the Census, 1992). It is not uncommon for African American children to live in a multigenerational home with an unmarried grandmother. Grandmothers easily assume the responsibility for the care of grandchildren and great-grandchildren when the parent is no longer able or willing to care for their children. The high proportion of African American grandchildren living with grandparents, grandmothers in particular, reflects a continuing pattern of co-residence and shared caregiving within African American families (Roe, Minkler, & Barnwell, 1994; Wilson, 1986). Over the past two decades, the crack-cocaine epidemic, HIV/AIDS epidemic, and incarcerations of young African American mothers have all contributed to the dramatic increase in the incidence and prevalence of custodial grandparenting in African American communities. All three problems have had an impact on the well being of grandmother caregivers and, unfortunately, this trend is likely to continue well into the twenty-first century

Incarcerated Women's Children and Family Caregiving

The vast majority of female prisoners are young mothers with children under 18 years. Approximately 7 in 10 women in correctional supervision have minor children. An estimated 72% of women on probation, 55% of those in local jails, 65% of women in state prisons, and 59% of women in federal prisons have children under the age of 18 (Bureau of Justice Statistics, 1999a; 1999b). Eighty percent of female inmates have children, and 85 percent had custody of them prior to their incarceration. Approximately 167,000 of children in the United States have mothers who are incarcerated. Parents or other relatives assume childcare responsibilities for 67 percent of the children under 18. The child's father takes responsibility for 22 percent (Smith, 1999; National women's Law Center, 1999). Grandmothers assume responsibility for taking care of 53 percent of the 67 percent taken care by relatives (U. S. Bureau of the Census, 1999a; 1999b). In some instances, mothers may lose contact with their children permanently (Table 5).

The Impact of Female Incarcerations on Grandmother Caregivers

A number of issues surrounding female incarcerations are important and worthy of consideration. The Incarceration of the mother affects the child as well as the caregiver, who is the grandmother in most cases. Female incarcerations place three generations at risk and destroy families, leaving lasting scars on children as well as putting an enormous financial and health burden on grandmother caregivers. Incarcerations among women have increased by 202% over the last ten years (Dressel and Barnhill, 1994). Approximately, two-thirds of the women in state and federal prisons and jails have children under the age of 18 years. And, approximately 53 percent of these children live with their grandparents while their mother is in prison (See Table 6). In most cases concerning female incarcerations, the grandmother is the primary caregiver. Some 32,000 older women are primary caregivers for their grandchildren whose mothers are incarcerated (Dressel and Barnhill, 1994). It is estimated that 75,000 grandmothers will be faced with the increasing incidence of incarcerations of their grandchildren's parents by the end of the century (Barnhill, 1996). African American grandmothers are increasingly called upon to act as surrogate parents for grandchildren whose mothers are incarcerated, or otherwise incapacitated because of drug abuse (Barnhill, 1996; Dressel and Barnhill, 1994).

The increasing prevalence of incarcerations among young African American mothers create problems for poor and elderly African American grandmothers who are living on fixed incomes, and who may have other child care or kin care responsibilities. In their 1994 case study, Dressel and Barnhill found that this particular population had material needs in almost all basic aspects of life. They also found that the grandmother's psychological needs focused on respite care from and validation for their family work, desire for a better relationship with the incarcerated daughter, and ways to deal with the emotional needs of grandchildren and their behavioral disruptions at home and school (Dressel and Barnhill, 1994). The authors also reported problems centered around transition periods, such as when the grandmother takes in the children after the daughter's arrest, the conviction, and the release after many years. These transitions may present critical problems in family relationships between the daughter and the grandmother caregiver.

Consequences of Custodial Caregiving on African American Grandmothers

A number of reasons for grandparents acting as parents to their grandchildren are discussed in the literature. Among them are drug abuse, incarcerations, divorce, desertion, death of a parent, child abuse, unemployment, teenage pregnancy, and HIV/ AIDS (Barnhill, 1996; Burnette, 1997; Burton, 1992; Burton and Bengtson, 1985; Burton and DeVries; 1993; Honey, 1988; Joslin and Brouard, 1995; Kee, 1997; Minkler, 1994; Minkler and Roe, 1993; Minkler and Roe, 1996; Minkler, Roe, and Price, 1992; Roe, Minkler, and Barnwell, 1994; Minkler, Roe, and Robertson-Beckley, 1994; Poe, 1992; Pruchno and Johnson, 1996). Incarcerations of young mothers, as well as the drug and AIDS epidemics, are the most critical reasons for grandparents assuming the role of parent to their grandchildren. These problems are leaving a devastating impact on African American families, and are likely to accelerate in the next century.

