Retired men, retired bodies.

Although a growing body of literature has emerged around young men's body image, little literature exists on older men's body image. This paper focuses on in-depth, qualitative data obtained during a focus group from six older, retired men (58 to 85 years) involved in formal physical activity sessions, living in the Adelaide metropolitan area. This research draws attention to ways in which older, retired men perceive their bodies and whether this bears on their masculine identity and quality of life. This paper also identifies important health promotion strategies for health practitioners working with older men.

Key Words: ageing men, bodies, masculinity, physical activity

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In recent years, researchers have looked with more interest on men's body image, especially focusing on men and eating disorders (Drewnowski, Kurth, & Krahn, 1995; Drewnowski & Yee, 1987; Drummond, 1999, 2002; McCreary & Sasse, 2000; Pope, Phillips, & Olivardia, 2000). However, most of this research has centered on young men, specifically adolescent or young adult men. This is understandable because adolescence and young adulthood is a developmental period in which a good deal of negotiation takes place with respect to physiological and psychological changes in the body.

Consequently, the media have focused on the sensational aspects of men's body image issues (Drummond, 2002). While young men's body image issues have garnered most of the attention, older men as a group have been largely ignored (Loland, 1999). Arguably, older men with body image concerns are less understood.

As men age, there are a number of issues they must confront to maintain their masculine identity. It is important to recognize that this masculine identity develops largely through external factors. With respect to the body, Western culture places a good deal of emphasis on how a man's body should look in terms of masculine identification. That is, Western culture has created a cultural exemplar of the archetypal male body (Drummond, 2002). Included in this archetypal male body are muscularity, athleticism, and youthfulness. Further, the ideal male body has a classic Adonis-like shape, is devoid of fat, is hairless, and is wrinlde free (Pope et al., 2000). Significantly, those bodies that do not exhibit such physical attributes are often ranked lower on a continuum of masculinities. As men age, it becomes increasingly difficult for most to maintain a high level of muscularity (Shephard, 1997). Similarly, the aging process inhibits some forms of athleticism and undoubtedly accentuates wrinkling of skin (Shephard, 1997). Keeping in mind the archetypal male figure, if aging men rely on their body image to buttress their masculine identity, many may develop feelings of inadequacy.

It is important to recognize issues relating to men, athleticism, and sport within the context of constructions of masculinity. Sport has been identified as a masculinized domain (Messner, 1992), and as such sport provides a site in which men can construct their masculine identity (Drummond, 1996). Further, boys quickly learn the masculinized values placed on sport both from a participatory and a spectator perspective (Drummond, 1996). That is, they develop an understanding that to be popular among peers they must either be good at sport, particularly the traditional masculinized sports such as those that champion power, aggression, and violence, or they must be seen to support teams associated with such sports. From an early age then, boys develop a keen sense that masculinized sports are activities that provide entry into masculinized relationships with friends and significant male figures. Messner (1992) observed that boys see their fathers, uncles, or older brothers watching masculinized sports with interest. Therefore, these boys quickly surmise that to be involved in sports or simply to watch sports is a masculinized act. Consequently, boys develop into men without often questioning this notion. Therefore, within the context of this paper, being involved in sport plays an important role in the construction of masculine identity. Further, activities that focus on the body and physical movement, including sport, play a significant role in the construction of attitudes with respect to the aging body (Lerner & Jovanovic, 1990; Sonstroem, 1982; Sonstroem, Harlow, & Josephs, 1994).

This paper focuses on older, retired men's body image, highlighting the ways in which these men attempt to negotiate their physically changing bodies, expectations of not having to work, their expectation of their role in society, and, finally, their changing masculine identity.

