The Current Status of Women in the Parks & Recreation Profession.

Is What's Good for the Goose Good for the Gander7

The number of women in the field of parks and recreation is growing at an impressive rate. In fact, 70% of parks and recreation positions are currently held by women (Edginton, Jordan, DeGraff & Edginton, 1998). Logically, the number is bound to continue to grow as over 50% of incoming leisure studies students are female (Bialeschki & Dorward, 1996). What is the status of women in the field? How do women feel about their job opportunities in a field that is progressively being dominated by female professionals?

A comparison of research conducted ten years ago to more recent studies indicates that despite growing numbers, little has changed in the battle for equity and opportunity. For example, almost ten years ago Frisby (1992) found that many female leisure service professionals were concerned that the majority of upper management positions in agencies were held by men. Additionally, there was concern that when municipal parks and recreation was the focus, the persons holding power (i.e. city council members, mayors, etc.) are also typically male.

Current numbers indicate the same trend: men are still dominating upper management (Arnold & Shinew, 1991; Shinew, Anderson, & Arnold, 2000; Anderson, 2000). In fact, in Illinois, Shinew, Anderson, and Arnold (2000) found that while 54% of middle management positions were held by women, only 11% of executive level positions were filled by women. A national study of American Parks and Recreation Society members conducted by Anderson (2000) found that while 55% of the women held middle management positions, only 35% of the women found themselves in executive level positions. These numbers are in direct contrast to men who found themselves in middle management 36% of the time and executive level positions 56% of the time. Anderson (2000) also found discrepancies in salaries, most notably at the level of middle management. Male middle managers most commonly fell into a salary range of $70,000 plus while the greatest percentage of women were earning $40-49,000.

Women, in comparison to men, feel that organizational factors, specifically gender discrimination and gender differences in management styles, help build obstacles to career development (Arnold & Shinew, 1997). Furthermore, research has shown that female parks and recreation professionals consistently perceive that they are treated inequitably in comparison to their male counterparts. For example, findings support that regardless of the management level where women are working, they report having fewer promotion opportunities, and that they perceive the efforts to promote women in the field have been inadequate (Arnold & Shinew, 1997; Shinew, Anderson, & Arnold, 2000). On this basis, one must ask about the proverbial glass ceiling effect. That is, are women in the field of parks and recreation experiencing a glass ceiling, defined by the United States Department of Labor as "artificial barriers, based on attitudinal or organizational bias, that prevent women and minorities from advancing within their organization and reaching their full potential" (www.dol.gov). Shinew, Anderson, and Arnold (1999) found in Illinois that women at all levels in the profession feel that they have either experienced or seen a glass ceiling.

Evidence of continuing discrimination against women was found in a study examining diversity issues in recreation management (Allison, 1999). Although research indicates the value of diversity, Allison finds that parks and recreation professionals consistently indicated that efforts at creating a diverse workplace were not an agency priority. Further, she notes that non-minority male administrators simply did not "get" that this was an issue that needs to be addressed. In fact, a number of the subjects could point to favoritism in the hiring and promotion process. This favoritism was often identified in the form of non-minority male administrators continuing to surround themselves with those like themselves, that is, those they feel most comfortable with-white males. One can wonder if change will ever come? One subject in Allison's study was optimistic in commenting that, "White males still dominate and they're older. I think in 10 years you're going to see a vast difference, because younger males, those that are 25 now, are so much more open and receptive" (p. 91).

Equality and equity are not the same thing--it is a matter of all things being the same versus all things being fair. Therefore, will straight equality result in equity? Across the board, career development models focusing on women indicate that simple equality may not be appropriate or even desired. The primary focus is placed on equity for both men and women, that is, treating people fairly in accordance with differing needs and demands.

Henderson (1992) and Frisby (1992) use the angle that women's career development may deviate from traditional models of career development in parks and recreation. A traditional model is one that focuses on a linear succession of jobs, each moving higher up the chain of management, with no career interruptions--a fast track to some extent. Henderson (1992) indicates that the Complementary Contribution Framework, which recognizes that females are indeed different than males (in terms of what they value in work and what they contribute to the workforce) may be a more accurate representation of women's career development. In this model different does not mean wrong or lesser, but "different" allows for the acceptance of a prevailing fact that women and men each have something unique to offer to an agency. These differences should not impede the careers of women.

