Security Council considers Nicaraguan complaint against United States, takes no action.

During three meetings in December, the Security Council considered Nicaragua's complaint about "the extremely serious situation creatd by the escalation of acts of aggression, the repeated threats and the new acts of provocation" directed against Nicaragua "by the current United States Administration."

Eighteen speakers participated in the debate in meetings held on 10, 11 and 12 December 1985. The series of meetings adjourned without a draft resolution having been tabled.

The Council had before it three letters transmitted by the Nicaraguan Charge d'affaires to the Secretary-General.

The first, dated 5 December, from President Daniel Ortega Saavedra to the Secretary-General (A/40/993-S/17674), recalled that he had informed the Contadora Group (Colombia, Mexico, Panama, Venezuela) and the Support Group (Argentina, Brazil, Peru, Uruguay) of several considerations with regard to the process of negotiation which was being promoted by the Contadora Group.

Nicaragua's President said his country had been insisting that there must be inimum security conditions guaranteeing that any commitments entered into would not endanger Nicaragua's sovereignty and independence. Those minimum conditions "necessarily imply the immediate cessation of the aggression against Nicaragua and a commitment by the Government of the United States to desist from making war against my country". Until now, "not only are these conditions non-existent, but the brutal aggression imposed on the people of Nicaragua at the cost of the lives of thousands of Nicaraguans is constantly increasing."

New developments: There had been new developments, he went on, which entailed "an extremely serious escalation of the mercenary war, namely, that surface-to-air missiles of the SAM-7 type have begun to be used, causing the deaths of 14 Nicaraguan soldiers on 3 December 1985 and the destruction of the helicopter transporting them". The "United States Government alone is capable of making these missiles available, there being no other country in the hemisphere which possesses them", he said. The use of that type of weapon "sets an extremely grave precedent on the continent inasmuch as an irregular force is for the first time being supplied with surface-to-air missiles of the SAM-7 type".

The Nicaraguan President stated that so long as conditions guaranteeing Nicaragua's "very survival" did not exist, the Contadora Group should suspend the discussions on pending aspects of the Contadora Act and turn its attention to "urgent and direct action vis-a-vis the Government of the United States which will make it possible to persuade it to put an end to the aggression against my country".

The second letter, dated 6 December (A/40/994-S/17675), contained a protest note from Nicaragua's Acting Foreign Miister to the United States Secretary of State, stating that "the irresponsible attitude of the United States Government in providing the terrorist groups in its service" with SAM27 surface-to-air missiles "raises the Central American conflict to levels hitherto unknown and seriously endangers civil aircraft in the area, which may at any time fall victim to the criminal acts of these groups".

The attitude of the United States, he continued, constituted "a direct and total rebuff to the efforts being made to find a peaceful, negotiated solution to the Central American crisis" and made it "imperative that the Contadora Group should urgently take specific steps to persuade the United States to change its aggressive policy against Nicaragua and the Central American region, putting an end to its illegal policy of force and making possible the establishment of the minimum conditions of security which would allow the discussions on the Contadora Act to continue".

The third letter (A/40/995-S/17676) contained the text of a 6 December protest note from Nicaragua's Acting Foreign Minister to the Honduran Foreign Minister. It stated that there was "overwhelming evidence" that Honduras was being used in "the criminal war of aggression against Nicaragua". It was in the "mercenary camp" of Las Vegas in Honduras that the SAM-7 surface-to-air missiles had been displayed for the first time. That "makes the responsibility of Honduras in the Central American conflict even more clear and, consequently, its responsibility for the worsening of the regional crisis and for the difficult situation with which the negotiating process of the Contadora Group is faced". There was an urgent need for Honduras to end the presence of "mercenaries" on its territory and to "cease being party" to the United Sates "policy of aggression".

Debate

Victor Hugo Tinoco, Deputy Foreign Minister of Nicaragua, said that in recent weeks there had been an escaltion of the United States involvement in its "war of aggression" against Nicaragua as well as in the type of weapons and supplies provided to the counter-revolutionary forces. In May, the United States Congress had approved the appropriation of $27 million to "finance activities aimed at overthrowing the legitimate" Nicaraguan Government. That "humanitarian aid" was intended to continue the uninterrupted flow of military supplies to the "counter-revolutionary bands" which, under the control and leadership of the United States Central Intelligence Agency (CIA) were operating from Honduras and Costa Rica.

A few days ago, the United States had announced the holding of new joint military manoeuvres in Honduras, during which it would continue to build a military infrastructure "guaranteeing a rearguard position for the mercenaries and providing them with facilities should they decide to unleash a direct invasion of Nicaragua". Also a few days ago, the United States Congress had approved the provision to the "mercenaries" of the United States President of trucks, aircraft, fast launches, helicopters, sophisticated communications equipment and a constant flow of intelligence.