Tolson (1987) claims that "as individuals, men are brought up to value work, as an end in itself, and to fix their personal identities around particular occupations" (p. 13). That is, historically, men have often been defined in terms of masculine identity by "what they do." Connell (1983), in his seminal article on men's bodies, argues that there are certain kinds of work that are masculine and that doing them well confirm masculinity. One of the first questions often asked of men is "What do you do?" Generally speaking, this question is interchangeable with "What do you do for a living?", "What is your profession?", or "Where do you work?" Therefore, it is feasible that the work males "do" throughout most of their adult life plays a role in constructing their masculine identity. Some men develop identities through physicality, such as manual labor oriented and physically hazardous occupations (Connell, 1983; Waldron, 1995). These have traditionally been socially and culturally embraced as masculinized domains despite recent women's entry into many of them (Ranson, 2001; Waldron, 1995). On the other hand, occupations with higher income-earning capacity have also been a site for the development and maintenance of a man's masculine identity. Tolson, (1987) identifies the importance of earning money for a male by claiming that, "through working, a boy, supposedly, 'becomes' a 'man': he earns money, power, and personal independence from his family. The 'money in his pocket' symbolizes a 'freedom'" (p. 47). Up until recently, high-income occupations have traditionally been the domain of men. It is conceivable that cultural norms influence such ideology as well as perpetuate and maintain the notion of masculine identity through work. Tolson (1987) reinforces this notion by stating,

   In Western, industrialised, capitalist societies, definitions of
   masculinity are bound up with definitions of work. Whether it is in
   terms of physical strength or mechanical expertise, or in terms of
   ambition and competitiveness, the qualities needed by the successful
   worker are closely related to those of the successful man. (pp.
   12-13)

This article investigates aging men and their perception of self with respect to body image and retirement. The men no longer have their work to uphold a particular form of masculine identity while their bodies begin to deteriorate physically as a consequence of the aging process. Not only do they have to come to terms with their diminished site for the construction of masculine identification, but they must also attempt to come to terms with a body that can no longer "do" what it used to in terms of strength, endurance, flexibility, and speed. Losing the capacity to be in control of one's life physically and having to hand over physical tasks that would normally have been dealt with personally has significant implications for one's sense of masculinity. However, remaining physically active with like-minded people in a social environment can provide important benefits for this aspect of a man's sense of masculinity. That is, the men may develop a sense of camaraderie and unity in "doing" physical acts together in the pursuit of health and longevity. The notion of "doing" masculinity as an act (Connell, 1983) is closely associated with aging men, their bodies, and perception of self. Being unable to "do" masculine "acts" as efficiently as when one's body was younger can influence the way in which an older man views himself and his body. It may also influence the way in which he uses his body in retirement. That is, the years occupied by employment create a sense of purpose for a man and his body irrespective of whether the employment is manual labor or professional in orientation. It is still the body that is "acting" out the culturally defined masculine indicator. The aim of the article is to identify the ways in which aging men view themselves and their bodies within the context of retirement.

METHOD

This paper's data stem from a larger study on men's bodies and masculinity. A range of males throughout the lifespan was investigated in an attempt to identify the meaning of the male body and its implications upon aging men's health. The six men in this research are all 58 or older. Further, as a part of the criteria for this aspect of the research, the men also had to be retired. Importantly, all of these men, despite not being specifically involved in the larger study, provided verbal consent for the interview to be audiotaped and transcribed verbatim and subsequently used for possible academic publication. They each understood that they would remain anonymous and that they could withdraw from the project without prejudice at any time, thereby rendering their data ineligible. All of the men are part of a regular exercise or walking program within a social setting. Each of the men is involved in at least two physical activity sessions per week. This was a further criterion as the research was designed to investigate the meaning of aging men's bodies, using physical activity as a means by which to contextualize the data. The physical activity sessions are outlined in greater detail below (see "The Walking Program").

