Six factors inhibiting the use of peer mediation in a junior high school.

This article identifies six factors inhibiting the use of a peer mediation program in a culturally diverse junior high school. Recommendations for strengthening school-based peer mediation programs are drawn from the data.

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Schools have increasingly been implementing peer mediation programs as a way to help students find peaceful means for resolving conflicts (Casella, 2000). Peer mediation is a process in which students that have been taught a structured, step-by-step model assist others to peacefully negotiate solutions to their interpersonal conflicts. In spite of its popularity (Casella; Gerber, 1999), little is known about the underlying factors that help peer mediation programs succeed and those that hamper or actually impede them. Little formal evaluation has been done on either the impact these programs have had on reducing violence or on the quality of these programs. Much of the success that is reported by trainers is anecdotal (Miller, 1994; Tolan & Guerra, 1994; Webster, 1993; Wilson-Brewer, Cohen, O'Donnell, & Goodman, 1991).

Although peer mediation programs have a considerable amount of face validity, research indicates that bullying and verbal abuse have shown no signs of decreasing over time (Banks, 1997). Instead, students report that the number of fights in schools is increasing ("Gaining power over bullies," 2002). Olweus (1993) found that approximately 15% of students report being bullied regularly while Banks noted that as many as 7% of eighth graders stay home once a month to avoid bullying. Thus, even though lawmakers around the country have moved to find ways to combat bullying ("Gaining power over bullies"), two-thirds of the students in a recent poll reported that fights at their schools are a "very big" or "fairly big" problem (Gallup Organization, 2000"). Because of the growing concern about the prevalence of interpersonal conflicts among students and the popularity of peer mediation as a means of addressing this issue, there is a need for research that can add to our current state of knowledge about such interventions.

This article summarizes the results of a year-long qualitative, descriptive study--using interviews and surveys as the primary methodology--of one peer mediation program in a junior high school. The community-based agency that initially provided the mediation training for the faculty and students requested the study as a way of assessing the effectiveness of their work. A needs assessment was conducted with a representative from this agency and with the two most actively involved faculty members of the mediation program at the school. Drafts of all survey and interview questions were circulated among the members of this group for feedback and were then reviewed with the school's instructional director. In addition, the student interview and survey questions were piloted with a student, and a parent reviewed the parent interview and survey questions. Final drafts of all questions were circulated among several other parents and colleagues for additional feedback.

The focus of all three sets of interviews and survey questions was on trying to understand what factors inhibited or encouraged the students in this school in utilizing the mediation program available to them. The questions were designed to shed light on these factors. The major criterion used in selecting questions was whether they contributed to a systemic understanding of the factors affecting students' use of the mediation program. Perspectives from different parts of the system were elicited by asking similar questions of parents, students, and teachers so that a composite "big" picture emerged reflecting all three perspectives.

The study identified six factors that limited the program's success, along with suggestions for strengthening the mediation program at this school. The findings have implications for other schools that may be interested in, or that already are, implementing peer mediation programs in their settings.

ONE SCHOOL'S PEER MEDIATION PROGRAM

The mediation program that was the focus of this study was based in a junior high school (grades seven through nine) in a city of approximately 35,000 in southern New England. The school's 1,000 students were drawn from six elementary schools and represented 21 different nationalities. In the program, selected students were trained as peer mediators to help students in conflict find nonviolent, mutually agreeable ways to resolve their differences. Although almost 95% of the school's students reported that they knew about the mediation program, only 12% reported that they or people they know used it to resolve conflicts. Only 8.6% said that they used the program. The study set out to learn why so few students turned to the mediation program.

Fifty-eight students, 24 faculty members, and 57 parents completed written surveys for a total of 139 surveys, all of which were included in the study. Separate surveys were designed for students, faculty, and parents; 12 questions were included in the student and parent surveys while the faculty survey included 16 questions. The surveys included multiple-choice and open-ended questions, yielding both numerical and qualitative data. (Copies of the survey and open-ended questions are available from the senior author upon request.)