"To this worrying situation," he said, "was added last week an event unprecedented in the history of our continent--the use by the counter-revolutionary mercenary forces of surface-to-air missiles supplied by the United States Government. That is clearly an unprecedented escalation of the crisis and conflict in Central America." This was the first time in the history of the American continent that an irregular force--"a terrorist and mercenary group"--fighting against an established Government had received that type of weapon.

Nicaragua had known since January 1985 that the United States was training counter-revolutionaries at the Las Vegas camp in Honduras in the use of SAM-7 missiles. Since mid-year, the United States had delivered at least 30 such missiles to the forces encamped at Las Vegas--one of the largest concentrations of counter-revolutionary forces of the many that existed inside Honduras and along the border.

He said that in its reply to the 5 DEcember Nicaraguan protect note--sent after confirmation of the downing of an MI-8 transport helicopter by a missile launched by the "mercenaries"--the United States had not denied that it had supplied those missiles to the counter-revolutionary forces. "The international community must unseat the horseman of the Apocalypse threatening Central America and Latin America by supplying surface-to-air missiles to mercenary forces."

Vernon A Walters (United States) said the Sandinistas had sought to crush all forms of domestic opposition sentiment and to portray the "democratic armed resistance as a reactionary mercenary force" organized by the United States. The Nicaraguan Government's insistence on "perpetuating this fantasy" had been the most serious obstacle to peace in the region. The armed resistance had grown to some 20,000 men and women. The Sandinistas would never succeed in portraying thousands of Nicaraguans who had taken up arms "to resist the perversion of their revolution as paid mercenaries of a foreign Power". The "disparate groups of the resistance" had come together "in a struggle for liberty against Sandinist repression".

It was ironic that Nicaragua lamented that the use of a SAM-7 surface-to-air missile represented an escalation of the Central American conflict to new levels and labelled the armed resistance a "terrorist" organization, when it had introduced " frightening new dimension to warfare in Central America" by acquiring the Soviet-made MI-24--one of the world's most sophisticated attack helicopters. Nicaragua wished to intimidate not only its opposition elements, but also its neighbours--none of which had a comparable weapon. The MI-24 was only the latest addition to what had been a massive military build-up in Nicaragua, Mr. Walters said.

The Sandinistas had "hopelessly upset" the military equilibrium in Central America, he said, creating the major security problem for the region which they seemed very reluctant to deal with in the Contadora process. The projectile that downed the Sandinista attack helicopter was not of United States manufacture. The Nicaraguan armed resistance had stated that it had Soviet-manufactured SAM-7s acquired on the international market. The Nicaraguan regime had opened its borders to the "most notorious international terrorist groups" in the world. The Sandinistas had provided logistical, material and moral support to Latin American "terrorist" groups, and were involved in Salvadorian "guerrilla terrorism".

Honduras and Costa Rica had suffered from Nicaraguan-sponsored subversion. The increasingly important role Cuban military advisers had come to play in combat against the Nicaraguan resistance was illustrated by the fact that there were Cubans aboard the helicopter shot down by the resistance forces. The Contadora negotiating process offered the best prospect for achieving peace in Central America. The United States hoped that Nicaragua would soon decide to join its neighbours in working towards that goal. The Sandinistas bore the full responsibility for the consequences of their aggression against the Nicaraguan people and their neighbours, he said. "It is our fervent hope that this incident will bring home to the commandantes in Managua the cost of their oppression and hostile actions. For the sake of peace in Nicaragua and the rest of Central America, the Sandinistas must urgently take steps to come to terms with their own people."

Council members: Natarajan Krishnan (India), also on behalf of the Chairman of the Movement of Non-Aligned Countries, said the tensions and disputes in Central America could only be resolved peacefully and through negotiations among all concerned. It was essential that the Contadora Group's efforts be intensified. For any peace to be enduring, it must be based on "acceptance of the principles of the political and socio-economic pluralism of States, scrupulous observance of the principles of non-interference and non-intervention, a positive appreciation of the endemic problems of that troubled part of the world and a constructive and co-operative approach to their resolution".

Carlos Alzamora (Peru) said the situation in Central America was "entering and extremely serious stage at which the decision has been reached to use all the military, economic and political resources necessary to pursue to its final consequences a pre-established geopolitical purpose". Contadora was the sole viable alternative to the option of war in Central America and as the political process that could resolve--if its action was not undermined--the contradictions that were deeply rooted in the region. The Contadora countries and those of the Support Group reiterated their desire for "concord, agreement, goodwill and openness to all the parties involved in the problem and their intent to spare the Latin American region the upheaval and violence that would invevitably accompany a solution of force, imposed from the outside to the question of Central America".