A growing body of literature shows that African American grandmothers assume responsibility for the care of their grandchildren and great-grandchildren in the case of drug abuse (Burton, 1992; Minkler, Roe, and Robertson-Beckley, 1994; Roe, Minkler, and Barnwell, 1994); incarcerations (Dressel and Barnhill, 1994; and HIV/AIDS (Burnette, 1997; Honey, 1998; Joslin and Brouard, 1995). African American grandparents are more likely to be surrogate parents than are Whites or Hispanics (U.S. Bureau of the Census, 1992), and the number one reason is drug Abuse (AARP, 1994). Drug use, HIV/AIDS, and incarcerations are interrelated and will continue to be critical issues for many families and communities as long as the drug problem remains out of control.

These problems are exacerbated because if the lack of formal and informal support. Traditionally African American families were characterized as a unit with extensive cooperation and family support. And, although the extended family is still functioning in African American communities, the roles of family members have changed drastically, particularly the contemporary roles of the grandmother as caregiver. Some contemporary studies show that African American grandmothers are not receiving consistent and reliable support from family members (Burton, 1992). Other studies show a rich support network (Minkler and Roe, 1993), although social isolation is seen among some of the young grandmothers who are experiencing role conflict caused by employment and childcare (Minkler and Roe, 1993). Raising grandchildren with special needs (U.S. Senate Special Committee on Grandparents, 1992; Burton, 1992; Minkler and Roe, 1993) as well as caring for adolescent children (Kee, 1997) who have their own unique set of needs, all present social and psychological discomfort for African American grandmother caregivers.

In their study of African American grandmothers, Minkler and Roe (1996) have identified consequences of surrogate parenting in the areas of health problems, economic difficulties, and the lack of government support. A number of health problems, such as depression, insomnia, hypertension, back pain, stomach pain, and other problems associated with the physical and emotional demands of childcare have been reported by clinicians (Minkler and Roe, 1996). In a study of grandmothers raising grandchildren as a result of the crack-cocaine epidemic, Minkler and Roe (1996) found that grandmothers tended to minimized the severity of their health problems in an effort to show that they were capable of taking care of their grandchildren. Some studies have reported declining health after becoming surrogate parents, while others studies have found changes in social behaviors, such as increase in cigarette smoking and alcohol consumption (Burton, 1992; Minkler and Roe, 1996: Minkler, Roe, and Price, 1992).

The health problems of African American grandmother caregivers are often exacerbated by financial problems. African American women have traditionally occupied low paying jobs, and often without good retirement benefits. Although they suffer financially, African American grandmothers make a sacrifice to become surrogate parents. As reported by Minkler and Roe (1996), grandparents must sometimes spend savings or make other sacrifices in an effort to adjust to the role of parenting their grandchildren. In addition, considering the vast number of grandparents caring for grandchildren in this country, there is little government support for their efforts. Grandparent caregivers do not receive the type of financial support as do foster care providers (Minkler and Roe, 1996). They are also denied benefits such as psychological counseling and clothing allowance which are available to foster care providers. Although their traditional helping roles are still intact, African American grandmothers have some specific problems and needs with regards to health, economic, social, and legal issues that require programmatic, policy and research consideration.

Implications for Research

Over the last three decades, there has been a drastic increase in the incidence and prevalence of young mothers incarcerated in the United States. This article has addressed the rise in female incarcerations, and some problems associated with grandparents who must raise their grandchildren whose parents are imprisoned in state or federal prisons and local jails. While functioning in the role of custodial grandparent in the case of imprisonment of their children, African American grandmothers experience much stress and many problems. However, in spite of the numerous problems outlined in this article, there is very little systematic research on this topic of grandparents caring for their grandchildren whose children are incarcerated. Research on the topic of custodial grandparenting in the case of incarcerations is relatively unexplored. The following research questions are recommended for future study: (1) What are some racial differences in sociodemographic characteristics of female inmates? (2) What are some social and demographiccharacteristics of grandparents who care for their grandchildren whose children are incarcerated? (3) What is the impact of incarcerations on the grandparent caregiver? (4) What types of formal and informal supports are available to grandparents who are caring for grandchildren who parents are incarcerated? (5) How do the separations affect the grandchildren? (6) What types of interventions are needed? It is anticipated that this article will motivate social scientists to seriously explore some of the issues involved with grandparents who care for grandchildren whose parents are incarcerated.

