The best of both worlds? Fatherhood and gender equality in Swedish paternity leave campaigns, 1976-2006.

This article explores how men's identity, capacity and responsibility as parents were understood and communicated in Swedish, government initiated, paternity leave campaigns, 1976-2006. Images of the "new father" are analyzed in relation to Swedish equal status policy, emphasizing men's and women's mutual responsibility for child care as well as economic provision. The result indicates that paternity leave campaigns represented something progressive and historically unique. Frequent depictions of men performing and talking about care work challenged traditional notions of men and masculinity. However, the campaigns also reproduced notions of gender relations that undercut, rather than supported, a radical vision of gender equality. In the period 1976-2001, men were positioned as secondary rather than primary parents. The early 2000s, however, saw a shift in the way fatherhood was represented in the campaigns. In contrast to earlier campaigns, men and women were given the same responsibility for parental leave--"Half each!"

Keywords: fatherhood, masculinity, gender equality, parental leave, Sweden

**********

The idea of a mutual process where women enter the traditional realms of men, and men the traditional realms of women, has been the ideological foundation of Swedish family and equal status policy for the last 40 years. Sometimes this policy has been described in terms of the "dual-earner, dual-carer family" ("carer," meaning "one who performs care work"; Morgan, 2006). From the beginning of the 1970s, almost unanimous political attention has been paid to this basic vision. In the mid-1970s, a young parliamentarian summarized the political undertaking as "getting morn a job and making dad pregnant" (Klinth, 2002). When it comes to getting "room" a job, the political vision has been successful. In the mid-1960s, the average employment rate for married women was less than 25% (Furst, 1999). In 2005 this figure was 80%. Men had a work rate of 86% (Pa tal om kvinnor och man, 2006).

The most significant political effort to realize the other part of the vision, "making dad pregnant," was the introduction of parental leave insurance. The new insurance came into force in January 1974 and it was unique in the world. For the first time in any country men had the right to paid leave to take care of their small children. However, "making dad pregnant" has proved to be a tough political challenge. More than 30 years after the reform, men only use around 20% of the leave available to the family (Arsredovisning 2005, 2006). Since the mid-1970s, different political means have been used to increase men's uptake of parental leave. In 1975 a state commission suggested a fatherhood quota in the parental leave insurance (SOU, 1975:62). The proposed quota, which meant that one of the months in the parental insurance could only be used by the father, proved to be controversial and it took another 20 years before a "father's month" was finally introduced to parental leave insurance (Proposition, 1993/94: 147).

Instead of fixed father quotas, the primary solution was attitude change, and since the mid-1970s numerous campaigns and other forms of opinion molding have been launched to persuade men to use their right to parental leave. Through TV-spots, posters, brochures, antenatal and postnatal education classes, information meetings, etc., government authorities and service providers have tried to change attitudes about paternity leave. In the public eye, the representations of fatherhood displayed in the campaigns probably have had a greater impact than any policy declaration. A crucial question is, however, "What do the representations of the new father represent?"

This article explores the way fatherhood and gender relations have been understood and communicated in government initiated paternity leave campaigns over the last 30 years. Its overall purpose is to analyze the image of the new father in relation to the basic ideology of the Swedish family and equal status policy. In what way does that image adhere to the overall political vision of the dual-earner, dual-carer family? The double focus of the Swedish policy highlights the relational aspects of gender. An important undertaking in this study is therefore to analyze the way Swedish paternity leave campaigns have reproduced understandings of fathers' and mothers' identities, capacities, and responsibilities as parents.

Swedish Parental Leave

The realization of new fatherhood ideals has been a continuing process in many Western countries during the last few decades. The idea of fathers as carers, not just providers, has been articulated in public discourses, legislation, and policy (LaRossa, 1997; Lupton & Barclay, 1997). What makes the Swedish experience different is the immediate and long-term connection to government policies.

In international gender research, Sweden has often been described as a pioneer in developing policies for men's involvement in childcare (Haas, 1992; Hobson & Morgan, 2002; Kamerman, 2000). Swedish paternity leave has been described as "an experiment in social engineering" (Lamb & Levine, 1983, p. 39) and parental leave as the reform that most clearly manifests the principle of shared parental responsibilities (Haas). Despite the fact that the political vision of shared parental responsibility has not been fully realized, Swedish men are exceptionally active parents, compared to men in other parts of the world (Haas; Olah et al., 2002; Plantin et al., 2003).

When parental leave was introduced in 1974 the length of leave was six months. Thirty-three years later, in 2007, Swedish parents are entitled to 16 months (480 days). Sixty days are earmarked for the mother (the "mother's quota") and 60 days for the father (the "father's quota"). The remaining 360 days are formally divided (50/50) between the parents but can easily be transferred from one parent to the other. The leave is highly flexible. Parents can use it full-time, half-time, quarter-time and one-eight time until the child's eighth birthday. To be eligible for parental leave a parent has to work for a minimum of 240 days before the birth of the child. Thirteen of the 16 months parental leave are earnings related and replaced at 80 per cent of normal income. The remaining three month are replaced at a flat-rate level of 60 SEK per day (Duvander, Ferrarini, & Thalberg, 2005; Haas, Cronholm, & Hwang, 2006).

Despite the unique and relatively generous entitlement offered to Swedish men, generally they have been reluctant to use it. Not until the beginning of the 1990s did men's use of leave reach 10 per cent of the total days available to parents. In 2005, men used around 20 per cent of the days (Duvander et al., 2005). By and large, the outcome of opinion molding efforts on men's attitudes toward as well as take-up of parental leave is unknown (Klinth, 2005; SOU, 2005: 73). Small changes in attitudes have sometimes been documented after local campaigns, but no nation wide evaluations have been carried out (Bekkengen, 1996). However, it would appear that pointing out men's personal responsibilities by developing fatherhood quotas--one in 1995 and the second in 2002--has had an effect on paternity leave figures.

In a cohort of fathers of children born two weeks before the first quota was introduced in 1995, 46% used the parental leave. The same figure for fathers of children born two weeks after the change was 82% (Ekberg, Eriksson, & Friebel, 2004). However, during the first four years after the 1995 reform, the average numbers of days taken by individual fathers decreased somewhat (Nyman & Pettersson, 2002). The second father's month, introduced in 2002, did not have the same dramatic effect on men's use of parental leave. In contrast to the 1995 reform, however, the average number of days taken by individual fathers increased. Fathers of children born in 2001 used on average 29.5 days compared to fathers of children born in 2002 who used 35.5 days, i.e., an increase by six days (Eriksson, 2005). Fatherhood quotas in other Nordic countries have had a similar positive effect on men's use of parental leave (Brandt & Kvande, 2001; Gislason, 2004).