The questions focused on types of conflicts occurring in this school, where students could go for help in dealing with conflicts, how people resolved conflicts, and included several questions concerning knowledge about and use of peer mediation in this school. Faculty were asked whether they referred students to mediation and for any feedback they received, what was effective about mediation in this school, why so few students used it, and for ideas about how to increase effectiveness. All surveys included a question about the respondents' cultural group. In addition, 20 students, 12 faculty members, and 8 parents who did not fill out surveys were interviewed in depth. Participants' responses were sorted by cultural group (participants were asked to identify their cultural group or groups), position in the school, and, in the case of students, by gender. A systemic level analysis yielded the six major factors inhibiting the use of mediation in this school that were used to code the data. Each of these factors was then analyzed for emergent themes. The six factors included:

1. Students' attitudes, feelings, and behaviors regarding mediation

2. Students' methods of dealing with conflict

3. Students' attitudes, feelings, and behavior in school

4. School climate

5. Structure of the mediation program

6. Societal issues

FACTOR 1: STUDENTS' ATTITUDE, FEELINGS, AND BEHAVIORS REGARDING MEDIATION

Peer mediation is a process that depends on the active participation of students, both as mediators and as disputants. Junior high school students, being sensitive to peer pressure, tend to take their social cues from each other, particularly their friends and those they look to as representatives of prestigious or high status groups. Elkind (1994) suggested that some of this sensitivity might be due to the adolescents' perceptions of an "imaginary audience." Extreme self-consciousness, sensitivity to criticism, and an inflated sense of self-importance and uniqueness are reactions to having this "imaginary audience."

This peer pressure can serve to encourage or to discourage the use of mediation. In this school, peer pressure discouraged mediation. Every student interviewed and 74.14% of those surveyed perceived other students' attitudes as a major deterrent to the use of mediation. However, adults surveyed did not realize the degree to which students' attitudes were limiting the use of the mediation program. Only 15.79% of the 57 parents surveyed thought students' attitudes toward mediation was an inhibiting factor. Teachers occupied a middle ground, with 52.17% of survey respondents viewing this factor as discouraging. Surveys and interviews highlighted five specific issues raised by students and/or adults that shaped the attitudes that turned students away from mediation.

Distrust of Mediation

Many students were uncomfortable with the process of mediation itself and simply did not think it would work. Students also feared that the mediators might laugh at them, take sides in the conflict, or try to curry favor with administrators. In addition, some disputants worried that the students with whom they had conflicts might refuse to participate or somehow get them into trouble.

Preferring to Solve Problems Autonomously

Students preferred to settle problems by themselves and were reluctant to let others know they had problems they could not solve on their own. To some extent, the felt need to solve one's problems alone may be part of the adolescent search for identity in contemporary American society. It may also partly be due to a belief, often reflected in adult society, that private solutions are preferable to asking for or needing help. The roots of this attitude may stem from the strong European-American cultural construct that one person "wins" at the expense of another's loss rather than looking for possible "win-win" solutions.

"Mediation Isn't Cool"

A third issue negatively impacting the use of mediation was a concern for what others think. This included a belief that mediation was not "cool": a fear that people might ridicule the participants, and a concern about protecting one's reputation.

It Does Not Occur to Students to Mediate Instead of Fight

Because mediation is not integrated or modeled for most students in other areas of their lives, they simply did not think of it when conflicts arose. Even a student mediator reported that it never occurred to her to encourage two of her friends involved in a conflict to go to mediation.

Is It Really Confidential?

As they struggled with the nuances of relationships, students expressed confusion about what information was appropriate to share with others and what should be held in confidence. Many students were concerned about confidentiality, perhaps as a projection of their own lack of comfort with this issue. Students expressed concerns that peer mediators might not respect confidentiality, creating the potential for rumors to leak out, because of their own experience with peers betraying confidences in the past. Such concerns are related to the heightened self-consciousness and sensitivity about what others think that is typical of this age group.

FACTOR 2: STUDENTS' METHODS OF DEALING WITH CONFLICT

A student's typical approach to resolving conflict was likely to influence whether that student would seek mediation. Among students surveyed, 31.03% thought that the usual ways in which students resolved conflicts was not conducive to mediation, as did 34.78% of faculty members. Among interviewees, 85% of students, 91.67% of faculty, and 50% of parents also pointed to this factor as discouraging mediation.