Oleg Troyanovsky (USSR) said the constant build-up of hostile actions against Nicaragua had led to a state of affairs in which the situation in Central America had become one of the most potentially explosive in the world and now ranked on a par with the conflicts in the Middle East and South Africa. The main reason for the aggravation of the situation in Central America remained--the further escalation of the aggressive United States policy against nicaragua, aimed at gross interference in the affairs of that country. The United States was deliberately undermining the Contadora process for a peaceful settlement of the Central American situation. What was needed was the renunciation of strong-arm tactics. The Soviet Union took a very positive view of the efforts of the Contadora Group and the States which supported it to eliminate the external factors which were impeding the normalization of the situation in the region and the resumption of negotiations between the United States and Nicaragua.

Hamid Mohammed (Trinidad and Tobago) said the international community faced the gloomy prospects of not only an arms race in Central America but the competitive use of increasingly sophisticated weapons. The current problems in Nicaragua had effects on and implications for the entire region. The deteriorating situation in the region warranted increased attention and consideration by the Contadora Group with the assistance of the Support Group and the full support of the parties concerned for the Contadora peace process.

Li Luye (China) opposed the "intimidation, interference, infiltration and sabotage carried out by any outside force, in whatever form and under whatever pretext", against the Central American countries. He supported the efforts of the Contadora Group and other Latin American countries in seeking a peaceful settlement of the question of Central America in accordance with the principles of self-determination and non-interference.

Blaise Rabetafika (Madagascar) said his country wished to give the Council a leading role in promoting a political and negotiated solution in Central America. Madagascar's confidence in the Contadora Group was intact, but if the deadlock was not broken, and if there was an increase in armed clashes and the situation in Central America continued to deteriorate, the Council would have to take all the necessary steps to shoulder its responsibilities.

Leandre Bassole (Burkina Faso) said the economic and political pressures being brought to bear against Nicaragua were unacceptable. They had contributed to a very great extent to the risk of a regional war, and had also undermined the necessary dialogue established by the Contadora Group. They were "very clearly" aimed at destablising Nicaragua and at overthrowing the democratically chosen revolutionary regime. It was time that threats against Nicaragua ceased. It was time to halt the hostile acts and the financing of groups of mercenaries.

Other speakers: Oscar Oramas Oliva (Cuba) said that recently the United States Under-Secretary of State, Elliott Abrams, had given some "false figures" as to Cuban advisers in Nicaragua. Cuba rejected that statement on the presence of Cuban troops in Nicaragua. The United States knew perfectly well that the Cubans in Nicaragua were advisers: "it is quite clear that that smokescreen is designed to justify more and more assistance for the contra killers".

Mario Moya-Palencia (Mexico) said there had been a dangerous worsening of the crisis in Central America caused by what appeared to be a build-up in the arms race in the region. Once again, the choice of solutions by the use of force was being promoted, to the detriment of the quest for formulas that could guarantee understanding through diplomatic negotiations. Mexico favoured the establishment of dialogue and the adoption of constructive agreements.

Roberto Herrera Caceres (Honduras), referring to the Nicaraguan statement about the use of Honduras for activities by Nicaraguan "insurgents", said "Apart from the fact that the civil war in Nicaragua is being fought on its own territory, one may well ask whether it is not perhaps a contradiction to hold Honduras responsible for an alleged lack of control over regions that are practically inaccessible to the Honduran army, when Nicaragua, for its part, with an army and armaments that are more than five times greater than those of Honduras, is unable to control within its own territory the alleged raids from Honduras as well as the actual raids that are prepared and carried out in Nicaragua itself." Nicaragua had charged that the "insurgents" were being trained in Honduras in the handling of SAM-7 rockets, but no "objective sources" had been produced to substantiate that charge.

Fernando Berrocal (Costa Rica) said his country "most categorically" repudiated Nicaragua's assertion that "counter-revolutionary bands" were operating from Costa Rica. He regretted that "the Sandinist authorities are so obsessive about discovering their enemies, or at least some of them, in Costa Rica". Costa Rica's national policy of strict neutrality concerning Nicaragua's civil was was an "undeniable reality". Costa Rica would not accept "false, gratuitous sttacks" from Nicaragua. It invited the Contadora Group to verify that there were no counter-revolutionary camps in Costa Rica and that "anti-Sandinist bands" did not operate there.

Also speaking were the representatives of the Syrian Arab Republic, Viet Nam, Iran, the Libyan Arab Jamahiriya, and Zimbabwe.