Within the broader study, in-depth qualitative interviews were carried out to gather rich descriptive data relating to the men's body image and masculine identity. Both individual and focus group interviews were carried out. However, with respect to aging males, it is arguable that the richest source of information was attained from the in-depth focus group interview where the men had the capacity to share their experiences with one another in a less formal and somewhat jovial environment. Fontana and Frey (1994) concur by claiming that the focus group:

   ... is an option that deserves consideration because it can provide
   another level of data gathering or a perspective on the research
   problem not available through individual interviews. (p. 364)

This focus group environment tended to break down the interviewer/participant barrier and led to an open and frank discussion regarding many issues pertaining to men's bodies and masculinity in the context of aging. Therefore, this research article is based upon data from the focus group interview as a consequence of its ability to draw out rich descriptive data. It should be noted that the individual interviews from the entire study on men's bodies assisted in the construction of the interview guide for this group of men. An interview guide has been provided as an appendix (see Appendix A).

PROCEDURE

The in-depth focus group interview was carried out at a convenient location following the men's exercise session within a mall. It took place in a designated room allocated by the shopping center management in which the walking sessions were held. It was the most easily accessible location for the men to gather as well as being private and quiet. Interestingly, several men who were not able to participate in their exercise sessions, due to illness, injury, or other commitments, still made themselves available at the interview, thereby highlighting their enthusiasm to tell their "stories." The focus group interview, consisting of six men, lasted approximately two-and-one-half hours with the men making themselves available by personal contact to clarify issues, to gain additional information required, and as a means of validity checks. Such follow-up sessions are invaluable in expanding upon information that arises within focus group interviews, thereby contextualizing the data further.

Based on the literature and the many individual interviews that had been carried out with men across the lifespan within the broader study, an interview guide was devised to ensure certain issues pertaining to aging men's bodies were discussed (see Appendix A). This was crucial given the nature of phenomenologically oriented focus group interviews. Due to the phenomenological underpinnings of the research, the questions were essentially based on the men's responses to previous questions. The phenomenological inquiry focuses on the question that asks, "What is the structure and essence of experience of this phenomenon for these people?" (Patton, 1990). It is the intention of the study to intertwine descriptions of experience and interpretations so they become one (Patton, 1990). Interpretation is a major component of phenomenology and is essential to an understanding of experience, and the experience includes interpretation. Therefore phenomenology seeks to develop a world-view. There is no separate (or objective) reality for people. There is only what they know their experience is and means (Patton, 1990). Meanings and the essence of meanings are an integral part of this method of inquiry and interpretation. The phenomenon involved in the current study is that of the body as it relates to aging males and constructions of masculinities. An insight is gained into the way aging males perceive their masculinity through their senses, experiences, and descriptions of their bodies (Husserl, 1913/1962).

This study attempts to draw out the experiences of masculinities and the body from the aging males and then describe and interpret them. It is envisaged that these interpretations are indicative of other males within the aging process. Phenomenology assumes that there is an essence, or essences, to a shared experience. These essences are the core meanings within a phenomenon that are commonly experienced by different people. They can be categorized, analyzed, and compared to identify the essences of the phenomenon. The essence of experience in this study is the essence of being an aging man with a deteriorating body together with the social construction of masculinity.

ANALYSIS

The interview was transcribed verbatim and then coded and analyzed accordingly by the researcher. An inductive analysis was used to analyze the data. As Husserl (1913/1962) and Patton (1990) identify, using such an approach complements the phenomenological methodology. Repeated examination of the data in order to identify common themes was undertaken by the researcher in relation to the phenomena being researched, that is, the lived experience of aging men and body identity within the context of physical activity. Upon analysis of the data, similarities and differences were noted, drawing on the researcher's personal understanding, professional knowledge, and the literature (Strauss, 1987).

PARTICIPANTS

The ages of the participants ranged from 58 to 85 years. The 58-year-old participant, the only man in his 50s, had retired early as a consequence of a severe illness that threatened his life and significantly limited his ability to work. Several years following his illness, he is now able to participate in a walking program. For each of the other men, retirement came as a "natural" process within their lives. The men come from a cross-section of past employment. They range from professional occupations, to tradesmen and salesmen, all of which were on a full-time basis. The two men in their 80s, 83 and 85, respectively, were adamant that the walking program would remain an integral part of their lives. All of the men claim to have been relatively physically active in their youth and moderately active throughout their adult life. None of the men claimed to have excelled at any sport throughout their lives. However, they understand the competitive ethos that underpins sporting involvement.