A continuum of responses for dealing with conflict emerged from the data, from passive responses such as withdrawal and submission, through aggressive responses including verbal assaults and physical violence. Between the two extremes were responses that can be classified as "active" or "assertive." Any responses that did not include utilizing the mediation program were considered discouraging in the context of the study, although they might, in themselves, be positive and appropriate responses to conflict.

Passivity and Avoidance

Passive and avoidant responses included ignoring, submitting, backing off, and "being nice." Because mediation requires active acknowledgment of conflict and willingness to work it out with the other person, avoidant or passive responses were not likely to lead to mediation. When asked how they resolved conflict, 79.31% of students surveyed said they ignored it and 55.17% said they avoided it. Faculty members generally agreed, with 82.35% reporting that students ignored conflicts and 64.71% saying that students avoided conflicts.

Action and Assertiveness 

Peer mediation involves such options as talking things out or seeking informal help from an adult or peer. Of students surveyed, 50% said that friends helped them work out their conflicts; 41.38% said that they talked it out. Only 13.79% of students said that they sought adult help. Again, there was a disconnect between student and faculty perceptions: 58.82% of faculty members thought students sought adult help; 70.59% thought friends helped work things out; and 35.29% believed that students talked it out. Approximately one third (35.9%) of parents surveyed thought that students went to adults for help, and 33.33% thought that students went to friends. Only 24.56% of parents thought students talked out their conflicts.

Students appeared to rely more on their peers than on adults to help resolve their conflicts to a degree greater than the adults realized; yet the adults still played a role in helping them to resolve conflicts. Although reliance on friends might at face value appear to support peer mediation, it may be that this informal reliance on peers, outside of the formal peer mediation program, in effect sets up a competing peer structure for resolving conflict.

Aggression

Aggressive responses to conflict that emerged from the data included responses such as name-calling, teasing, and attempts to maintain one's status and power at the expense of another without escalating into all-out verbal or physical assault. Among students, 22.41% mentioned threatening and name-calling as ways that they and people they knew responded to conflict. However, 82.35% of faculty mentioned threats and 88.24% cited name-calling. Given that adolescent communication is replete with words, phrases, and even delivery styles often having different and even opposite connotations to adults, it is possible that the adults may have perceived students' verbal behaviors as more hostile and aggressive than did the students.

Assault

There was a large discrepancy between students and faculty in their perceptions of physical violence as a response to conflict. Only 27.59% of students reported that they or people they knew resolved conflicts through unbridled physical or verbal attack, while 82.35% of teachers surveyed thought that students used violence to address conflict. Only 8.77% of parents reported physical fighting as a method students used to handle conflicts.

Respondents who saw violence as increasing or pervasive pointed to broader cultural/societal explanations that were beyond the boundaries of the school, (i.e., a belief that people today are quicker to take offense and to take things personally requiting a response such as "road rage.")

FACTOR 3: STUDENTS' ATTITUDES, FEELINGS, AND BEHAVIOR IN SCHOOL

The daily behavior and interactions of students provided the larger context in which conflict and its resolution occurred. Students' efforts to define who they were and the culturally mediated struggle to carve out an identity posed constant challenges. Almost 95% of all students surveyed said that "name calling" was a major source of conflict and almost 90% stated that "spreading rumors" created conflicts. As previously noted, given that students were concerned that rumors would leak from mediation sessions, the fact that rumor mongering was such a major issue would appear to discourage the use of mediation. All teachers interviewed cited aspects of students' customary behavior as discouraging the use of mediation; so did five of 8 parents and 11 of 20 of students interviewed. Four aspects were cited specifically.

Developmental Issues

Adolescents in contemporary western culture struggle to define themselves and to fit in with their peers. Changing bodies, hormones, and the attendant emotional vicissitudes set the stage for dramatic shifts in personal interactions. Shifts in relationships with families and peers occur in order to accomplish the task of identity development, when adolescents begin to seriously consider who they are and what they want to be.