Despite the slow progress of men's use of parental leave, research on men's and women's attitudes indicates a strong correspondence with the political policy of the dual-earner, dual-carer family (Bjornberg, 2000; Duvander et al., 2005; Johansson & Klinth, in press). A closer look at men's and women's attitudes, however, provides a more complex picture. In a survey from 2003, around 80% of the parents maintained they were satisfied with how they had divided the leave between them (Berggren & Duvander, 2003). Several studies also indicate a majority of both men and women are opposed to making more of the leave non-transferable (SOU, 2005: 73). Therefore, it appears a gap still exists between parental leave behaviors, political visions, and public attitudes.

Qualitative studies on parental leave also display differences in men's and women's approach to parenthood and parental leave. Swedish fathers are still in a strong position as breadwinners while assuming relatively little responsibility for domestic work and planning of children's activities (Plantin, 2001). By virtue of their general power position in the prevailing gender structure, men are able to choose their level of involvement as parents. Bekkengen (2002) claims that men's parental leave is negotiable while women's parental leave is taken for granted. Predominantly, men's parental leave is governed by their own needs and interests rather than the ideology of gender equality (Bjornberg, 2000; Lamb & Oppenheim, 1989).

In the political vision of the dual-earner, dual-carer family, paternity leave is understood as a tool to achieve long term changes in the gender division of family work. To some extent, research has confirmed that idea. A study conducted by Haas & Hwang (2005) suggests that positive effects of leave-taking on fathers participation in child care and family work more often occurs when fathers have used an extensive period of time, 90 days or more. A short period of leave, however, does not challenge traditional gendered expectations enough to change the division of childcare after the leave is over.

The modest effect of men's use of parental leave can partly be understood by widening the context of men's as well as women's lives. Social policy is important in removing institutional constraints for active fatherhood, but other constraints remain. The "father-friendliness" of social policy, for example, is not always replicated in cultures of corporate industry. In a study of 200 of the largest private corporations in Sweden, Haas and Hwang (2007) concluded that "companies have only barely begun to re-orient work practices and policies to meet the government's challenge of encouraging shared parenting" (p. 72).

Also at the policy level unresolved questions remain. Despite progressive policy declarations, the government has seldom pressured men to shoulder their responsibilities. Paternity leave has been treated as a right rather than a duty, highlighting men's freedom of choice rather than radical gender equality (Klinth, 2005; Lewis & Astrom, 1991). Therefore, the impact of parental leave on gendered power structures in society is questionable. Terms like "Janus face" (named after the Roman god Janus who had two faces) have been used to describe the complex sexual politics of parental leave (Nyberg, 2004).

By creating strong incentives for women to enter the labor market, parental leave has contributed to bridging the traditional gap between private and public and, consequently, reduced women's economic dependence on individual men (Bergman & Hobson, 2002; Lewis, 1992; Slim, 1993). On the other hand, the gender-based division of parental leave has contributed to the distinct gender division of the Swedish labor market. Women are directed to the side of the labor market (the public sector) where child-related absence is expected. They receive a lower income, have fewer opportunities for full-time work, and more limited career possibilities. Men form the majority of the other side of the labor market (the private sector) where the acceptance of parental responsibility is lower, and income and career possibilities are higher (Duvander et al., 2005; Nyberg, 2004).

Often, studies of the Swedish family and equal status politics have focused on the formulated policy level. This study will instead examine policy implementation and go beyond general policy declarations to study the way fatherhood and gender equality have been represented in the public debate during the last 30 years. A study of paternity leave campaigns is vital as it contributes to a more complex and wide-ranging understanding of the gendered character of the Swedish welfare state.

Methods

During the last 30 years, government authorities and ministries, labor union organizations, different kinds of interest groups, etc., have produced materials to promote paternity leave. This article, however, will only focus on opinion molding materials produced by the state bureaucracy or state funded projects.

The main producer of paternity leave campaigns during the last 30 years has been the National Social Insurance Office. Paternity leave campaigns were produced as part of a state commission to supply general information about the different welfare systems. Local social insurance offices also launched campaigns and carried out different kinds of activities to increase men's use of parental leave. In the early 1990s, the government put pressure on the National Social Insurance Office to intensify its opinion forming work. Quantitative goals, so called "father goals," were set out in the state's letters of regulation, and funds for paternity leave campaigns were allocated in the state budget. Consequently, there was a sharp increase in the uptake of paternity leave.

Other players promoting paternity leave were the National Board of Health and Welfare and the county councils (responsible for Swedish health care). This study also includes material produced by government offices. Both in the early 1990s and early 2000s, government ministries launched their own campaigns, and made special efforts in the field of fatherhood and paternity leave.

This study is based on material from 13 nationwide campaigns (of which eight were launched by the National Social Insurance Office), and around 20 local campaigns (launched by local social insurance offices, county councils or local county or municipality governments). Promotional material that was not included in paternity campaigns, but was part of regular government information, is included, e.g., materials from the Equal Opportunity Ombudsman or the Council for Development of the State Sector.

The material is vast and varied. It contains written material (books, booklets, brochures, magazines, and newspaper articles), pictures and posters, and videos and TV-spots. An important starting point for the analytical work is that the choice of text, speech and pictures in media representations mirror notions and practices rooted in value systems and social institutions (Bourdieu, 1990).

The analysis of the empirical data has been guided by theoretical assumptions highlighting relational aspects of gender. Representations of men, masculinity, and fatherhood emphasize their relationship to women, femininity, and motherhood--and vice versa. The relational perspective is important as it illustrates different understandings of men and women as parents, and brings to the fore questions of interests, expectations, and power (Bekkengen, 2002; Elvin-Nowak, 2005).

