The Political Economy of New Slavery.

Christien van den Anker (ed.) The Political Economy of New Slavery Palgrave Macmillan, New York and Basingstoke, Hampshire, 2004, 272 pp. ISBN 1-4039-1523-7 (pbk) 16.99 [pounds sterling] ISBN 1-4039-1522-9 (hbk) 50 [pounds sterling]

There is an ever-growing body of literature on international migration, the international division of labour within the context of globalisation, and on the consequences for the several millions of vulnerable people caught up in these processes.

These consequences are wide-ranging, and human stories of exploited household domestic migrants, illegal factory workers, paid-sex workers, child labour and human trafficking abound. These stories are often known to national and international bodies, as well as to the general public.

However, the uncomfortable questions associated with them are generally hidden away until some horrendous, tragic incident, perhaps involving fatalities, suddenly forces them to the forefront of individual and collective consciousness.

Such incidents often cause an outcry for a while--at least for a day or two, until the media focus has shifted onto something else. One example is that of the twenty Chinese illegal migrants who were drowned whilst picking cockles in Morecambe Bay, north-west England, on February 5 2004. Arguably, both the Chinese and British governments have been aware of illegal migration and human trafficking from China for several decades--after all, there have been previous incidents to suggest this.

However, at the time of this particular tragedy, both the Chinese and British officials acknowledged that they had been unaware of the existence of those who drowned that day. And while the story made newspaper headlines for a number of days, shocking both the public and the authorities, it was soon yesterday's news.

The Political Economy of New Slavery is therefore a timely book, and a useful addition to existing literature, bringing together views from both academics and activists on what it calls new forms of contemporary slavery. While recognising that the term 'contemporary slavery' may conjure up sensationalist imagery through its association with older, transatlantic forms, the book begins by arguing that there are parallels between the older and newer forms of slavery. These parallels can be found in the violation of rights to freedom of movement, when passports and identity papers are withheld from many domestic household workers in richer countries; where millions of people today are forced to work though debt bondage or other forms of exploitative practices with little or no pay; where people are subjected to mental and physical violence, torture or inhumane and degrading treatment; and where they have little or no right to own property, or to earn a fair wage. Contemporary slavery thus comes in many different forms, and there are several crossovers. Nevertheless, the book urges the recognition of parallels between these older and newer forms of slavery, because this will allow contemporary practice to become more visible, in turn making the task of raising awareness of it, and campaigning against it, more effective.

In fact, the need to raise awareness and contribute effectively to ending contemporary slavery is the central purpose of the book. Thus, while it offers academic insights and analysis of the many forms of slavery within a current context of globalisation, one of the major strengths of this book is that most of the chapters also reflect on international law, and on practical goals towards international action and policy-making. There are three parts to the book. Part I theorises on the intricacies of globalisation and the resultant complex and varied forms of contemporary slavery. It also considers the effect that globalisation has on changing migration patterns, and the effect of an increase in the smuggling and trafficking of human beings within liberal democracies, which regard this development as a security threat, requiring them to protect their own citizens. In turn, this acts to reinforce racism, prejudice and social divisions within these countries.

Part II draws on current empirical work, and on input from activists who look more closely at what contemporary forms of new slavery mean at a local level. For instance, David Ould (deputy director of Anti-Slavery International) reflects on trafficking in both the richer and poorer parts of the world, within the context of the legislative and policy constraints faced by NGOS and states, and the possible changes that can make these more effective. This discussion is followed through at a more specific level: for example, in an examination of the Belgian policy on combating trafficking and the work of the Belgian NGO Payoke in supporting victims of trafficking. Another case study draws lessons from Bosnia-Herzegovina in order to raise awareness and minimise risk for girls and women in Afghanistan, where post-conflictual trafficking is at its height.

This section of the book also argues for the need to differentiate between the variety and complexity of arrangements within contemporary slavery, if challenges to existing international legislation and the construction of a more focused and directed policy and rights agenda are to be successful. For instance, empirical evidence challenges the racist myth of the 'evil Arab employer' and suggests that such employers exist in London and all over Europe. Slavery conditions are spread through debt-bondage practices in a variety of countries, including India, Pakistan and Nepal. These are also evident in the use of child labour across Latin America, Asia and Africa, where poverty pushes children into seeking work with callous and unscrupulous employers, including internationally-recognised companies and household names.

Thus there is a huge diversity of peoples, countries and situations associated with varied forms of contemporary slavery, each of which needs to be carefully considered within its local context.

Because these chapters are derived from current empirical work from both academic and activist standpoints, they are able to give up-to-date accounts of the complexity and hidden issues of contemporary slavery.

Each chapter also offers ways forward, by suggesting practical goals towards action through a critical assessment of the policy and practice of contemporary slavery.

The focus on action and change is continued in Part III, which is dedicated to strategies and frameworks for change. Each chapter in this part reflects on mechanisms for strategic intervention in order to enable real change.

For instance, one argues for the need to link development ethics, as a guiding framework for the various agencies involved in the struggle against contemporary slavery, including states, global institutions, and individuals as global citizens.

Another draws attention to the need to systematically address the root causes of poverty, which is the major driving force behind contemporary slavery.

It argues that neoliberal ideology, decreasing state intervention, currency speculation and volatile financial markets have generated immense global poverty and dire social consequences all over Russia, Latin America, Africa and Asia, and calls for a reassessment of arguments around the introduction of the Tobin Tax.

Equally, the chapter on Fair Trade highlights the need to remember the root causes of historical inequality, if Fair Trade strategies are to be made more effective. There is also a radical call, in the final chapter, for an International Charter for Reparations of Slavery.

The chapter argues that international initiatives on reparation will act to raise global awareness, and act as a conscience--and awareness-raising mechanism on issues of past slavery. By throwing these issues to the forefront, it is possible to reassess our values as human beings and global citizens.

Overall then, the book is logically and usefully structured in its attempts to conceptualise and theorise on questions of contemporary slavery, and to provide varied case studies and examples of the everyday workings of contemporary slavery within the processes of globalisation. The strength of the book, however, lies in its attempt bring together academic and activist knowledge, and to reflect on possible ways forward for real change.

The strategies and changes in wider policy directions that are suggested throughout the book, and particularly in the final section, are by no means comprehensive.

Nevertheless, the fact that the book is asking relevant and important questions, and giving hope that change may be possible, is important in itself if the debate and action on contemporary slavery is to be explored. The book is, therefore, a useful resource for both academics and activists concerned about poverty, globalisation and contemporary slavery.