Frisby (1992) developed a framework to illustrate differences in men's and women's career patterns in parks and recreation based on research conducted by Frisby and Brown (1991). This model recognizes that differences with regard to women's current positions, background career factors, workplace experiences, experiences in professional organizations, perceived effects of pay equity legislation, family situations, and personal aspirations all contribute to career development that may differ significantly from men's.

Henderson and Bialeschki (1995) conducted a study based on Frisby's model and found that the career development of female members of the National Recreation and Parks Association employed in the areas of therapeutic recreation, recreation management, and park resources had undoubtedly been affected by the eight factors the model presents. For example, there was salary disparity between the male-oriented field of parks and the female-oriented area of therapeutic recreation. The women also reported discrimination and pressure to work beyond a 40-hour week regardless of home and family responsibilities.

But do differences in women's career paths mean that women should be treated inequitably? Of course not. But it would behoove organizations to recognize that there are differences in the careers of men and women, often beyond the professional's control. Socialized gender differences such as parental roles, work assignment preferences, and home responsibilities may drastically impact the career path of women. However, these differences do not legitimize inequitable treatment for female employees. These differences, as asserted by the Complimentary Contributions Framework, may not need to be seen as a hindrance to an organization but as differences which complement what others bring to the table. In the long run, these differences are often good for the agency. Recognizing these differences, it may be necessary that men and women be treated differently, but it should be the goal of the organization to treat everyone fairly.

Implications and Recommendations

The implications of women's status in the parks and recreation profession are far-reaching. The first area where research findings could be applied is in personnel policies. Are organizational policies and procedures being developed in such a way to hinder fairness?

In turn, the differences in perceptions of equity are tied to this question. Are women sensing a lack of fairness in how they are treated and thus affecting the success of the agency by limiting their organizational citizenship behaviors? Anderson (2000) found that women experiencing perceptions of workplace inequity perform negative organizational citizenship behaviors such as spending time on the phone for personal calls to a greater extent than do men. If this is indeed the case, administrators should be concerned. While positive organizational citizenship behaviors such as assisting others who have a heavy workload and promoting the agency to others are not required duties, they are certainly vital to the health of an agency.

Career development issues are also a concern. Literature has often alluded to the "second shift" that women work (Henderson, 1992). This second shift involves work within the home such as child-rearing and household chores. Anderson (2000) found that among those respondents who were married, more men had spouses who did not work fulltime. In contrast, more of the married women had spouses who did work full-time. Therefore, as the literature suggests, the female professionals might be taking on a greater share of the household work than the male professionals (Cook, 1993; Henderson, 1992). Traditionally, the woman has been seen as the spouse who tends to the home, therefore her career can be affected by home responsibilities. The traditional model of career development does not take into consideration family responsibilities when determining the route to success. In fact, the traditional model has assumed that the employee has someone at home to take care of all of his or her household responsibilities, thus leaving the professional time to solely concentrate on his or her career. In addition, many organizations see women's family responsibilities as a hindrance to their commitment to the organization. As a result, organizational perceptions regarding women's career development are often negatively affected by the women's home and family responsibilities. Therefore, public parks and recreation organizations need to take a closer look at Henderson's assertion that the Complimentary Contributions Framework (1992), along with Frisby's Model of Career Development, may be a more appropriate career model for women in the field. Public parks and recreation administrators need to recognize the differences in men and women's home lives and how personnel policies can affect each sex differently.

Both at a state level as well as on a national level, researchers find there are significant differences in the number of men and women at executive levels of management (Anderson, 2000; Shinew, Anderson, & Arnold, in press). There are practical implications in this finding. This is especially true in light of the women's negative feelings regarding the promotion history of women in the field of public parks and recreation. The inequity that is perceived by women in the area of promotion needs to be addressed by administrators. The further development of training programs and an openness to more than the traditional career model as an acceptable career path would both be avenues to address this concern. If female professionals continue to feel rebuffed when it comes to promotions, instead of further developing their career in this profession, they may simply leave. This would have the unfortunate effects of fewer women being qualified for promotion as talent drains from the profession.

