Richard Hyman Understanding European Trade Unionism: Between Market, Class & Society.

Sage, London, 2002, 196 pp ISBN 0 7619 5220 9 (hbk) 55.00 [pounds sterling]; ISBN 0 7619 5221 7 (pbk) 18.99 [pounds sterling]

Understanding European Trade Unionism seeks to construct a theoretical analysis of the distinctive national characteristics of European trade unions, which Hyman perceives as 'adrift within a sea of variable geometry'. His focus of analysis is on a 'triple tension at the heart of unions identity and purpose--the eternal triangle'. The three contrasting ideologies and identities in this triangle are trade unions as labour marker actors; trade unions' role as agencies of class; and trade unions as agents of social integration. Each of these different dimensions he places at an apex of the triangle and argues that, in most cases, European trade unions have tended to be located 'within' the triangle usually between two points rather than balancing on one apex. Hyman perceives the interrelationship between the three themes as critical to the understanding of European national trade union identities, as is illustrated in depth in his 'stylised' account of three case study countries.

Chapters 2,3 and 4 each provide a detailed exploration of the separate 'points' of the triangle, analysing European trade unions in relation to them. The first addresses the view of trade unions as primarily economic actors, or market-oriented unionism. Hyman suggests that these notions are simple in themselves and open to relatively straightforward challenge, yet his discussion is nonetheless stimulating. His provocative discussion of the concept of the labour market concludes that unions cannot afford to ignore politics, for to exert influence on the labour market they need to address the state. Together with this, trade unions are obliged to broaden their interests to include the wider social dynamics that structure the labour market. His more general point is that a trade union confining itself to a single point of his triangle is unstable.

Chapter 3 provides a more extensive treatment of trade unions as class actors. An historical analysis of the development of unions across Europe as agencies of class struggle draws attention to persistent tensions between political action and economism, between militancy and accommodation and between a broad class orientation and narrower sectional concerns. A following section on 'theorising class' raises the question, 'How can trade unions be regarded as class actors when they are concerned with improvements within capitalism rather than the struggle for socialism and are under pressure to temper militancy with the concern for stable relationships with government and employers?' Moreover, even where unions have claimed to represent the working class, it is predominantly those workers in relatively protected sectors that have traditionally been represented. Thus, although trade unions are, in one sense, agencies of class, class based unionism is elusive. Therefore, Hyman concludes class unionism 'constitutes a paradox'.

The final chapter of this section is concerned with the role of trade unions as vehicles of social integration. It is fairly difficult to weave through, although the author does acknowledge that, 'the issues involved are in many respects extremely complex.' Hyman examines how the notion of 'social partnership' originated in Europe and hints at a cynicism regarding employers and trade unions as 'partners' with which some of us would strongly agree. Nonetheless, it is a refreshing read on the issue as it analyses European countries in contradistinction to the majority of recent literature on the topic that focuses predominantly on the UK. Unions in many countries across Europe have been forced to adopt new strategic choices and redefine themselves. Their role as a social movement and their engagement with society have been central to these approaches, although different from country to country. Nonetheless, what has been similar in each country is that, 'the triumph of the social partnership model depended strongly on economic foundations; as these foundations have been undermined, so unions have had to seek instruments of market regulation which transcend the consensual.'

Hyman selects three case study countries, devoting a chapter to each to analyse the different market, class and society dimensions of trade unionism. He provides a brief, but comprehensive, analysis of the historical and political development of the labour movement in the UK. With a tradition of voluntarism and free collective bargaining, British trade unions, lying along Hyman's axis of 'market and class', have 'displayed a militant, but sectional and defensive, economism.' However, the notion of social partnership has become a prominent feature in the UK that would indicate a shift towards the 'social' pole of the triangle. Nevertheless, as most people are aware, the concept of partnership is full of ideological contradictions both for academics and also the major actors in Britain's industrial relations system. On the other hand, in Germany the use of the term 'social partners' has a longer tradition, originating in 1949. Hyman's focus lies with West German trade unionism in this chapter mad it's a pity East Germany was not considered as it also had different traditions that had to be dealt with before unification. Nonetheless, the need for a reorganisation of society and the economy after the Second World War led to a 'social market orientation' for West German trade unionism, placing it along the 'market and society' axis. However, the West German union leaderships could not ignore the long history and sympathies of the more militant rank and file, thus, 'the institutions of workplace codetermination and the welfare state were outcomes of class struggle.' This would suggest that German trade unionism could be tom in three directions, or as Hyman describes, find itself sinking in 'a Bermuda triangle'. The chapter upon post-war Italian trade unionism is more difficult to weave through because of the complexity of the history of Italian politics. Nonetheless, post-war trade unions are judged as 'vehicles of militant class opposition', a role which altered when the 1970s 'historic compromise' obliged unions to begin to act as 'protectors of social and political order'. During the following decades, Italian trade unions became increasingly powerful and the most representative body in Italian society. Therefore, Hyman places them along the axis of 'class and society'. However, as with the two previous case studies, trade unionism has become more contradictory with the forces of the market becoming a major reference point for all of the national unions in Italy. Hyman suggests the need for a clarification of the meaning of trade union solidarity as a strategy in response to market pressures.

The fairly brief conclusion suggests that all 'concerned scholars' have a duty to assist trade unions hi their struggle to 'reassert their relevance', particularly as 'opponents of the dehumanising advance of market forces'. Hyman acknowledges that there are no easily available solutions and provides two possible elements of an answer: firstly the ideal of a social Europe and secondly the unions' need to find new utopias. Although he does suggest some implications for trade union strategy in an integrating Europe, it is difficult to identify exactly the options he perceives as open. With this in mind, some sections of this book are fairly difficult to follow, which suggests that it may be more appropriate to postgraduate study. In addition, the main title of this book is misleading as, although the key focus is on the subtitle, only three countries are considered in great detail. However, the case studies are extremely valuable and the preceding chapters will also deepen any reader's understanding of the reasons for the differences in European national trade unions. The book is therefore essential reading.