Table 1
Family background of jail inmates, by sex and
race/Hispanic origin, 1996

                                      Percent of jail inmates

                                                               White
                                                                non-
                                  Total     Male    Female    Hispanic

Person(s) lived with most of time while growing up:
  Both parents                    39.7%    40.0%    36.5%       51.0%
  Mother only                     43.3     43.4     42.3        34.2
  Father only                      4.9      5.0      3.6         6.5
  Grandparents                     7.0      6.7      9.8         3.6
  Other                            5.2      4.9      7.7         4.7

Ever lived in a foster home,      13.6%    13.1%    17.9%       18.1%
  agency, or institution while
  while growing up

Family ever received public assistance while growing up
  Welfare only                    22.0%    22.0%    22.7%       19.2%
  Public housing only              4.8      4.7      5.8         1.7
  Both                            11.8     11.5     14.1         4.9

Family member ever incarcerated
  Any *                           46.1%    44.7%    58.2%       46.7%
  Father                          17.1     17.2     16.5        21.1
  Mother                           4.4      3.9      9.1         4.1
  Brother                         30.3     29.9     33.8        27.7
  Sister                           6.2      5.5     12.7         6.0
  Spouse                           3.3      2.1     13.6         4.9
  Child                            1.3      1.1      3.2         1.5

Parent or guardian ever abused alcohol or drugs while
    inmate was growing up
  Alcohol only                    23.1%    22.8%    25.8%       30.3%
  Drugs only                       1.3      1.2      2.2         1.3
  Both alcohol and drugs           6.9      6.5      10.4        8.3

                                      Percent of jail inmates

                                     Black
                                  non-Hispanic   Hispanic   Other

Person(s) lived with most of time while growing up:
  Both parents                       27.2%        45.3%     32.7%
  Mother only                        54.8         36.5      43.7
  Father only                         3.2          5.1       5.1
  Grandparents                        9.7          8.0       6.0
  Other                               5.0          5.1      12.5

Ever lived in a foster home,         10.5%         9.4%     24.7%
  agency, or institution while
  while growing up

Family ever received public assistance while growing up
  Welfare only                       24.6%        21.8%     23.9%
  Public housing only                 8.4          2.6       8.0
  Both                               19.3          9.3      10.4

Family member ever incarcerated
  Any *                              49.0%        37.1%     54.8%
  Father                             14.4         13.1      27.0
  Mother                              4.9          3.7       7.2
  Brother                            31.9         25.4      32.5
  Sister                              7.0          4.3      10.2
  Spouse                              1.7          2.3       9.5
  Child                               1.2          0.9       3.0

Parent or guardian ever abused alcohol or drugs while
    inmate was growing up
  Alcohol only                       17.9%        18.8%     29.7%
  Drugs only                          1.5          1.0       0.7
  Both alcohol and drugs              6.0          5.9       7.3

* Details may not add to total because more than one response was
possible. Correctional Populations in the U.S. 1996. Bureau of
Justice Statistics, April 1999, NCJ 170013.
Table 2
Characteristics of adult women on probation,
in jail, and in prison

Characteristics                                     State     Federal
of women                 Probation   Local jails   prisons    prisons

Race/Hispanic origin
  White                     62%          36%         33%        29%
  Black                      27           44          48         35
  Hispanic                   10           15          15         32
  Other                       1            5           4          4
Age
  24 or younger             20%          21%         12%         9%
  25-34                      39           46          43         35
  35-44                      30           27          34         32
  45-54                      10            5           9         18
  55 or older                 1            1           2          6
Median age               32 years     31 years     33 years   36 years
Marital status
  Married                   26%          15%         17%        29%
  Widowed                     2            4           6          6
  Separated                  10           13          10         21
  Divorced                   20           20          20         10
  Never married              42           48          47         34
Education
  8th grade or less          5%          12%          7%         8%
  Some high school           35           33          37         19
  High school                39           39          39         44
    graduate/GED
  Some college or            21           16          17         29
  more

Bureau of Justice Statistics Special Report, Women Offenders,
December, 1999. NCJ 175688
Table 3
Trends in the number of sentenced female prisoners
per 100,000 female residents, by race:

Year      All women    White    Black

1990          31         19      117
1991          33         19      129
1992          35         20      136
1993          40         23      155
1994          45         26      169
1995          47         27      176
1996          51         30      185
1997          53         32      192
1998          57         34 *    212 *

* Based on projected estimate.