Power Imbalance

Two areas within this category stood out clearly in the data as major sources of conflict. The first was victim/victimizer dynamics, in some cases between dyads and in other cases emerging from a group teasing and/or harassing a less powerful victim. The second major source of conflict stemmed from boy-girl interactions.

Power imbalances can inhibit the use of mediation. It may be difficult, intimidating, or frightening for those in the one-down position to initiate mediation for fear of taunts or retribution, while those more powerful may have little motivation to change their behavior. Boy-girl dynamics also are tied to social prestige, another form of power. Arguments between couples or rivalries over a desirable partner put fragile adolescent egos on the line.

A Lack of Respect

Adult respondents reported that more than in the past students treated teachers and each other with less respect. The phenomenon may be related partly to youth culture and peer orientation, but some adults also spoke of an increasing disconnection between adolescents and the adults in their lives who traditionally have taught appropriate behavior and set boundaries. Of course, such behavior is not necessarily limited to adolescents but may be part of a shifting pattern throughout this country, as revealed in a study by the research group Public Agenda that found that rudeness is getting worse in America based on their survey of 2,013 adults ("Survey finds manners gone amiss," 2002).

Although students may not necessarily agree with what adults define as disrespect, there may be a fine fine between fashionable insult and cruel and humiliating remarks. This perceived lack of respect may inhibit the use of mediation because it contributes to a cultural norm of gaining status through putting others down--a win-lose perspective-rather than the win-win perspective of peer mediation. Students who feel wounded and hurt may seek revenge or want to withdraw rather than meeting face to face with the person who humiliated them.

Students with Chronic Negative Behavior Patterns

Some adults mentioned a small group of students who appeared to be almost exclusively peer-oriented, unresponsive to adult interventions, and exhibiting behavior perceived as chronically negative. If an adolescent feels as though he or she is related to, connected with, and a member of a group of others, the internalization of the important, albeit negative, values of those to whom one is connected will be fostered (Deci, Vallerand, Polletier, & Ryan, 1991). As Folger, Poole, and Stutman (1993) noted, the degree to which people experience themselves as interconnected with each other and as a part of a larger community has a major impact on school climate. In this school, there was a significant group of disaffected students who lacked those feelings and did not feel a part of the "social contract" of the school. Usually, these same students were not defined as "successful" by the standards of the school.

As Webster (1993) noted, "aggressive youth tend to believe that aggressive behavior increases status among their peers, particularly in the short term, and provides tangible rewards.... adolescents are in a developmental stage characterized by defiance of adults." Ironically, these students are most likely to be involved in conflicts but are the least likely to seek mediation, seeing it as one more facet of the system with which they do not feel affiliated.

FACTOR 4: SCHOOL CLIMATE

In surveys, 76.19% of white parents, 75% of bi/multi-racial parents, and 50% of all parents of color raised issues related to school climate, as did 100% of parents interviewed. Faculty responses were similar: 73.91% of those surveyed and 10 of the 12 interviewed (83.33%) cited aspects of school climate as inhibiting the use of peer mediation.

Faculty Methods of Handling Conflict

The faculty as a group had not been trained in mediation skills and techniques. Although teachers said that they supported the use of mediation, adults in the building did not necessarily model or even encourage mediation to resolve conflicts.

According to a number of respondents, this school had not yet created a "culture" of mediation among the adults--an atmosphere in which mediation was consistently taught, modeled, and encouraged. As one teacher bluntly noted, "Until adult attitudes change, kids never will." This is consistent with LaGreca's (1993) observations (based on a review of 20 years of research on social skills training) that a limitation of most social-skills-training approaches is that they focus on the individual and neglect the individual's social milieu. Active support and encouragement in using mediation by faculty and administration is necessary to the success of a mediation program (Greenwald & Johnson, 1986; Pilati, 1994; Metis Associates, 1988).