THE WALKING PROGRAM

The walking program in which the men participate is an indoor mall walking class for men and women. The classes are held several hours prior to opening time on three mornings each week. The advantage of such classes for the participants, who must be at least 55 years of age, is they know they will be scheduled to commence regardless of the weather. Further, with respect to climatic conditions, the participants know the shopping mall is set at a constant moderate temperature suitable for an hour of moderate to vigorous walking. Similarly, there are numerous bathroom and drinking facilities located within the mall. The classes are coordinated by trained fitness leaders, further heightening their perceived merit.

The classes average between 40 and 60 participants each session. However, women make up approximately 80% of the participants on any given session. This is possibly due to a number of reasons, namely the feminized perception of a walking class and the higher ratio of women to men for the age demographic that is targeted for the classes. The man who do attend seem to have developed a positive rapport with one another and have forged friendships beyond the physical activity environment.

DISCUSSION

In this section, emergent themes are presented to identify a variety of issues that influence the ways in which these aging males perceive themselves. The emergent themes have been identified under the subheadings of "the functional body," "the failing body," "feelings of inadequacy," "physical activity for health and movement," and "physical activity as a form of socialization."

THEMES

THE FUNCTIONAL BODY

An interesting theme that constantly appeared throughout the interview data was the importance of the functionality of the male body. Further, the men made reference on numerous occasions to the fact that they were concerned with what their body could "do" and not the way in which it appeared to others. This is also closely related to what the body "cannot do." Connell (1983) has raised this notion in his article on men's bodies in which he discusses the importance of "doing" versus "being" in the context of masculinity. In particular, the men interviewed claimed they were not out to impress anyone in terms of their body aesthetics within a traditional masculinized context. That is, they were not concerned about developing an archetypal male physique based on musculature and symmetry. In particular, these argued they were happy to be functioning well and that they "were not dead." They identified on many occasions that they "were happy to be alive." One of the men in his early 70s captures these sentiments by stating that, "Apart from being a bit overweight, I'm still alive. That's the most important thing [all the men agree]. Every day is a bonus."

The regular physical activity sessions in which the men participated played an important role in maintaining their physical and mental health. Further, it provided them with valuable knowledge that their bodies were still a useful "tool" with respect to functionality. The term "tool" here is an interesting analogy and is associated with the "body as a machine," particularly with respect to the masculine athletic body (Messner, 1992). It is closely linked to what Messner (1992) identifies as the "instrumental male" in which the body has become the focus of the self (Connell, 1990). As Messner (1992) notes, viewing one's body as a machine, or instrument, is highly condoned within the realm of sports and physical activity. Further, he claims that the "instrumental male" is an alienated creature, often goal-oriented in work and personal relations, who frequently perceives others as objects that can be manipulated and defeated to achieve his personal goals (Messner, 1992). Therefore, viewing one's body as a "machine" might be a desirable trait for some men in terms of performing in a machine-like manner and creating the opportunity to "act" out their masculinity in front of others as well as to satisfy their own personal masculine desires. However, options are limited in the event that the "machine" breaks down.

The instrumental rationality associated with this group is significant, as these men believe their bodies (machines) have not broken down, particularly as many of their male peers have either died or are in poor health. The notion of not worrying about the way in which others perceive their bodies is also important in understanding the underlying ideology of these men. The men claimed to feel comfortable in their physical and social environment. For these men, to use their body in a manner in which they wanted without restrictions and free of pain was important.