The theoretical point of departure limits the scope and leaves some aspects out of the picture. On the other hand, it renders possible a more profound and in-depth analysis of other aspects. In the study, three themes related to gender and parental relations are focused on--all three important in relation to the political vision of the dual-earner, dual-carer family. First: notions of similarity and difference. To explore this theme, the data analysis has been structured by the following questions: How is men's gender identity represented? Is shared parenthood represented in gender neutral terms or as complementary parental roles? Second: notions of power and agency. How are driving forces and major obstacles for men's use of parental leave understood and communicated? Third: notions of parental status and responsibility. How are men's rights, capacities, and responsibilities as parents described and motivated in the campaign material?

This research is qualitative rather than quantitative, i.e., the intention is to identify and analyze representations, rather than estimate the frequency of certain representations. In the text, references, and quotes are made to illustrate important representations of fatherhood and the assumptions of family and gender relations they rest upon.

In the data analysis, the ambition is to capture general representations rather than exploring differences between specific campaigns and campaign makers. That is partly due to the fragmented character of the material. Some campaigns includes extensive written materials, campaign posters, film material and even evaluations reports, while some can only be studied through a single brochure or a flyer. Another reason for a more general approach is the relative homogeneity of the representations during the major part of the period in focus. However, when major differences occur, they are pointed out in the text.

The most significant change in representations of fatherhood and gender relations took place in the early 2000s. Therefore, the study is organized around two periods: 1976-2001 and 2002-2006. However, as the first period covers a considerably longer time span and consequently contains the vast majority of the material, the analysis of this period is more extensive and detailed. Because the campaigns were integrated with family and equal status politics and were influenced by the overall political and cultural changes over the past 30 years, these are noted where appropriate.

Paternity Leave Campaigns 1976-2001

Space for a Man?

The paternity leave campaigns have significantly contributed to making the Swedish father a public figure. In a number of TV-spots, films, and posters during the 1970s and 1980s, men were shown involved in everyday childcare activities like changing diapers, bottle feeding babies, pushing swings at the play-ground, etc. (e.g., The Swedish National Archive of Recorded Sound and Moving Images, Barnledig pappa, 1976; Anslagstavlan, 1980).

Not only did campaigns show men in new and nontraditional roles, they also gave them a voice. An important part of the early campaigns (1970s and 1980s) was the many interviews with fathers on parental leave. In the video, Kompis idag--kompis i morgon! (Buddy today--buddy tomorrow!) (The Swedish National Archive of Recorded Sound and Moving Images, 1985), launched in 1985 by the National Social Insurance Office, a number of men shared their experiences of active fathering. They also described reactions from their workplace and workmates to their decision to use their parental leave.

The images of men performing and talking about care work challenged traditional gendered notions of men in the public (production) and women in the private (reproduction) spheres. Men's identity, as well as citizenship, was redefined; men were supposed to be fathers, not just breadwinners (Bergman & Hobson, 2002; Haas, 1992).

Particularly during the first years of paternity leave campaigns, showing men performing traditionally feminine roles was sometimes controversial. For example, in the beginning of the 1980s condescending names like "velourpappa" (plush dad) were heard in the media debate. The term "velourpappa" referred to a man dressed in soft clothes, pushing a pram and speaking with a soft feminized voice (Klinth, 2002).

However, a closer look at the paternity leave campaigns of 1976-2001 provides a more complex picture of the gender identity of the new Swedish father. Few campaigns have been more spectacular than the first nationwide campaign of 1976, launched by the National Social Insurance Office in which a controversial and well known weight lifter, Lennart "Hoa Hoa" Dahlgren, was hired as the central figure. It was probably not a coincidence that an almost hyper-masculine figure like a muscular weight lifter was picked to personify the new father. The message was clear: if a man takes paternity leave, he is no less of a man!

Also in more recent campaigns, multifaceted and sometimes even contradictory messages over the gender identity of the "new" father were published. Alongside a critique of negative aspects of traditional male values like work orientation, competitiveness and autonomy, pictures of sport stars, fast cars and well trained male bodies were included in campaign materials (e.g., Archive of the Government Offices, Kampanj "Pappaledighet," 1992; Campaign posters from the Social Insurance Office in Ostergotland 2000-2001, available from the author on request).

Presumably, the use of masculine symbols and implements in some of the paternity leave campaigns during 1976-2001 can be interpreted from a perspective of men's fear of feminization. By using masculine figures like weight lifters and male-coded implements, campaign makers tried to create a social position acceptable to men. Men were urged to question their priorities and improve their caring capacity, but at the same time they were reassured that they would not lose their male identity. In campaigns the new father was firmly placed within the context of the heterosexual nuclear family. Alternative family forms such as single parenthood, gay or lesbian families, were excluded.

Sometimes, the identity of the new father was manifest in the way the father's active involvement in the care of his children was motivated. Especially in campaigns from the early 1990s, the necessity of distinctly masculine parenthood was stressed. The headline of an article in the magazine Foraldraledighet (Parental leave), launched by the National Board of Health and Welfare, stated: "Both are needed because we are different" (1991, p. 3). The special fatherhood education schemes, introduced by several Swedish counties in 1994 and 1995, were guided by notions of men's unique contribution to parenthood. The program was funded by the government and aimed to promote paternity leave and men's active involvement in childcare. In special courses, led by male educators, fathers were invited to discuss fatherhood issues. Interviewed in a brochure from the Ministry of Labor Market Affairs, one of the educators maintained that the courses are "not about men becoming half women, but rather whole men." (Pappautbildning? Vad ska det vara bra for?, 1996, p. 6).

The emphasis on gender differences in some of the campaigns from the 1990s correlated with other debates and political initiatives during the same period. These included a debate on men's rights to child custody after a family break-up. Promoters of men's custodial rights often referred to the unique qualities of male parenthood (e.g., Franvarande pappor, 1991; Faderskap i skilda vgirldar, 1995). Also, in the special group on fatherhood, appointed by the government in 1993, the importance of male role models was stressed (Pappagruppens slutrapport, 1995; Klinth, 2002).

Parallel to the perspective of gender differences, the late 1980s and early 1990s saw an emergence of a radical feminist perspective that interpreted gender relations as power relations. That perspective and its political implications for parental leave will be discussed in more detail below.

