South African women make big gains in local elections: South African women have made history in the just ended local government elections, with representation up from 29 percent in 2000 to 40 percent in the 1 March polls.

The increase is largely due to the 50/50 quota of the African National Congress (ANC) that stuck to its guns despite resistance in many quarters, especially the ward seats. The party fielded 48 percent women candidates (compared to 29 percent in the case of the Democratic Alliance). Of the ANC councillors who won in the elections, 46 percent are women, showing that the ANC came extremely close to delivering on its promise.

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Equally important is the fact that in several commentaries the ANC attributed its increased overall majority to having more women candidates. This sent out the strong message that far from being a turn off to voters (the fear in many male-dominated parties) women candidates can help parties to boost their successes in elections.

The steady increase in the proportion of women in local government (that began at 19 percent in the first local elections in 1995) now places women in this sphere of governance ahead of the national assembly, in which there are 32.8 percent women.

In the region, it ranks South Africa second after Namibia, which has 42 percent women in local government as a result of a Proportional Representation (PR) system and legislated 30 percent quota, as well as a voluntary 50/50 quota at this level by the ruling South West African People's Organisation (Swapo).

Among the most significant developments in the elections is the vast improvement in the balance between women in ward and PR seats in South Africa's mixed system local elections: a key test for the acceptance of women in politics.

Globally, women tend to do better in the PR system where voters choose a party rather than an individual candidate as a representative of a party. The latter system works against women because they have not had the same degree of exposure as men, and their parties often do not field them in "safe constituencies" because they are regarded as a risk.

In 1995, women comprised 11 percent of ward councillors and 28 percent of PR councillors. This time around women comprise 43 percent of PR and 37 percent of ward councillors. This is especially commendable in light of the backlash experienced by the ANC in a number of wards in implementing its 50/50 policy.

Across provinces, there has been an increase in women's representation in all provinces with Northern Cape now leading the way (48 percent) and Kwa Zulu Natal lowest (30 percent).

The fact that there is a relatively even split between women in ward versus PR seats across provinces is also a positive sign. However, the gap between the two in Kwa Zulu Natal and Western Cape suggests that there is still resistance to women's political participation in these provinces where forces of tradition also still have a strong grip, especially in rural areas.

A key concern for the future is that the success of women in the local elections in South Africa has rested so heavily on the ANC, which accounts for 79 percent of all women councillors compared to 68 percent of the vote.

The Municipal Structures Act of 1998 encourages but does not oblige political parties to field equal numbers of women and men candidates. Parties such as the DA are vehemently opposed to quotas on grounds that they violate free choice. They do however admit that the ANC quota has had a "snowball" effect on their own practices, with DA women councillors now constituting 30 percent of the total.

The ANC has resisted adopting legislated quotas for women in politics of the kind that exists for local elections in Namibia. Activists argue that the provisions of the Municipal Structures Act need to be strengthened so that it is the obligation of all parties, not just the ruling party, to advance gender equality. Their case is strengthened by recent positions taken both by the African Union (AU) and the Southern African Development Community (SADC) in support of the 50/50 principle.

Another sticky question that the ANC will have to confront is whether it is ready to apply the 50/50 principle to national and provincial elections in 2008. Across the region, parties have shown greater willingness to put their money where their mouth is in local rather than national elections.

On the one hand this is welcome, because women globally have shown a greater propensity to be involved in local rather than national politics which they see as closer to their daily needs. Local government is also often an important stepping stone to national politics.

However, this position by parties also sends out the slightly cynical message that the only reason they are willing to give ground at this level is that they don't regard local politics as serious.

While President Thabo Mbeki himself has bit the bullet with a cabinet that now has 42 percent women, he might find it difficult to persuade his comrades to take the same leap in coveted national and provincial politics.

This article is part of the Gender Links Opinion and Commentary Service. It is written by Colleen Lowe Morna, Executive Director of Gender Links and editor of Ringing up the Changes: Gender in Southern African Politics, and Susan Tolmay, researcher and Publications Manager at Gender Links.

RELATED ARTICLE: It's time for a woman UN Secretary General

In the almost 61 years of the United Nation's (UN) existence the position of Secretary General has never been held by a woman. The irony is not lost: women's effective participation in decision-making structures has long been a critical area of advocacy for advancing gender equality. According to the women's rights group Equality Now, as of 30 June 2005, women occupied only 37.1 percent of professional and higher positions, and only 16.2 percent of the Under-Secretaries General were women. Clearly women's absence in these key positions raises questions about the UN's commitment to gender equality.

As UN Secretary General Kofi Annan's five-year term ends in December 2006, speculation about who will succeed him is rife. But the time has come for the UN to put its money where its mouth is so to speak and ensure that the next Secretary-General is a woman.

Initiated by women's organisations in 1996, a campaign titled "It's time for a woman" is a rallying call for the five members of the Security Council (China, France, the Russian Federation, the United Kingdom and the United States) and the 10 rotating members in 2006 i.e. Argentina, Congo, Denmark, Ghana, Greece, Japan, Peru, Qatar, Slovakia and Tanzania, to nominate a woman to the Secretary General's office. Their campaign is supported by the Beijing Platform for Action which calls for the development of a "mechanism to nominate women candidates to appointment to senior posts at the UN."

The "It's time for a woman" campaign is championed by Equality Now, an organisation working towards ending discrimination and violence against women and girls across the world through mobilising public pressure. Equality Now's Executive Director Taina Bien-Aime has argued that: "Women's unequal access to positions of power and decision-making in the UN and around the world hinders progress towards the UN's goals which include equality, development and peace."

Rosemary Okello is the Executive Director of the African Woman and Child Feature Service in Nairobi, Kenya. This article is part of the Gender Links Opinion and Commentary Service. It has been shortened.

By Rosemary Okello