   Physical activity makes you feel good. When your limbs work you
   feel good. But when they don't, well, you feel lousy. And, it
   doesn't matter how old you are. I mean, if you are young and you
   have an injury, you feel bad. Well, it's just the same for an older
   person that can't do what they want to. Just like anyone else,
   feeling good about ourselves and moving our bodies is important
   regardless of age.

THE FAILING BODY

Closely related to the functionality of the body was that of the failing body, particularly for the men in their 70s. Discussion surrounding the functional body went hand in hand with the way in which the body has let them down on occasions throughout their lives. Further, as the men age, they are noticing that increasingly parts of their body, and subsequent functionality, are beginning to fail. Noteworthy is the way in which the men compartmentalized their bodies with respect to non-function. Once again this is reflective of the instrumental male. It could be argued that, while certain compartments are beginning to fail, there still exist aspects of the functional body. However, when the body was viewed in its entirety, the men claimed to have some difficulty in coming to terms with a body that once had the capacity to "do" physical acts with relative case and minimal conscious effort. The men now claim that aspects of their lives have changed, thus requiring a good deal more consciousness where particular acts of physicality are required. In particular, the reduced physicality the men cite includes muscular flexibility, agility, dexterity, and endurance. Noteworthy are the men's claims of a loss, rather than reduction or lack, of strength. Throughout the data, the issue of strength was raised as a signifier of masculinity. This was particularly so in terms of strength being a characteristic that clearly defines men and women and the subsequent roles that men and women should carry out in life. As Pope et al. (2000) claim, "muscular bodies are strong, and they symbolize power, virility, and masculinity" (p. 180). As one of the men identified:

   I mean, I go up to work on a cattle station every so often, and the
   men that work there are just masculine. There's one bloke--he's a
   real softy, but with cattle he's as strong as anything. He's just
   physically very strong, and he's determined, and he's got a
   direction. And, I think, we're all much the same way. A man likes to
   be physically strong and in control. I think in the city we are all
   controlled, but once you get away from the city the men are, I won't
   say macho, but they are physically strong and very strong willed.

For this man the onset of illness earlier in his 50s had an important bearing on his life and his secure masculine identity. Accordingly, the illness interrupted a masculine identity that was based on traditional masculine ideology. That is, he was secure in his role as a married man with children, he was coming to the end of a successful career as an electrical tradesman, and he had maintained good health coupled with strength and vigor throughout his adult life. All of these factors assisted in the creation of a positive masculine identity. The problem for this man lies in that fact that his illness, which turned into pneumonia, forced him to become bedridden for ten months with a subsequent loss of fitness and strength. Further, the illness struck at a time 12 months prior to retiring, and therefore early retirement was forced upon him rather than his choosing his retirement date. Having the choice taken away from him proved problematic in that he felt he lost some control over his life that was originally well planned and based on his strong notions of manhood.

   When I was ill for 10 months, I used to be more physically fit and
   stronger, and I will never get it back like I used to. It makes me
   feel terrible, absolutely terrible. I could never understand my
   father-in-law, who used to be a boxer and was pretty fit, and he
   used to complain that he couldn't take a lid off a jar, and he would
   get very upset that he physically could not do these things. And
   that was really upsetting. And that's the way I feel. I have
   physically lost things that my body just can't do.

Western cultural stereotypes of masculinity and male gender roles also link physical ability with efficacy, control, and "potency" (Mishkind, Rodin, Silberstein, & Striegel-Moore, 1986, p. 550). Therefore, these men value a functional, physically active body as an embodiment of power and competency (Connell, 1995).

FEELINGS OF INADEQUACY

Closely related to the failing body for these men were feelings associated with inadequacy. That is, their body cannot "do" what it was once able to do in terms of masculinized performance. Indeed, each of the men identified that not being able to perform in the same physical manner as they had once been able to had implications for their masculine identity. They talked of immediate feelings of ineptitude, anger, frustration, and of not being a "complete" man. As one stated, "It affects me. The things I used to be able to do and I now can't do them. That really frustrates me. Some things I'm prepared to let go of, but others are much harder."