By stressing the necessity for gender differences, paternity leave campaigns have sometimes made a questionable contribution to the political framework of the dual-earner, dual-caret family. The emphasis on complementary gender identities runs the risk of reproducing traditional notions of gender, contributing to a situation where women and men have different duties and responsibilities. Furthermore, the emphasis on essential and positive gender differences is counter productive as it makes the power relation between the sexes invisible. The complementary perspective implies harmony and balance--both men and women are given the opportunity to fulfill their destiny--but there are no indications of how these destinies are related to each other, how they are valued, and how they are connected to important physical as well as symbolic power resources.

In summary, the images of the new Swedish father in the paternity leave campaigns of 1976-2001 were complex and multifaceted. The campaigns challenged traditional barriers between male and female spheres and responsibilities. At the same time, men were reassured that active fatherhood did not pose a threat to their masculine identity. Especially in campaigns from the 1990s, the importance of complementary parental roles was stressed. Men were supposed to be active fathers, but in a distinctly masculine way.

The Silent Revolution

From the start in the mid-1970s, opinion molding efforts to increase paternity leave use were guided by an optimistic belief in men's will and ability to change. Often ideas of a new era or a silent revolution were articulated. In the paternity leave campaigns, 1976-2001, notions of change were encouraged through frequent references to generational differences. The new and active father was contrasted with fathers of earlier generations. Fathers of the past were often described as preoccupied with their work, incapable of expressing feelings, and uninterested in housework and childcare (Foraldraledighet, 1991; Ny rid. Ny man?, 2000).

By stressing the idea that men of earlier generations performed little or no childcare or domestic work, the notion of a revolutionary change was further accentuated. The old father became a "straw man," making the progress of the young father more remarkable. Even small changes look big when compared to the poor performance of one's predecessors.

Despite the generally optimistic idea of a gradual alteration of old and outmoded ways of organizing family responsibilities, campaign makers tried to speed up the process by working on perceived obstacles to increased uptake of paternity leave. From the end of the 1970s, four major obstacles to men using paternity leave have been pointed out in paternity leave campaigns and in political documents about parental leave: family economy, workplace and workmates, the mother of the child, and a fourth category--traditional sex roles (Bekkengen, 1996). In the mid-1990s, there was some research indicating employer resistance to parent's use of parental leave (Haas & Hwang, 1995). In a study conducted by Nasman (1992), however, the majority of the parents did not experience any major problems at their workplace in that connection.

While primarily emphasizing external obstacles, men's motivation to use the leave was often left out of the picture. As a rule, campaign makers have often portrayed men as facing only external obstacles. For example, the notion of men having the will, but being hindered by external obstacles was encouraged by a nationwide paternity leave campaign in 1996-1997, launched by the National Social Insurance Office. The campaign contained humorous pictures that highlighted difficult situations for a father who decides to use his leave: a man surrounded by workmates with grim expressions on their faces, a man standing behind his boss holding up the corners of his mouth, and a man with a teddy bear in his arms and two women looking over his shoulders. The two women are probably his wife and his mother-in-law and they both have rather suspicious looks on their faces. The captions underline the irony of the pictures: "What do your workmates say about this?," "Just imagine how happy your boss will be," and finally, "The girls are happy to hand over the responsibility" (Campaign posters from the National Social Insurance Office, 1996-1997, available from the author on request).

In a letter to the press, the head of the campaign explained the rationale behind the message. He stated that almost all men look positively on paternity leave, but are hindered by "practical problems and negative expectations" (Alla pappor kan vara lediga, 1996, p. 1).

The general optimism about men's will and ability to change was often connected to notions of modernity. In a booklet about paternity leave, published by the Equal Opportunity Ombudsman, the authors claimed there is no simple and straightforward solution to increase men's use of parental leave. In fact, modernity itself was said to be the most important source of change (Det borde vara en merit, 1992). Modernity is described as an almost irreversible historical process. Reason and logic will sooner or later triumph. It is a matter of when, rather than if, men will take on responsibility equal to women for the care and upbringing of their children.

When disseminating the idea of slow but steady change, campaign makers, 19962001, tapped into a widespread liberal progressive discourse. McMahon (1999) used the expression "optimistic gradualism" to describe how changes in men's attitudes and actions are often understood. Through the lens of optimistic gradualism, small and ambiguous signs of change are given an optimistic interpretation and are understood as signs of a larger progressive development (McMahon, 1999, p. 91; see also: Hearn, 2002). Implicit in the perspective of optimistic gradualism is a basic understanding of gender relations, focusing on consensus rather than conflict.

Studies of gender-role attitudes indicate that Swedish men in general have a positive attitude to egalitarian gender relationships and shared parenting (Johansson & Klinth, in press; Olah et al., 2002). Nevertheless, many studies indicate a considerable gap between attitudes and conduct. According to figures from 1998, women spent on average 47 hours (72%) per week alone with the children, compared to men who spent 18 hours (28%) (Bekkengen, 2002; Plantin, 2001; SOU, 1998: 6).

The positive and optimistic images of men in the paternity leave campaigns are closely connected to the general framework of Swedish family and equal status policy during the 1970s and the 1980s. In line with a Swedish policy tradition, the field of gender equality has been characterized by consensus rather than conflict (Klinth, 2002; Lindvert, 2002). Consequently, terms like "women's questions" were banned and replaced by the gender neutral term jamstalldhet (gender equality). Jamstalldhet implies the prospect of sacrifices as well as benefits for both men and women (Florin & Nilsson, 2000). An important rule of the game has been to develop and communicate gender policy in a way that is not threatening to men (Eduards, 1992).

In conclusion, the paternity leave campaigns, 1976-2001, were characterized by optimism over men's motivation and their ability to embrace new fatherhood ideals. Terms like "silent revolution" were sometimes used to describe the progress of Swedish men. In line with the political framework in general, the campaigns were guided by a consensus perspective on gender relations. External obstacles, rather than men's resistance were highlighted; men were represented as victims of circumstance, rather than the main problem.

On His Own Terms

A common theme in the campaigns from 1976 to 2001 was paternity leave as a possibility. Men were frequently urged to take the chance, to use the opportunity or to make the choice (e.g., Nu har du chans att se lite mer av dina barn, 1992; Campaign posters from the Social Insurance Office in Ostergotland 2000-2001, available from the author on request).

When paternity leave is described in terms of a possibility, rather than a responsibility, the idea of active fatherhood as something out of the ordinary is reproduced. Furthermore, the rhetoric of possibility leaves the meaning of shared responsibility undefined. Taking the opportunity could mean anything from one day to several months leave, which obviously is problematic for the articulated political vision of men's and women's equal responsibility for economic provision as well as childcare and domestic work.