A Lack of Respect for Students

Many teachers perceived a growing lack of respect among students for adult authority while some parents and students were equally passionate about the perceived lack of respect towards students on the part of faculty. As Folger et al., (1993) pointed out, the level of support that people feel from each other is an integral part of the climate of a school; the context within which all conflict resolution occurs. Feeling intimidated can inhibit use of mediation if students feel emotionally unsafe and are therefore less likely to be open with their feelings.

The Need for Stronger Bonds with Adults in School

Students might become more comfortable opening up to others if adults in the school were available to listen to them, build personal relationships with them, and serve as resources in their daily struggles outside the academic arena. Adults participating in the study wished for a stronger sense of community within the school and wanted its adults to be more connected to students. Climate is affected by the degree to which people experience themselves as interconnected with each other and as a part of a larger community (Folger et al., 1993). Climactic conditions affect how people resolve conflicts. The people in this school wanted more time to connect and more opportunities for adults to provide guidance, to talk, and to listen.

Concerns about Safety and Well-Being

Perceptions of this aspect of the school's climate varied widely. Some parents reported few or no concerns about safety and/or the threat of violence; others were very concerned. Parents, the group expressing the least concern, were not regularly in the school observing and, therefore, may have based their views on what their children and children's friends told them. Similarly, students' perceptions of violence or its threat varied with individual experience (e.g., a & foot-tall basketball player in 9th grade is more likely to feel safe than a shy 7th-grader who has not hit his growth spurt).

Respondents also reflected a growing concern about increasing racial tension in the school that some attributed to misunderstanding and misreading the cues and intentions among people from different racial and ethnic groups. To those who felt the climate was unsafe, the additional sense of racial discord further inhibited the use of mediation: those who felt threatened, intimidated, or victimized by racism were not likely to initiate mediation out of fear of repercussions.

Discipline, Rules, and the Exercise of Power

Many respondents commented on the school's "rule orientation," referring to the tightly structured code of conduct and the consequences of straying from it. Others described it as a punishment-oriented discipline system, in which adults assumed that in every problem, a student was at fault unless he or she could prove otherwise.

A school's climate is shaped in part by the ways in which power is distributed and exercised (Folger et al., 1993). In schools, power is most overtly embodied in and exercised through the disciplinary system. Because the way disciplinary decisions are made affects the school's climate, it also affects students' willingness to use mediation.

In a more collaborative culture of mediation, students would be directly involved in making decisions about how conflicts are settled, and mediation would be actively modeled and used as a way to resolve differences at every level of the school. An effective mediation program for this school will require both an ideological and an organizational shift in the balance of power, sharing control with students and parents, and redefining conflict as between people not people versus rules. This conflicting agenda contributed to the frustration and sense of dissonance experienced by many of the respondents who spoke to this issue. (One question emerging from the study is whether the members of this school community are willing to accept the dissonance occurring during the early change to a culture of mediation.)

Overcrowding.

The school was overcrowded, exacerbating interpersonal stress and contributing to conflict. Overcrowding and tight schedules can inhibit the use of mediation because they aggravate an overall sense of pressure--a sense that is not conducive to the measured pace and open-ended process that mediation requires.

The exercise of power and decision making about rules and discipline in this school was concentrated at the top of an authoritarian, rule-oriented system. This structure carried the weight of tradition, but it conflicted with the collaborative framework of a culture of mediation. In this school, the distribution of power and the decision-making mechanisms resulted in what could be termed a "conflicting ideological agenda" between what existed and what was needed to create a school infused with a "culture of mediation."

FACTOR 5: STRUCTURE AND ORGANIZATION OF THE MEDIATION PROGRAM

This study revealed four aspects of the mediation program's structure and operation that inhibited its use. The first was a widespread lack of information about how to make use of the program, reflecting the need for clearer communication and more effective outreach. The second aspect was related to the organizational problems and limited resources. Third, the racial and cultural diversity of the student population was not reflected among the peer mediators, and fourth, there was no district-wide commitment to peer mediation.

"I Don't Know How It Works"

According to many students and teachers, people failed to get involved in mediation because they lacked information about how one arranged for mediation and what the process involved.

