THE WAR WITHIN.

A promise of peace sparks hopes that Mexico's Zapatistas can win their fight for Indian rights

The 29-year-old farmer and father of four uses the battle name Santano. He has been a rebel in the Zapatista National Liberation Army since it declared war against the Mexican government nearly seven years ago in the state of Chiapas, on the southeastern edge of Mexico. And even though his world has recently inched closer to peace, Santano sees no reason to let down his guard.

He heard that the country's new President, Vicente Fox, had proclaimed a new dawn for the conflict-ravaged region. He heard that military checkpoints were dismantled, that many Zapatista political prisoners might soon be released from jail, and that pending arrest warrants, like the one against him, might be wiped out.

But in Santano's mind, it all added up to nothing: no easing of tensions, no flickering hopes for peace, no new dawn. "All our lives the government has deceived and ignored us," he says. "Presidents in the past have told the world they would seek peace. But for us, there has only been more violence and fear. We do not trust anything."

President Fox defeated one of the Zapatistas' top adversaries when he became the first opposition figure in 71 years to take control of the presidency from the Institutional Revolutionary Party (see "Fox Hunt"). But the day after Fox's inauguration, the Zapatistas' outspoken leader, Subcommander Marcos, warned Fox that the rebels were prepared to keep up their armed struggle if the government did not meet certain demands.

WHAT IS A ZAPATISTA?

The Zapatista name comes from Emiliano Zapata, a Mexican farmer turned revolutionary leader from the early 1900s, who is worshiped as a hero. The modern-day Zapatistas, an estimated 2,500 to 5,000 poorly armed farmers, fight for a cause not much different from the one that fueled America's civil rights movement during the 1960s. About 30 percent of Chiapas's 4 million residents are Indian people--mostly descendants of the Maya, rather than the conquering Spaniards. The rebels demand equal treatment under the law, better schools, health care, and job opportunities.

"We want our needs to be heard, like any other human being," Santano says. "We do not want to be separated because of our race."

The Indian people face desperate times. They suffer the nation's highest rates of malnutrition, illiteracy, and infant mortality. Some of Mexico's most brutal racial violence has occurred in Chiapas between the peasant Indians and the mixed-race landowners. In addition to the divisions of race, political and religious differences have torn apart neighbors, even families.

"A MORAL ISSUE"

It has long been clear that the Zapatistas pose no significant military threat to the government, but their struggle has won the support of people around the world. The low-intensity conflict presents one of the most important tests of President Fox's commitment to democracy.

"This, for us, is a moral issue," says a high-level adviser to Fox. "We cannot have a band of guerrillas challenging the legitimacy of the government after we have gained a democratic victory. We want to prove that no one has to use force to have their voices heard."

The conflict began on New Year's Day in 1994. The Zapatistas stunned the world when their bands of masked farmers, most wielding sticks and machetes, seized control of four key towns in Chiapas. Open combat between the Zapatistas and the government lasted 12 days and took 130 lives. Attempts to negotiate peace failed when the President at the time, Ernesto Zedillo, refused to support agreements reached between the Zapatistas and government mediators. Though an official cease-fire has remained in place throughout years of stalemate, violence frequently erupts between Zapatista supporters and pro-government paramilitary groups.

Some 45 people were massacred in December 1997 in the pro-Zapatista community of Acteal. Most of the killing, however, takes victims in ones and twos, turning brother against brother, father against son.

One such story is that of Antonio Perez Arias and his parents. Perez is the mayor of Chenalho; his parents fled to Polho, a Zapatista community that has declared itself independent from Mexico. As a government official, Perez has never been allowed into Polho to see his parents. They go to see him three times a year, on holidays and to hear his annual mayoral address.

"What's brewing is a fanatical situation," Perez says. "I hate it that my parents left their home because they are Zapatistas. But it seems that people can no longer live in peace."

Many Zapatistas have abandoned their homes or were forced to flee and banded together in what they call autonomous townships like Polho, communities with safety in numbers from paramilitary attacks.