Men's freedom to pick and choose has also been accentuated by frequent reference to the flexibility of parental leave insurance. From the first campaigns in the late 1970s to the campaigns in the early 2000s flexibility has been a key word. In a nationwide paternity leave campaign in the early 1990s, initiated by the National Social Insurance Office, the campaign posters showed men and children in different activities: on a fishing expedition, at the breakfast table, in the bath tub, etc. All of the captions started with the same phrase: "Paternity leave can be ...", and revolved around different ways men could use their leave. For example, "paternity leave can be to extend weekends and holidays and have more fun" or "paternity leave can be to spend the summer holiday together in the first school year." Campaign makers also stated that men could "tailor-make" their paternity leave "practically in any way they choose" (Campaign posters from the National Social Insurance Office, 1992-1993, available from the author on request).

Moreover, a significant feature of paternity leave campaigns, 1976-2001, was the frequent reminder of what men could gain by using their right to paternity leave. The nation wide campaign in 1989, conducted by the National Social Insurance Office, had headlines like: "Give daddy a better start in life" and "Give your inner child a chance" (Archive of the Government Offices, Hemstallan om medel ur potten for Pappa-komhem-kampanjen, 1990).

The campaign makers not only taught men about the emotional benefits of paternity leave, but they also drew attention to the professional gains of spending time with children. Men were told that spending time with children would develop their capacity to "solve unexpected problems" and make them "more skilled to 'handle people'" (Official website of the National Social Insurance Office, material from a paternity leave campaign, 1999). In the magazine Mannen (The Man), produced by the Ministry of Culture, paternity leave was described in terms of leadership training: "The best school of leadership: half a year in the nursery" (Mannen, 1992, p. 7).

The frequent reminders of the gains men could expect from using parental leave raise the question of what the main purpose of parental leave is. McMahon makes a fruitful distinction between men's parenthood as either focused on consumption or production. In popular media discourses the new fatherhood is often described in terms of consumption--it is about what the father receives, rather than what he gives (McMahon, 1999).

Despite the different context, it is obvious that the idea of fatherhood as consumption has characterized many of the Swedish campaigns for increased paternity leave. In the campaigns men were promised the best of both worlds. They were invited to take part of the pleasures of parenthood, but at the same time they were told that they could retain, or even improve, their position at work.

The strong focus on paternity leave as a delightful time of life was partly related to the institutional context of the campaigns. Especially the big nationwide campaigns in the 1990s were designed by professional advertising agencies. In the same way as other material or social commodities in a capitalist economic system, paternity leave was understood and communicated through the framework of modern consumerism and "sold" by references to individual rights and pleasures. The collaboration between political and commercial cultures obviously involves conflicts of interest. Abstract political appeals for social justice, personal privation and collective benefits sometimes collide with established professional knowledge on how to sell products and ideas. Thus, paternity leave campaigns were a mixture of many different voices. Nevertheless, the campaigns represented their "buyers" and, in the public eye, they were the visual expression of gender policy.

In summary, the paternity leave campaigns, 1976-2001, raised questions of men's status as parents. The opportunity to choose if, when and how men prefer to use their parental leave as well as the frequent reminders of personal benefits were used to motivate men to take parental leave, but it also confirmed their status as secondary parents. Men did not have the main responsibility--the duty. Instead, they were free to use their right if and when they considered that possible.

Paternity Leave Campaigns 2002-2006

Half Each!

While some characteristics of the paternity leave campaigns have remained constant throughout the 30 year period covered by this study, e.g., the positive image of men as parents, and the belief in men's capacity to care, some have changed. The most distinct change occurred in the early 2000s. It can be described as a shift in the way gender relations was understood and communicated.

The introduction into Swedish family and equal status policy of a perspective that considers gender relations as power relations, dates back to the late 1980s and the early 1990s (SOU, 1990: 44). Before that, the dominant perspective was based on the concept of sex roles (above). In the light of new interpretations of gender relations, the question of paternity leave was reformulated. Drawing on concepts of gender relations as power relations, the government introduced the fatherhood quota to parental leave insurance in 1995. The minister in charge of family and equal status policy, Bengt Westerberg, declared that gender asymmetries cannot be altered unless men and women share the responsibility for childcare and domestic work equally (Klinth, 2002; Proposition, 1993/1994, p. 147).

This shift of perspective did not affect the paternity leave campaigns of the 1990s. However, intimation of a new political approach came in the government's letter of regulation to the National Social Insurance Office in 1998. In their instructions, the government pointed out that the implementation of a gender perspective was an important goal. On this basis the National Social Insurance Office set up a plan of action, including education of staff (Socialforsakringen, 1999). In their 2000 annual report, the Social Insurance Office described how they had worked on implementing a gender perspective by "raising the competence and the understanding of structures, division of power and how norms are formed and maintained" (Socialforsakringen, 2001, p. 95).

It was not before 2002, however, that the shift of perspective started to influence paternity leave campaigns launched by the National Social Insurance Office. In 2002, when the campaign Bada blir bast! (Both are best!) was about to enter its third year, the group in charge of organizing it declared the message to fathers had become somewhat tougher. They stated that paternity leave would be communicated in a positive way. The point of departure, however, was that parents were supposed to share the leave equally (Perspektiv, 2002). A year later, a similar statement was made in a press release from the National Social Insurance Office. They maintained parental leave would be promoted as a joint responsibility (Official website of the National Social Insurance Office, Information letters to parents, 2004). Consequently, the most recent campaign, introduced in 2005, was called "Half each!"

The emphasis on "half each" introduced new normative concepts of parenthood and gender relations, and consequently, phrases like "take the chance" or "get a little more time with your child" were abolished from promotional material. Parents were approached as though it is natural and self-evident they will share the parental leave equally (Kalendern, 2006). Fathers were still informed about the benefits of using the paternity leave, but there was a big difference. The benefits were not described as theirs alone. For example, in the wall calendar of 2004, parents were told that shared responsibility for parental leave could be an important investment. "It gives both of you the chance to have a career as well as children" (Kalendern, 2004, p. 7). Paternity leave was placed within an overall framework of gender equality and the possibilities and benefits for both men and women were emphasized, not just men's.