One of the main issues confronting the men in terms of feelings associated with inadequacy was linked closely to the body and work. As identified earlier, work is crucial to many men's sense of masculine identity, and this was reinforced within the interview. While the men did hot elaborate significantly on how work reinforces and upholds their masculine identity, they were able to easily identify how it affected their sense of self when work was taken away from them. This is similar to other research that identifies the way in which men find extreme difficulty in defining the term "masculinity" and yet find it easier to identify "what masculinity is not," that is, feminine, woman, gay, etc. (Drummond, 1996; Messner, 1992). In the following quotation, an 85-year-old participant expresses the meaning of work for him.

   My wife is a little younger than me, and she is still working, and
   that makes me feel like I am not pulling my weight. It's hard, but
   you just have to get over it. I suppose it makes you feel worthless.
   But you just have to press on. So when I got back from my holiday
   in Scotland, I looked around, and I saw women taking over
   the world, you know women doing this and that. So I rang up
   AVON (everyone laughs), and for the last 18 months I have been
   delivering AVON. It gets me out and keeps me walking, and it
   brings me in a little money (everyone laughs).

The same man discusses his retirement with a large degree of regret and emphasized the importance of work to his masculine identity.

   When I retired I was about 58. My boss called me in and said,
   "We've got this crash hot young lawyer here," and he asked
   whether I wanted to leave, and I said, "How much"? And that was
   stupid of me because I had to go back to work. I just couldn't
   stand it. So I worked until I was 65. Then I did part-time work for
   a number of years. It wasn't about the money. It was a lot of
   things.

Importantly, the men involved recognized that, while the failing body did create feelings of inadequacy, these would often last only a short time. Further, they understood that, in order to be comfortable with themselves with respect to their aging body, they needed to come to terms with these changes; otherwise they would end up living a life that was dispirited and troubled. Due to the gradual nature of the aging process, most acknowledged that changes associated with their body in terms of functional physicality had to be dealt with. As one claimed, "You've got to accept that you can't do some of the things you used to. In golf, for example, I can't hit the ball as far as I once did, but you've got to be man enough to accept it."

Similarly, another man reiterated this notion by identifying the inadequate feelings associated with not being able to do the masculinized domestic chores. However, over time he has come to view life, and his masculinized ideology, in a different manner.

   Well, I'm 77, and I can't climb up on the roof any more. At first, I
   felt I had lost something, I don't know what, but it did affect me.
   Now, I couldn't care less about it. If I can't do it, then someone
   else will. That's my attitude to anything now, but it takes a bit of
   getting used to. And I'm only too glad to be alive.

PHYSICAL ACTIVITY FOR HEALTH AND MOVEMENT

Bearing in mind that the men interviewed participate in regular physical activity, specifically, a formalized walking program, they have developed a perception that movement is a positive element in their lives. Therefore, according to the more senior among the group, movement was seen as synonymous with health; movement means "being alive," and therefore, movement means "not being dead." For these men the notion of consistent movement enables them to view their body as a symbol of health and vigor in which they can publicly display their health. This is not so much "being" as creating a muscular and a well-defined body but rather showing that the body can "do" physical activity. Consequently, these men have developed a sense of pride in their physicality that, in turn, has positive effects upon their masculine identity. One of the men illustrates this notion in the following quote.

   I think as long as you exercise and you do as much as you can and
   the best that you can, then that's all you can do. I mean, even
   gardening. At least then you feel like your body is working. It feels
   like you have done something, and that makes you feel good.

