TRADING POLICIES; U.S. EMBARGO JUST SERVES TO IMPEDE REFORMS IN CUBA.

Byline: Julian Nava 

IT may surprise many to hear that Fidel Castro is himself our best ally for bringing about the changes in Cuba we have sought for so long.

After all, ``constructive engagement'' with the Soviet Union, communist China, Vietnam and now even North Korea has been supported by both American parties as the most productive policy to open up these communist societies.

The American news media still suffers from a Cold War frame of mind, and therefore the American public hears little about the positive changes under way in Cuba, which only Castro could bring about.

Over the opposition of Communist Party hard-liners, Cubans now can operate in a market-like manner, while investors from scores of countries can invest in Cuba again. Cubans seek American professors to teach them how to operate businesses in the global marketplace Cuba is joining in spite of our American embargo.

Castro has read the handwriting on the wall. Have we?

Clinton has made a far more serious mistake, however. He codified the U.S. embargo. That is, he made it federal law. Now any changes in the embargo must originate in Congress. He gave up the precious constitutional prerogative of the president to make foreign policy. As matters stand now in our relations with Cuba, a single committee chairman, like Jesse Helms, can bottle up any change in U.S. policies on Cuba.

How did we get to this point since the dictator, Fulgencio Batista, fled Cuba in 1959 in the face of a mass public uprising? Batista was openly a tool of American special interests whose army was trained and supplied by the United States. The American mob controlled the tourist industry along with organized crime in Cuba. In light of our domination of Cuba since its independence from Spain in 1898, the United States was an ideal enemy to energize revolutionary passions and justify the socialist reforms.

President Eisenhower tried to reach an understanding with a young Fidel Castro, as he did with anti-Russian, communist Marshal Tito in Yugoslavia. As Castro proceeded to seize the properties of corrupt Batista officials and the American mob, even Americans applauded.

When expropriations of American companies followed, Eisenhower drew a line and started the embargo on a modest scale, still hoping for the best. As the Soviets quickly offered to buy anything the United States boycotted, the Cuban-Soviet alliance was born.

The first generation of Cuban exiles included not only good people who were now fearful of the revolution, but a large number of American and Cuban gangsters with a tradition of violence and unscrupulous conduct. These still seek bloody revenge and contribute generously to American congressmen who do their bidding. Leaders among the anti-Castro exiles are the authors of the Helms-Burton Act.

Recent CIA disclosures have now revealed a policy denied for more than 30 years. The CIA paid for efforts by Cuban exiles and the Mafia to assassinate Castro, not always with the knowledge of the current American president. The disclosures point to 11 attempts, while Castro proudly claims 12. However, we cannot escape the consequences of this disreputable conduct in shaping the Cuban official attitude toward us.

To his credit President Carter ended all attempts to assassinate foreign chiefs of state on practical grounds as well as principle.

One school of thought has claimed Cubans were involved in the Kennedy assassination and that this dastardly act justifies our enmity toward the entire Cuban population. We can wonder which Cubans may have been involved - Castro agents or Cuban exiles, who have never forgiven Kennedy for dooming the Bay of Pigs invasion of Cuba in 1961, by denying U.S. air support.

The duplicity of our government at times knows few bounds. Grudgingly, the American public was told that U.S. Army personnel trained Cuban exiles in Central America only. Recently I talked to two American officers that trained Cuban exiles for the Bay of Pigs invasion in Fort Ord, Calif. In Cuban eyes that constituted an American invasion.

American hostility toward Cuba stems from other sources not revealed to the American public. I spoke to a Cuban military officer who proudly related how Cuba diverted Cuban-bound Soviet ground-to-air missiles to the Viet Cong. As the United States lost control of the skies, even our die-hards realized the war was not winnable. This Cuban fellow who trained the Viet Cong to use the missiles said, ``Americans should thank us for saving lives by shortening that stupid war.''

The Pentagon has not forgotten this Cuban involvement nor forgiven it all these years.

There is ample fault on both sides of Cuban-American relations. Now that the Cold War is over we should try to make sense of how to best advance democratic institutions there.

We trade with communist China, Vietnam and now North Korea. Even Iraq can buy food and medical supplies which we deny Cuba.

During my filming of a documentary in Cuba, an older lady blurted out a clue to a more effective and honorable American policy toward Cuba.

I asked her what would happen if Castro suddenly died. She replied in a shout, ``God forbid it! Fidel is the only one who can proceed with the changes in the system which he has started.'' She went on to say that Cuba now trades in dollars as well as pesos. Castro is systematically replacing the old guard with young men and women in the highest posts.

While it may seem audacious to see Castro as providing a transition to an open society, that is precisely the new role he has set for himself, despite the opposition from Communist Party hard-liners.

A high-level Cuban confessed, after a few drinks I bought for him, ``You Americans are stupid. After all these years, you do not understand us. If you were to restore normal relations - you know, trade, tourism and education - we would get voted out in the next elections. Your hostility keeps the party in power.''

Cubans like Americans, share our culture and pose no threat to us. Granted, some special interests in the United States fear the spread to Latin America of Cuban social gains such as social security, free medical coverage and education at all levels.The completely refurbished high-rise U.S. Embassy and enlarged consular facilities in Havana point to a change in U.S.-Cuban relations. A good start toward practicing what we preach could be the enactment of the Cuban Humanitarian Trade Act of 1997 which enjoys bipartisan support.

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Photo: No caption (Fidel Castro)