RESEARCH INTO ACTION: FEMALE PARKS & RECREATION PROFESSIONALS

Introduction

Research on the status of female professionals in public parks and recreation has been limited. However, the research that exists indicates discrepancies between the status of female and male professionals that need to be addressed by the profession.

Impact of this Information

The research on women in the parks and recreation profession delves into two issues, summarily examined through the idea of equity versus equality. One, are women being treated equitably in comparison to men? And two, what distinguishes male and female public parks and recreation professionals' career experiences and is equality the answer to noted discrepancies and/or discrimination? The research indicates that women do not perceive equity in the field and that female professionals' career paths tend to differ enough from men's that straight equality will not necessarily provide the answer--there may be a different answer for the traditional "goose and the gander" debate.

How to Use This Information

* Continue to develop an awareness by those in positions of power that diversity can be an asset to an agency. If agencies are not representative of those whom they serve at all levels of management, the public sector may not be meeting the needs of its diverse constituents.

* Recognize the demands that different groups, not just women, have on their time and energy and that what they consider important to career development may be different than what has traditionally been the "norm." This recognition can help administrators develop a more productive and satisfied work force.

* Develop mentoring programs open to all. These programs can assist in developing an awareness of different employee needs, help identify talented employees, and help managers become more comfortable with others who may be "different" from themselves.

* Develop and promote training programs to all segments of your work force. It is simply not enough to offer training, but those struggling to climb the career ladder must be encouraged to take advantage of the training.

References

Allison, M.T. (1999). Organizational barriers to diversity in the workplace. Journal of Leisure Research, 31(1), 78-101.

Anderson, D.M. (2000). How Do Male and Female Public Parks and Recreation Professionals' Perceptions of Equity Affect Their Workplace Attitudes? Unpublished doctoral dissertation, University of Illinois, Urbana-Champaign.

Arnold, M.L., & Shinew, K.J. (1997). Career advancement perceptions held by female middle managers compared to male middle managers. Journal of Park and Recreation Administration, 15(3), 40-57.

Bialeschki, M.D., & Dorward, C. (1996). The status of professional preparation curricula in parks, recreation, and leisure services in the United States and Canada in 1996. Unpublished paper.

Cook, E.P. (1993). The gendered context of life: Implications for women's and men's career-life plans. The Career Development Quarterly, 41(3), 227-237.

Edginton, C.R., Jordan, D.J., DeGraaf, D.G., & Edginton, S.R. (1998). Leisure and Life Satisfaction. New York:NY, McGraw-Hill.

Frisby, W. (1992). Women in leisure service management: Alternative definitions of career success. Society and Leisure, 15(1), 155-174.

Frisby, W., & Brown, B.A. (1991). The balancing act: Women leisure service managers. Journal of Applied Recreation Research, 16(4), 297-321.

Henderson, K.A. (1992). Being female in the park and recreation profession in the 1990s: Issues and challenges. Journal of Park and Recreation Administration, 10(2), 15-29.

Henderson, K.A., & Bialeschki, D. (1995). Career development and women in the leisure services profession. Journal of Park and Recreation Administration, 13(1), 26-42.

Shinew, K.J., Anderson, D.M., & Arnold, M.L. (1999). Is there a glass ceiling in parks and recreation? Illinois Parks and Recreation, 30(3), 23-26.

Shinew, K.J., Anderson, D.M., & Arnold, M.L. (In Press). Social equity and gender representation in public recreation. Journal of Park and Recreation Administration.

Denise Anderson, Ph.D., is currently an assistant professor at the University of North Carolina at Greensboro. Her primary research focus has been issues confronting female leisure service professionals.

Research Update is edited by Cheryl A. Estes, Ph.D., assistant professor in recreation and leisure studies at East Carolina University in Greenville, North Carolina.