A gender perspective was also apparent in a special magazine for fathers, launched by the government in 2002. An example of the new approach was the way the unequal division of parental leave was explained. Explanations focusing on external forces like employers, workplace cultures, women, etc., were replaced, or rather complemented, by explanations highlighting men's resistance. In the magazine, the list of reasons why men only use a fraction of their parental leave started with "The father does not want to!" (Nya livet, 2002, p. 5).

Another important aspect of the perspective shift involved a reformulation of the way male and female gender identities were communicated. In the wall calendars of 2001 and 2002, produced by the National Social Insurance Office, the foreword stated: "Two parents who are able to help each other give the child extra security. You are both needed--because you are different" (Kalendern, 2002, p. 2). The following year, 2003, the same foreword was used except for the last line. The emphasis on sexual differences was removed and instead the authors stressed cooperation and the equal value and responsibility of both parents (Kalendern, 2003).

In summary, the emphasis on a fully-shared responsibility for parental leave, established in the most recent campaigns by the National Social Insurance Office, introduced different images of fatherhood and gender relations. As in the campaigns of 1976-2001, fatherhood was described in positive terms and as an important part of men's personal development, but it was also communicated as a long-term commitment and not as a chance or a possibility; it was a fully shared responsibility for both men and women.

Discussion

This study has explored the way the Swedish paternity leave campaigns of 19762006 interpreted and communicated men's identities, rights, and responsibilities as parents. The overall purpose has been to discuss the images of the new father in relation to the vision of the dual-earner, dual-cater family. Due to a distinct shift in the way men's and women's rights, capacities and responsibilities were represented in the campaigns, the study was divided into two time periods. The first period covers 1976-2001 and the other 2002-2006.

On a general level, the paternity leave campaigns of 1976-2001 added considerably to the visibility of men as fathers, which is a necessary precondition for the political vision of the dual-earner, dual-carer family. Furthermore, by depicting men as active fathers, rather than as just breadwinners, the campaigns helped to bridge the gap between the traditional male and female spheres. For that reason, this study emphasizes the positive interpretations made by earlier research on Swedish parental leave. In many ways the image of the new father in the paternity leave campaigns represents something progressive and historically unique.

However, it is also important to critically scrutinize the images of the new father. The paternity leave campaigns also gave rise to notions of fatherhood and gender relations that undercut, rather than supported, a radical vision of gender equality. An important feature of the campaigns, 1976-2001, was the dominance of a consensus perspective on gender relations. As a consequence, the images of men were often selective and sometimes even idealized. Predominantly, the campaigns encouraged the view that men could change, and wanted to. Expressions like "a silent revolution" or "a new generation" were used to describe the progress of the new Swedish father. The issue of men's resistance, however, was left unmentioned. On the contrary, men were portrayed as powerless rather than powerful. They were urged to stand their ground and take parental leave.

Furthermore, in the paternity leave campaigns of 1976-2001, the meaning of shared responsibility was by and large left undefined. Active fatherhood was communicated as a possibility, rather than a necessity--as a right rather than a duty. Men were encouraged to take the chance, grab the opportunity or use the possibility. Instead of pointing out men's equal responsibility for childcare, the campaigns often promoted men's freedom of choice. Consequently, men were positioned as secondary rather than primary parents.

Therefore, this study also adds to the depiction, made in earlier research, of the Swedish parental leave as looking both forward and back (the "Janus face"). Just as the campaigns tear down gender barriers of the past, they start building new ones. The representations of the new father during 1976-2001 could be described as a modified form of patriarchy that adheres to the basic political vision of the dual-earner, dual-carer family and is couched in the language of gender equality. Unlike the previous patriarchal order it was not built on open separation of male and female rights, spheres and responsibilities. Nevertheless, the representation of fathers' and mothers' rights, capacities and responsibilities was characterized by difference rather than similarity. The father is supposed to "get pregnant" but in an essentially masculine way and on his own terms.

However, the analysis of paternity leave campaigns of 2002-2006 indicates a shift in perspective. A positive image of fatherhood and a trust in men's ability to care still characterized the campaigns, but in other respects the message was different. The overall goal of "half each" revealed new understandings of fatherhood as well as gender relations. Men were supposed to take full responsibility, and men's and women's rights, capacities and responsibilities were communicated in terms of similarity, rather than difference. In the new normative approach, paternity leave was placed within an overall framework of gender equality. Consequently, the possibilities and benefits for both men and women were emphasized, not just men's.

It is too early to know how the "half-each policy" will influence public opinion and men's use of parental leave. However, the representation of parenthood as a joint responsibility is an important political signal and a step toward a realization of the radical vision of the dual-earner, dual-carer family.

References

Bekkengen, L. (1996). Mans foraldraledighet--en kunskapsoversikt [Paternity leave--A research review]. Arbetsrapport 96:12, Jamstalldhetscentrum, Hogskolan i Karlstad.

Bekkengen, L. (2002). Man far valja: Om foraldraskap och foraldraledighet i arbetsliv och familj [Men have the choice: Parenthood and parental leave in work-life and family]. Malmo: Liber.

Berggren, S., & Duvander, A-Z. (2003). Social insurance in Sweden. Family assets Time and money. Stockholm: National Social Insurance Office.

Bergman, H., & Hobson, B. (2002). Compulsory fatherhood: The coding of fatherhood in the Swedish Welfare State. In B. Hobson (Ed.), Making men into fathers: Men, masculinity and the social politics of fatherhood (pp. 92-124). Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.

Bjornberg, U. (2000). Equality and backlash: Family, gender, and social policy in Sweden. In L. Haas, P. Hwang, & G. Russel (Eds.), Organizational change and gender equity (pp. 57-75). Thousand Oaks, CA: Sage.

Bourdieu, P. (1990). Photography. A middle-brow art. Cambridge: Polity Press. Brandt, B., & Kvande, E. (2001). Flexible work and flexible fathers. Work, Employment and Society, 15(2), 251-267.

Pappagruppens slutrapport (Final reports from the fatherhood group). Ds 1995:2, Stockholm: Ministry of Health and Social Affairs.

Duvander, A-Z., Ferrarini, T., & Thalberg, S. (2005). Swedish parental leave and gender equality: Achievements and reform challenges in a European perspective. Arbetsrapport 2005:11. Stockholm: Institute for Studies of the Future.