Organization of the Mediation Program and Limited Resources

Several problems arising from the program's organization and limited resources emerged from the study. Some students preferred to approach and enter the program through contact with other students instead of with teachers. Others expressed the fear that asking for mediation would label them as "bad." Faculty members pointed out that students wanted conflicts settled "on the spot," but that peer mediators were in class at the time or otherwise not immediately available.

Handling mediation through the Dean's Office, which dealt with discipline, also was a deterrent. Many students, including some mediators, wanted it to be based in the guidance office. "Guidance is to guide and the Dean is for trouble," said one student mediator.

At the time of the study, the administration had initiated a policy of giving some students the option of mediation or detention. The policy fundamentally altered the character of the process: students were not necessarily going to mediation voluntarily. Instead, they were choosing "the lesser of two evils." Many mediators found the new policy not only confusing, but also counterproductive. Clearly, mediation and punishment are different.

No separate room was set aside for mediations, which occurred in the library, cafeteria, or wherever space was available at the time. The program also lacked adequate faculty support. Teachers worked with the program as an extracurricular activity over and above their full teaching loads. They were responsible for all aspects of the program--training, outreach and publicity, administration and organization, and providing leadership to students. Many mediators wanted greater adult involvement.

Diversity and the Use of Mediation

At the time of the study, the corps of student mediators was primarily female and white, with five students of color and three males out of approximately 35 mediators. This inhibited many students from seeking out mediation because of a common belief that unless the mediator was someone of one's cultural or racial background they would not be fair.

No District-Wide Program to Teach Mediation Skills

Without a district-wide program in mediation starting in the elementary years, this middle school program existed in isolation. Although some staff members in some buildings were knowledgeable and experienced in mediation, the district's faculty as a whole had never been educated to use the techniques. The lack of a systematic approach to mediation throughout the grades contributed to creating a culture that did not acknowledge or "buy into" the importance of peer mediation.

Webster (1993) argued that middle or high school is too late to begin primary prevention programs. He emphasized that students need practice, ongoing reinforcement, and training in a comprehensive program starting in elementary school if they are to change their behavior.

FACTOR 6: SOCIETAL ISSUES

The culture of the society that surrounds students and schools also affects a mediation program's chances for success. However, only 8.7% of faculty and 8.77% of parents surveyed mentioned this broader societal context; none of the students did. Among interviewees, just 3 students out of 20 cited the larger social context as a factor, although 75% of the faculty and half the parents who were interviewed expressed this concern.

The adults who did raise the point spoke of two specific issues: a general decrease in civility, leaving schools increasingly involved in socializing children; and the negative effects of media.

Schools' Increasing Role in Socializing Children

As one faculty member noted, "we're definitely now taking over that role of socializing children because it doesn't happen at home ... kids ... are coming here without that kind of modeling at home." That leaves schools and teachers to instill behavioral norms and cultural values in students. As Beck and Malley (1998) have noted, for some students, schools are the only setting in which they have the opportunity to experience acceptance and belonging. For students whose family or outside community does not provide a sense of belonging, the connection in school with teachers and other adults may be essential for the development of socialized skills.

Counter to Mainstream Culture.

Many respondents did not see today's dominant social values as congruent with mediation. The values of communication, helping others, and asking for help--all cornerstone values of mediation--contradicted the everyday learned behaviors they saw in large numbers of students. Many others also voiced concerns about the media's influence on children's interpersonal values and conduct.

CONCLUSION AND IMPLICATIONS FOR STRENGTHENING IN-SCHOOL PEER MEDIATION PROGRAMS

The sense of community among students, faculty, and parents in this school appeared to be fragile at best. All three groups expressed concerns about the lack of respect they encountered. Misperceptions and misunderstandings; tensions among various racial, cultural, and social groups; and class differences among students also contributed to this fractured sense of community. Trying to provide a successful peer mediation program within this climate has proven to be a somewhat elusive goal.

This study revealed six factors inhibiting the success of a peer mediation program in this junior high school. The study's data also pointed to the conclusion that a peer mediation program can succeed only if the school's larger climate and culture accommodate the values and processes of mediation. Based on these findings, steps to improve the likelihood that such a program would be successful are elucidated in this section. Others that are contemplating, implementing, or managing a peer mediation program in their schools might want to consider the implications of these steps on their programs.