PUSH FOR PEACE

President Fox, pledging action rather than words, wasted no time in office before beginning to address the Zapatista conflict. Fox ordered the closure of 53 military checkpoints across Chiapas and sent the Mexican Congress a series of reforms that address some of the rebels' demands.

In a news conference from Chiapas, Subcommander Marcos said Zapatista leaders saw the moves as a sign of the President's good faith, getting both sides a bit closer to the negotiating table and stirring hopes that peace might be at hand.

That hopefulness, however, has not reached into Polho and the trenches of the conflict. Zapatista fighters and their supporters continue to live on alert.

At the entrance to Polho, a billboard-size sign still claims it as rebel territory of the Zapatista National Liberation Army, and teenage boys who guard the gate turn back most visitors.

Mexico's government has no authority here. Residents elect their own leaders, run their own school and clinic, pass their own laws, and decide how to punish those who commit crimes.

There are 38 autonomous townships like Polho across Chiapas. Their one-room churches, tortilla stands, and meeting halls are covered with murals that feature scenes from past peace talks, the face of Zapata, and idyllic visions of the day when Zapatistas will be able to live in peace.

But the color and beauty of these murals do not hide the ugly reality. The townships do not accept a peso from the Mexican government, and must run their community on contributions from supporters across Mexico and around the world. Still, most people in Polho are dirt poor. There are no books, no supplies, and not much learning in the schools.

The Emiliano Zapata Autonomous Clinic is run by townspeople who have had only a few months of basic medical training. But in most cases, the diagnoses are clear: Many children and adults are starving.

Santano, the 29-year-old farmer who has been a Zapatista since the beginning of the liberation movement, has stomach pains, although he blames them on stress. He worries about feeding his children and about whether he will be called back to fight.

When asked about the suffering caused by hunger among the people in Polho, Santano acknowledges the problem and calls it a "cost of war." Asked if he is prepared to die, he blurts out his answer without a second's hesitation. "Yes," he says. "Each person here is prepared to live or die. We are not going to let the government ignore our demands."

The War Within

FOCUS: Zapatista Rebels Test New Mexican President's Commitment to Democracy

TEACHING OBJECTIVES

To help students understand the conditions in which Indians in Mexico's state of Chiapas live, the uprising some of them have waged against the government and landowners, and their prospects under a new President who pledges justice.

Discussion Questions:

* Mexican Indians and Indians in the U.S. have something in common; both have higher than average rates of poverty and poor health. What do you believe accounts for the fact that so many Native Americans in both countries live in poverty?

* The article reports that people around the world support the Zapatistas. Do you agree that the Zapatistas deserve moral and financial support?

CLASSROOM STRATEGIES

Before Reading: Tell students that Mexico is more than a war zgne or source of drug traffic. It is also one of the top-three trading partners of the U.S. In an average month, the U.S. and Mexico sell several billion dollars' worth of goods to each other. Consequently, thousands of U.S. jobs depend on exports to and imports from Mexico.

Critical Thinking/Debate: Focus on the grievances of the Zapatistas--that peasants in Chiapas are denied equal treatment under the law, and lack access to health care, jobs, and education. Have students debate whether conditions like these justify armed revolt--and the taking of human life. (What evidence does the article offer that poverty in Chiapas is a long-standing problem?)

Cooperative Learning: The article notes that President Vicente Fox dismantled military checkpoints in Chiapas, might release Zapatista prisoners, and promises a new dawn in the region.

What next? Tell students to assume they are advisers to Fox. The President faces a dilemma: He wants to help the people of Chiapas, but Mexico is not a rich country. Students should identify at least three Projects that could begin to lift the people of Chiapas from poverty. Students should also write a brief speech for Fox. The speech should explain why help for Chiapas is needed, why it is not surrender to the Zapatistas, and why other Mexicans should support aid to Chiapas and not regard aid as favoring some Mexicans over others.

Web Watch: For more information on Emiliano Zapata and the Zapatistas, log on to www.cwrl.utexas.edu/~bill/316/ paper2/donahue/zapata.html

GINGER THOMPSON is a correspondent for The New York Times in Mexico City.