The Silk Industry of Renaissance Venice.Luca Mola, The Silk Industry of Renaissance Venice Baltimore and London: The Johns Hopkins University Johns Hopkins University, mainly at Baltimore, Md. Johns Hopkins in 1867 had a group of his associates incorporated as the trustees of a university and a hospital, endowing each with $3.5 million. Daniel C. Press, 2000. xix + 20 figs. + 457 pp. $48. ISBN ISBN abbr. International Standard Book Number ISBN International Standard Book Number ISBN n abbr (= International Standard Book Number) → ISBN m : 0-8018-6189-6. For the past half century, economic historians of early modern Europe The early modern period is a term used by historians to refer to the period in Western Europe and its first colonies which spans the two centuries between the Middle Ages and the Industrial Revolution. have had to respond in one way or another to the view that there existed an economic depression during the Renaissance. Lately, the general trend has been to reject this thesis. Just twelve years ago, for example, Judith Brown Judith S. Brown (1931 – 1992) was a dancer as well as a sculptor, she was drawn to images of the body in motion and its effect on the cloth surrounding it. She welded crushed automobile scrap metal into energetic moving torsos, horses, and flying draperies[1]. observed that "a growing number of economic historians no longer subscribe to Verb 1. subscribe to - receive or obtain regularly; "We take the Times every day" subscribe, take buy, purchase - obtain by purchase; acquire by means of a financial transaction; "The family purchased a new car"; "The conglomerate acquired a new company"; the depression thesis while most non-economic historians do" ("Prosperity or Hard Times in Renaissance Italy," Renaissance Quarterly: Winter 1989, 761). The appearance of Luca Mola's exhaustive case study of the silk industry in fifteenth -- and sixteenth -- century Venice is one more nail in the coffin of the depression thesis. Mola is not the first historian (and he certainly will not be the last) to focus on the history of this luxury commodity. Indeed, the exuberance of the silk industry has long been recognized as one of the bright spots of the Renaissance economy. Nevertheless, some scholars have characterized the success of this part icular industry as a symptom of overall economic decline, largely created by excessive regulations imposed by urban guilds and governments. Mola's book makes a convincing case otherwise. In this detailed, well-researched, and beautifully illustrated study, Mola argues that the industry was neither stagnant, conservative, nor in any way emblematic em·blem·at·ic or em·blem·at·i·cal adj. Of, relating to, or serving as an emblem; symbolic. [French emblématique, from Medieval Latin embl of economic decline. Indeed, not only was it a vital sector of the economy of Venice and its Terraferma, but it was also highly flexible, open to innovation, and responsive to the changing tastes of consumers. The author has organized the book into three sections: the growth of international competition, the Venetian industry, and the mainland state. Part 1 traces the development of the silk industry from its introduction into Italy before the eleventh century to its full emergence as an urban enterprise in the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries. Part 2 traces the history of the conflict between the demands for protectionism protectionism Policy of protecting domestic industries against foreign competition by means of tariffs, subsidies, import quotas, or other handicaps placed on imports. and free trade, focusing in particular on the trade in raw silk raw silk n. 1. Untreated silk as reeled from a cocoon. 2. Fabric or yarn made from untreated silk. and spun thread from abroad. The author points to the rapid adoption in the middle of the sixteenth century of a new red dye from New Spain New Spain: see Mexico, country. (the cochineal cochineal (kŏchĭnēl`, kŏch`ĭnēl), natural dye obtained from an extract of the bodies of the females of the cochineal bug (Dactylopius confusus) found on certain species of cactus, especially ) as an e xample of the flexibility and openness of the Venetian silk industry to innovation and novelty. Part 3 describes the development of moderate and tolerant policies adopted by Venice towards its subject territories in the second half of the sixteenth century, with particular attention to the permission given subject cities to produce black velvets. There are a number of observations here that should intrigue a broad circle of historians. For example, Venetian guilds and the government were not monolithic organizations able to stifle and control economic activity at will. Rather, time and again the Venetian state was unable to enforce some of its own regulations, as was clear from the high incidence of smuggling smuggling, illegal transport across state or national boundaries of goods or persons liable to customs or to prohibition. Smuggling has been carried on in nearly all nations and has occasionally been adopted as an instrument of national policy, as by Great Britain . Furthermore, guilds and silk makers were often divided among themselves regarding policy, as the major and minor spinners Spinners can refer to:
Though strong on the economic and legislative dimensions as well as on the technical details of the productive process, there is very little social history here. For example, we learn that women "were a driving force behind the spread of the silk industry in Renaissance Europe" (238), but the book includes very little about their role in manufacturing and commerce. Furthermore, the study would have benefited from a fuller account of the process of production as it was experienced by those involved, a more complete social profile of the most fervent promoters of the industry, and a topographical description of the neighborhoods in Venice most closely associated with silk manufacturing. Nevertheless, these considerations aside, The Silk Industry of Renaissance Venice is certainly a major contribution to the body of scholarship on the Renaissance economy. |
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