The De-moralization of Society from Victorian Virtues to Modern Values.
GERTRUDE Himmelfarb has given us an excellent, detailed, and
insightful account of the creation, maintenance, and (in our time)
decline of the Victorian virtues of work, thrift, self-reliance,
self-respect, neighborliness, and patriotism. These virtues defined the
character and ethos of the Victorian age in Britain and, with certain
variants, in America and were upheld or at least aspired to by members
of all social classes. Indeed, one of Professor Himmelfarb's key
points is that these virtues were indigenous not only to the middle
classes but also to large sections of those at the very bottom of the
social order, who realized that the mundane virtues of respectability --
such as sobriety, prudence, and frugality -- did not require status or
lineage or wealth or wisdom but were available to all. Even the humblest
could come to see themselves, and come to be seen by others, as free
moral agents capable of self-control.Professor Himmelfarb rightly
acknowledges the religious origins and underpinnings of Victorian
virtue. Where I am inclined to disagree is over her argument that
Victorian morality survived a period of secularization in the latter
part of the nineteenth century, as earnest agnostics strove even harder
to be moral after the age of faith had departed. This may well have been
true of dutiful Victorian intellectuals such as Darwin, Stephen, and
George Eliot, whose lives and works Professor Himmelfarb has studied in
great detail, but was it really true of the ordinary people of
provincial England, Scotland with its competing Calvinisms, or widely
revivalist Wales? My criticism is not of the logic of Professor
Himmelfarb's argument, but merely about the timing; secularization
set in rather later in Britain than her model suggests.One of the most
important sections of Professor Himmelfarb's book is her
rehabilitation of the image of the Victorian family and particularly the
Victorian working-class family. It is clear from a variety of sources,
including oral history, that the women who ran, and the children who
grew up in, such families did not feel that their lives had been
overdisciplined or that they had been overworked or treated with
repressive cruelty. Indeed in later life most of them remembered their
homes and families as having provided a natural, right, and in general
happy way of life. Marriage was a lifelong working partnership with
clearly defined roles for husband and wife and clear standards as to
what a good husband and a good wife were like. We have here a demolition
of the feminist myth of an oppressive patriarchal past; ironically, but
reassuringly, Professor Himmelfarb has garnered much of the evidence
disproving the feminist view from empirical material gathered by
scholars of a feminist persuasion. It is good to see that some feminists
have the integrity to put regard for the truth ahead of political
correctness.What is also very striking is the great stability of the
working-class family at a time of very rapid social and economic change
-- in marked contrast to the chaotic living arrangements of today's
squalid underclass. Indeed, in the East End of London, a poor area with
an unstable labor market and endemic unemployment and poverty, the
illegitimacy rate was only 4.5 per cent in the middle of the nineteenth
century and 3 per cent by the end of the century; both figures were
below the national average, which had peaked at 7 per cent in 1845 and
fallen to 4 per cent by 1900. Today, by contrast, about a third of all
British births are illegitimate.We can see here part of a phenomenon I
have called the U-curve of deviance, that strange fall and then rise in
crime (both violent and nonviolent), illegitimacy, and drug and alcohol
abuse that have taken place over the last century and a half. Victorian
reform reduced all of these types of deviant activity to very low
levels. These low levels were then enjoyed by the British and Americans
for the first half of the twentieth century, until a massive rise in all
of them during the last forty years. Professor Himmelfarb suggests in
her book that the name of my model should be changed to the J-curve,
since the rise in deviance and crime has taken Britain and America to a
point of moral disorder far in excess of anything to be found in the
nineteenth century. She may well be right; it looked more like a U-curve
when I dubbed it that at the end of the 1970s than it does today after
another 15 years of moral degeneration.Gertrude Himmelfarb's latest
study of the Victorians is, like all her work in this field, a delight
to read - - clear, erudite, sensible, logical, and creative. In addition
to providing a convincing picture of a successful and virtuous society,
her work throws new and interesting light on particular issues, such as
the distinctive character of and divisions within Victorian feminism and
the position of Jews, whose virtues led to their being regarded as
suspect by the early socialist ideologists and organizers. There are
also marvelous insights into the foibles, and more than foibles, of many
early, mid, and late Victorians, including John Stuart Mill, H. G.
Wells, and the rascally ``Dr.'' Edward Aveling, who abused
Karl Marx's daughter in true Marxist fashion. Professor
Himmelfarb's is also a moral text, for it not only dissects and
praises the morality of Victorian Britain, but also shows in great
statistical detail how far present-day Britain and America fall short of
the Victorian ideal. It points the way to a possible renewal of society
to cure our current demoralization.
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