Bureau of Justice Statistics, Special Report, Women
offenders, December 1999, NCJ 175688
Table 4
Female prison populations, 1998

                                Number of female inmates

                                               Per 100,000
Jurisdictions                Year end 1998    women residents

Total, all jurisdictions        84,427              57
States, total                   75,241              51
Federal                          9,186               5
States with at least 1,000 women prisoners
  Alabama                        1,525              64
  Arizona                        1,780              66
  California                    11,694              67
  Colorado                       1,070              53
  Connecticut                    1,357              43
  Florida                        3,526              45
  Georgia                        2,474              61
  Illinois                       2,646              43
  Indiana                        1,198              39
  Kentucky                       1,046              51
  Louisiana                      2,126              94
  Maryland                       1,140              39
  Michigan                       2,052              41
  Mississippi                    1,213              77
  Missouri                       1,880              67
  New Jersey                     1,653              39
  New York                       3,631              38
  North Carolina                 1,932              35
  Ohio                           2,912              50
  Oklahoma                       2,091             122
  Pennsylvania                   1,517              24
  South Carolina                 1,412              63
  Texas                         10,343             102
  Virginia                       1,806              47
  Washington                     1,018              35
  Wisconsin                      1,169              42

Bureau of Justice Statistics, Special Report, Women
Offenders, December, 1999. NCJ 175688
Table 5
Children of jail inmates, by sex and race/Hispanic origin, 1996

                                         Male

                                                      White
Characteristics of         Total (a)   Total (a)   non-Hispanic
  inmates

Have children
  No                         36.3%       38.1%        44.1%
  Yes                        63.7        61.9          55.9
    Any under 18             57.9        56.5          48.4
    Adult children only       5.8         5.4           7.4
Number of children          620,530     536,299      166,923
  under 18
Number of jail inmates      290,093     254,328      114,087
  with children under
  age 18
Number of children under 18 (b)
   1                         38.6%       39.7%        38.7%
   2                         31.4        31.5         35.5
   3                         16.7        16.0         15.3
   4                          7.1         6.5          6.2
   5                          3.2         3.1          2.6
   6                          3.0         3.1          1.7
Lived with child(ren) under 18 before entering jail (b)
  No                         58.5%       60.9%        57.6%
  Yes                        41.5        39.1         42.4
Caretaker of child(ren) under 18 (b,c)
  Other parent               81.1%       88.3%        86.3%
  Grandparent                18.1        13.9         13.8
  Other relative/friend       8.7         6.0          6.1
  Agency/foster home          3.0         1.9          3.0
Number of jail inmates      501,509     450,425      169,317

                                       Male              Female

                                 Black
Characteristics of            non-Hispanic   Hispanic   Total (a)
  inmates

Have children
  No                             32.3%        37.7%       20.3%
  Yes                            67.7         62.3        79.7
    Any under 18                 62.8         59.2        70.5
    Adult children only           5.0          3.1         9.2
Number of children              247,020      103,720     84,240
  under 18
Number of jail inmates           82,014       50,079     35,765
  with children under
  age 18
Number of children under 18 (b)
   1                             41.8%        38.5%       30.4%
   2                             27.8         33.2        30.3
   3                             15.4         17.0        21.4
   4                              6.4          7.5        11.2
   5                              3.9          2.2         4.4
   6                              4.6          1.8         2.2
Lived with child(ren) under 18 before entering jail (b)
  No                             65.6%        55.5%       41.1%
  Yes                            34.4         44.5        58.9
Caretaker of child(ren) under 18 (b,c)
  Other parent                   89.5%        89.4%       29.9%
  Grandparent                    13.9         13.4        47.7
  Other relative/friend           6.0          5.5        27.9
  Agency/foster home              1.6          0.7        10.9
Number of jail inmates          181,729       84,556     50,722

                                          Female

                              White          Black
Characteristics of         non-Hispanic   non-Hispanic   Hispanic
  inmates

Have children
  No                          22.2%          18.2%        21.1%
  Yes                         77.8           81.8         78.9
    Any under 18              67.5           72.4         73.1
    Adult children only       10.3            9.4          5.8
Number of children           26,086         39,309       13,491
  under 18
Number of jail inmates       12,290         15,854        5,789
  with children under
  age 18
Number of children under 18 (b)
   1                          34.6%          29.0%        31.2%
   2                          33.3           29.3         28.2
   3                          21.1           19.2         25.2
   4                           8.3           13.2          9.6
   5                           1.6            6.0          3.4
   6                           1.0            3.3          2.5
Lived with child(ren) under 18 before entering jail (b)
  No                          49.2%          35.3%        35.9%
  Yes                         50.8           64.7         64.1
Caretaker of child(ren) under 18 (b,c)
  Other parent                41.5%          23.1%        22.3%
  Grandparent                 39.1           52.8         54.0
  Other relative/friend       25.2           28.8         29.6
  Agency/foster home          13.7            7.7          9.4
Number of jail inmates       18,201         21,903        7,915

(a) Totals include inmates of other races.

(b) Percentages are based on inmates with children under age 18.

(c) Percentages add to more than 100% because inmates with more
than one child may have provided multiple responses.

Correctional Populations in the United States, 1996, April 1999.
NCJ 170013

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DOROTHY S. RUIZ
University of North Carolina at Charlotte
Department of African American and African Studies