First, all members of the school community--especially administrators, teachers and counselors--need to make a commitment to use conflict resolution and mediation at all levels. Administrators, staff, and faculty must model mediation and conflict resolution skills in their interactions with students, families, and each other, and encourage students to do the same. Families, all staff members including paraprofessionals, bus drivers, lunchroom and recess aides need ongoing training. Students need to see adults using these skills effectively in real life.

Second, administrators must provide leadership and financial support for mediation programs, including: (a) clear messages to faculty and staff that the program carries a high priority, (b) clearly and often-expressed mandates that faculty, staff; and students will use the program and the skills it embraces; and (c) public statements of support.

Administrative resources are also critical to the success of the program in the form of a headquarters, ongoing adult leadership, release time to ensure that faculty have the time to make the program work effectively (Daunic, Smith, Robinson, Miller, & Landry, 2000), and commitment of other necessary resources.

Third, conflict resolution and mediation skills need to be taught and encouraged in elementary school, beginning with the primary grades, a time when students are more open to learning common strategies for interacting with peers. Peer mediation programs should be implemented at the elementary level; with peer mediators trained beginning in the fourth or fifth grade. In addition, developmentally appropriate system-wide training in conflict resolution, mediation, and anger management need to be infused throughout the curriculum and made available to all students, especially those new to the system and those who seem to repeatedly have unresolved conflicts or trouble managing their emotions. Such programs should regularly bring student mediators from middle and high schools to elementary schools to teach and model the skills and concepts. Through this approach, students gain experience in using conflict resolution and peer mediation before they enter middle or junior high school, a time when their openness to learning these skills is much lower and the stakes of their conflicts are much higher.

A truly comprehensive program would include small-group training for students, families, and faculty. Emotionally safe groups would be able to explore the importance and methods of understanding issues related to race (such as racial identity development and white privilege), class, gender, cultural background, and learning styles. Communication and social skills training in how to deal with harassment, insults, and aggressive behavior; strategies to handle potentially violent incidents; and strategies for anger management could all be incorporated. These groups could help strengthen ties between students and adults providing positive role models and could catalyze unifying activities such as community service projects and outreach to younger students. The groups also could serve to strengthen ties between families and the school.

However, already overburdened faculty members cannot be expected to take on this crucial task unaided. Outside support (college students seeking community service opportunities or internships, community mediators, adult volunteers, or health care providers) and/or increased counselor time is necessary if these groups are to be effective. These efforts could do much to nurture the sense of community and trust that is crucial for developing effective mediation programs.

Fourth, the issue of school size must be addressed if a school's climate is to reflect both a sense of community and a fully integrated mediation and conflict resolution program. The physical and emotional well being of students and adults in the school is vital. Overcrowded schools create inevitable risks and tensions. Breaking large schools down into smaller communities or creating middle schools with more adult guidance and positive intervention are two ways to approach this problem.

Fifth, mediation needs to be accessible, confidential, and clearly delineated from punishment, and students need to have a strong voice in running the program. The pool of mediators must reflect the diversity of the student population's races, cultures, socio-economic classes, genders, affectional orientations, learning styles, academic levels, and social groups. It is crucial that one or more adults in each school hold an unshakable commitment to the program and serve as advocates on a long-term basis.

School counselors and administrators contemplating, implementing, or managing peer mediation programs must understand that such programs cannot be "layered onto" discipline as usual. Instead, the programs call for--and imply a commitment tom fundamentally different approaches to the distribution of power, disciplinary decision making, and person-to-person relationships within their institutions.

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Susan K. Theberge, Ed.D., is an associate professor of Education/ Special Education/ Early Childhood at Keene State College in Keene, NH. She is coordinator of the School Counseling Program and faculty co-chair of the Keene State College Diversity Commission.

E-mail: [e-mail]

Orv C. Karan, Ph.D., is a professor of Education and the Coordinator of the Counseling psychology Program at the University of Connecticut at Storrs.