Eduards, M. (1992). Against the rules of the game: On the importance of women's collective actions. Rethinking change: Current Swedish feminist research. Uppsala: Swedish Science Press; Stockholm: HSFR.

Ekberg, J., Eriksson, R., & Friebel, G. (2004). Sharing responsibility? Short- and long-term effects of Sweden's "father's month" reform. Stockholm: Ministry of Economic Affairs.

Elwin-Nowak, Y. (2005). Mamma-barn-pappa--Barn-mamma-pappa: Om modra- och barnhalsovardens syn p foraldraskapets ordning [Morn-child-dad--Child-morn-dad: About images of parenthood in health care for mothers and children]. SOU 2005:73, appendix 4 (pp. 97123). Stockholm: Ministry of Industry, Employment and Communications.

Eriksson, R. (2005). Parental leave in Sweden: The effects of the second daddy month. Working Paper 9. Stockholm: Swedish Institute for Social Research. Faderskap i skilda varldar [Fatherhood in separate worlds] (1995). Stockholm: Institute of Public Health.

Florin, C., & Nilsson, B. (2000). "Nagot som liknar en oblodig revolution": Jamstalldhetens politisering under 1960 och 70-talen" ["Something in the nature of a bloodless revolution": Gender equality policy in Sweden during the 1960s and 1970s]. Umea: Umea University.

Franvarande pappor [Absent dads]. (1991). Stockholm: National Board of Health and Welfare.

Furst, G. (1999). Jamstallda pa svenska [Gender equality in Swedish]. Stockholm: The Swedish Institute/Sweden Books.

Gislason, I. (2004). Islandsk revolution. I U. Lorentzi (Ed.), Vems valfrihet? [Islandic revolution]. In U. Lorentzi (Ed.), Who's freedom of choice? (pp. 92-107), Stockholm: Agora and HTF.

Haas, L. (1992). Equal parenthood and social policy: A study of parental leave in Sweden. Albany: State University of New York Press.

Haas, L., Cronholm, A., & Hwang, P. (2006). Sweden. In P. Moss & M. O'Brien (Eds.), International review of leave policies and related research (pp. 205-216), Employment Relations Research Series. London: British Department of Trade and Industry.

Haas, L., & Hwang, P. (1995). Company culture and men's usage of family leave benefits in Sweden. Family Relations, 44, 28-36.

Haas, L., & Hwang, P. (2005). The impact of taking parental leave on fathers 'participation in childcare and ties with children: Lessons from Sweden. Conference paper presented at the First International Conference--Community, Work and Family, 16-18 March 2005, Manchester, UK. Available on-line: http://www.did.stu.mmu.ac.uk/cwf/Haas_HwangManchester.doc

Haas, L., & Hwang, P. (2007). Gender and organizational culture: Correlates of companies' responsiveness to fathers in Sweden. Gender and Society, 21, 52-79. Available on-line: http://gas.sagepub.com/cgi/content/abstract/21/1/52

Hearn, J. (2002). Men, fathers and the state: National and global relations. In B. Hobson (Ed.), Making men into fathers: Men, masculinities and the social politics of fatherhood (pp. 245272). Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.

Hobson, B., & Morgan, D. (2002). Introduction. In B. Hobson (Ed.), Making men into fathers: Men, masculinities and the social politics of fatherhood (pp. 1-21). Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.

Johansson, T., & Klinth, R. (in press). Caring fathers: The ideology of gender equality and masculine positions. Men and Masculinities. Available on-line: http://jmm.sagepub.com/cgi/rapidpdf/1097184X06291899v1

Kamerman, S.B. (2000). Parental leave policies: An essential ingredient in early childhood education and care policies. Social Policy Report, XIV(2), 1-16.

Klinth, R. (2002). Gora pappa med barn: Den svenska pappapolitiken 1960-1995 [Making daddy pregnant: The Swedish fatherhood policy 1960- 1995]. Umea: Borea.

Klinth, R. (2005). Pappaledighet som jamstalldhetsprojekt: Om den svenska pappaledighetens politiska historia. I SOU 2005:66, Forskarrapporter till Jamstalldhetspolitiska utredningen [Paternity leave as gender equality project: About the political history of Swedish paternity leave]. In SOU 2005:66: Research review for the Commission on gender equality (pp 207238). Stockholm: Ministry of Industry, Employment and Communications.

Lamb, M.E., & Levine, J.A. (1983). The Swedish Parental Insurance policy: An experiment in social engineering. In M. E. Lamb & A. Sagi (Eds.), Fatherhood and family policy (pp. 3952), Hillsdale, NJ: Lawrence Erlbaum Associates Publishers.

Lamb, M. E., & Oppenheim, D. (1989). Fatherhood and father-child relationships. In S. Cath, A. Gurwitt, & L. Ginsberg (Eds.), Fathers and their families (pp. 11-26). Hillsdale Hove and London: Analytic Press.

LaRossa, R. (1997). Modernization of fatherhood: A social and political history. Chicago: University of Chicago Press.

Lewis, J. (1992). Gender and the development of welfare regimes. Journal of European Social Policy, 2(3), 159-173.

Lewis, J., & Astrom, G. (1991). Equality, difference and state welfare: The case of labour market and family policies in Sweden. Uppsala: Commission on power, Report 44.

Lindvert, J. (2002). Feminism som politik: Sverige och Australien 1960-1990 [Feminism as policy: Sweden and Australia 1960-1990]. Umeca: Borea.

Lupton, D., & Barclay, L. (1997). Constructing fatherhood: Discourses and experiences. Thousand Oaks, CA: Sage.

McMahon, A. (1999). Taking care of men: Sexual politics in the public mind. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.

Morgan, K.J. (2006). Working mothers and the welfare state: Religion and the politics of workfamily policies in Western Europe and the United States. Palo Alto: Stanford University Press.

Nyberg, A. (2004). Framsteg och fallgrop. In U. Lorentzi (Ed.). Veins valfrihet? Debattbok for en delad foraldraforsakring [Progress and pitfall]. In U. Lorentzi (Ed.), Who's freedom of choice? Depate on shared parental leave. Stockholm: Agora and HTF.

Nyman, H., & Pettersson, J. (2002). Spelade pappamanaden nagon roll?: Pappornas uttag av foraldrapenning [Did the daddy's month do any difference? Fathers' use of parental leave]. Stockholm: National Social Insurance Office.

Naisman, E. (1992). Parental leave in Sweden--A workplace issue. Stockholm Research Reports in Demography No. 73: Stockholm University.

Olah, L.S., Bernhardt, E.M., & Goldscheider, F.K. (2002). Co-residential paternal roles in industrialized countries: Sweden, Hungary and the United States. In B. Hobson (Ed.), Making men into fathers: Men, masculinities and the social politics of fatherhood (pp. 25-57). Cambridge: Cambridge University Press

Plantin, L. (2001). Man, familjeliv och foraldraskap [Men, family life and parenthood]. Umea: Borea.

Plantin, L., Mansson, S-A., & Kearney, J. (2003). Talking and doing fatherhood: On fatherhood and masculinity in Sweden and Britain. Fathering, 1(1), 3-26.

Proposition 1993/94:147, Delad makt--Delat ansvar [Shared power--Shared responsibility]. Stockholm: Ministry of Health and Social Affairs.

Pa tal om kvinnor och man: Lathund om jamstalldhet 2006 [About women and men; quick guide to gender equality 2006]. (2006). Stockholm: Statistics Sweden.

Siim, B. (1993). The gendered Scandinavian welfare states: The interplay between women's roles as mothers, workers and citizens in Denmark. In J. Lewis (Ed.), Women and social-policies in Europe. Aldershot: Elgar.

Socialforsakringen: Arsredovisning for budgetaret 1998 [Social insurance: Annual report for the fiscal year 1998]. (1999). Stockholm: National Social Insurance Office.

Socialforsakringen: Arsredovisning for budgetaret 2000 [Social insurance: Annual report for the fiscal year 2000]. (2001). Stockholm: National Social Insurance Office.

Socialforsakringen: Arsredovisning for budgetaret 2005 [Social insurance: Annual report for the fiscal year 2005]. (2006). Stockholm: National Social Insurance Office.

SOU 1975:62, Forkortad arbetstid for smabarnsforaldrar : Betankande avgivet av Familjestodsutredningen [SOU 1975:62, Reduced working hours for parents of small children: Report from the Commission of family support]. Stockholm: Ministry of Health and Social Affairs.

SOU 1990:44, Demokrati och makt i Sverige: Maktutredningen huvudrapport [SOU 1990:44, Democracy and power in Sweden: Main Report from the Commission of Power]. Stockholm. Allmanna forlaget.

SOU 1998:6, Ty makten ar din...: Myten om det rationalla arbetslivet och det jamstallda Sverige [SOU 1998:6, Because the power is yours ..: The myth about the rational character of work life and gender equal Sweden]. Stockholm: Ministry of Labour Market Affairs.

SOU 2005: 73, Reformerad foraldraforsakring--Karlek, omvardnad, trygghet [SOU 2005: 73, Reformed parental leave insurance--Love, care, security]. Stockholm: Ministry of Health and Social Affairs.

Campaign Material--Printed References

Alia pappor kan vara lediga [All dads can take time off]. (1996). press release, Stockholm: The National Social Insurance Office.

Det borde vara en merit ...: Sexton foraldralediga pappor om arbetet, familjen och ledigheten [It should be considered a merit ...: Sixteen duds about work, family and leave]. (1992). Stockholm: JamO:s rapportserie, No. 1.

Foraldraledighet [Parental leave]. (1991). Stockholm: The National Board of Health and Welfare.

Kalendern 2002 [The Calendar 2002]. (2002). Stockholm: The National Social Insurance Office.

Kalendern 2003 [The Calendar 2003]. (2003). Stockholm: The National Social Insurance Office.

Kalendern 2004 [The Calendar 2004]. (2004). Stockholm: The National Social Insurance Office.

Kalendern 2006 [The Calendar 2006]. (2006). Stockholm: The National Social Insurance Office.

Mannen: Magasin om jamstalldhetsprojekt [The Man: Magazine on gender equality Programmes]. (1992). Stockholm: Ministry of Culture.

Nu har du chans att se lite mer av dina barn [Now you have the chance to see your children a bit More]. (1992). Stockholm: National Social Insurance Office.

Ny tid. Ny man? [New times. New man?]. (2000). Stockholm: The Council for Development of the State Sector.

Nya Livet: En tidning om jamstalldhet for blivande och nyblivna pappor och mammor [The new life: A magazine on gender equality for fathers and mothers to be]. (2002). Stockholm: The Government Offices.

Pappautbildning? Vad ska det vara bra for? [Fatherhood education? What is the point?]. (1996). Stockholm: Ministry of Labour Market Issues.

Perspektiv: Nyheter om information och kommunikation [Perspective: News on information and Communication]. (2002), no. 3, December 2002. The National Social Insurance Office.

Campaign Material--Unprinted References

Archive of the Government Offices Kampanj "Pappaledighet" [Campaign "Paternity leave"], S92/3980/F. Hemstallan om medel ur potten for Pappa-kom-hem-kampanjen [Request for money from the Daddy come home campaign], S90/5147/F.

Swedish National Archive of Recorded Sound and Moving Images Anslagstavlan [The note board]. (1980) Sveriges Television, TV 2, 1985-05-12, 20.55-21.00, B 18476. Barnledig pappa [Dad on parental leave]. (1976) B 10262. Kompis idag--kompis i morgon! [Buddy today--buddy tomorrow]. (1985) B 10262.

Available from the author on request: Campaign posters from the National Social Insurance Office 1992-1993. Campaign posters from the National Social Insurance Office 1996-1997. Campaign posters from the Social Insurance Office in Ostergotland 1997-2001.

Official website of the National Social Insurance Office Information letter to parents 2004. Press release 2004-03-29. Retrieved 2006-05-02, from http://www.forsakringskassan.se/press/pressmed/pm2004/pm09_04/index.php Material from a paternity leave campaign 1999. Retrieved 1999-11-08, from http://www.fk.se/pappa/10.htm

ROGER KLINTH

Linkoping University

Roger Klinth, Department of Behavioral Sciences and Learning, Linkoping University, Sweden.

Correspondence concerning this article should be addressed to Roger Klinth, Department of Behavioral Sciences and Learning, Linkoping University, 58183 Linkoping, Sweden. Electronic mail: [e-mail]