It is noteworthy that the issue of competition came up in the interview material. Many of the men identified that competition was an important factor in motivating them to better their personal performances during the exercise sessions. While competition was not the driving force to instigate the exercise program, it did assist in the maintenance and perpetuation of the exercise regime and made it more enjoyable for many of the men. Significantly, the competition was not formalized, and in many instances it was an unspoken lore. This notion of competition is an important factor in the understanding of men's health and physical activity habits. It is worthwhile noting the ideology surrounding men and competition from a sporting and physical activity perspective, that is, one in which boys have been socially constructed into a competitive environment early in their developmental years through the processes of sport. This is due to the nature of sport being a major site for the social construction of masculinity in Western culture (Drummond, 2001; Messner, 1992; Pronger, 1990; Whitson, 1990). Additionally, we can argue that this notion transcends the boundaries of sport and influences the way in which masculinity is socially constructed in general. A participant reflects upon the notion of competition claiming that:

   Unconsciously, you do compete. Like, I say to myself, "I think I
   am going to pass that person." I know I do. It sometimes might
   take me rive laps, but I will get there, and then I think, "Yeah,
   that's pretty good, I've caught them." But it's not a competition
   with them, it's more with yourself, like, "Can I or can't I?" It
   keeps you going. If you don't compete, you don't improve.

Feelings of inadequacy have arguably been perpetuated and maintained by the "agist society" (Loland, 1999) in which we live. The notion of agism is associated with discriminating attitudes toward people on the basis of their age (Loland, 1999). Often aging is immediately linked to increased dependency, physical degeneration, and mental decline (Elias, 1985; Featherstone & Hepworth, 1995; Hockey & James, 1995). In addition, physical and mental health have been shown to be signifiers of masculinity (Drummond, 2002). Similarly, physical and mental degeneration, in particular lack of strength and mental illness, have been identified as feminized conditions (Drummond, 1999, 2002). Therefore, the agist attitudes have serious implications for the ways in which men view themselves and their bodies according to the cultural ideal.

PHYSICAL ACTIVITY AS A FORM OF SOCIALIZATION

While the physiological benefits associated with regular physical activity have consistently and regularly been identified in academic and popular cultural literature, there is strong health advocacy for the socialization aspect of physical activity. (Kirk, Nauright, Hanrahan, Macdonald, & Jobling, 1996) This is particularly so for men who have developed a limited social involvement with their male peers compared to the social involvements that women have among themselves (Ziguras, 1998). Further, we suggest that men's social world revolves more around their work environment. Therefore, if men's social world is more oriented around their work world, then it is possible to assume that retirement could have implications (possibly negative) for a man's social network. Seibert and Mutran (1999) outlined the importance of friendships and socialization for the aging male. They claim that in assessing satisfaction with life and sense of well-being, "friendship identity" emerges as the strongest positive predictor--stronger than income or marital status.

With respect to physical activity, regular physical activity within a group environment has the capacity to improve socialization. Further, the men interviewed here reported that physical activity enabled them to interact with one another around a common theme. This, in turn, provided them with a sense of purpose in terms of maintaining a unified goal. Consequently, the body, health, and longevity became a focal point of socialization and enhanced the ongoing pursuit of physical activity. One of the men summed up the feeling of most by stating, "I think you have to be with people from time to time. Not all the time. But there are certain times really, not constantly. I think a lot of men like their own rime, not like women."

For another man, the physical activity group provided him with numerous opportunities to socialize with others. His comments sure up the situation regarding many older men in terms of mortality and morbidity.

   There are not many men at our walking group, because they're all
   dead (laughs). That's right, for many years I would always lunch
   together, once a month, with four other fellows. There were rive of
   us. I'm the only one left. So, now the fellows are gone, the women
   (here at the walking group) want to go out to lunch with me. So,
   I'm in constant demand (laughs).

While such a comment is indicative of the senior men, there was a general understanding of the statistical life expectancy of Western males. However, all of the men were positive in their outlook despite having male friends who had died or suffered poor health. It was the walking group that provided them with the opportunity to stay involved with like-minded males with whom they could maintain and forge new friendships.

Sport and physical activity are masculinized domains (Drummond, 1996; Messner, 1992). Therefore, most men generally feel comfortable being involved in such environments. Despite the walking program being dominated by women, the underlying sense of competition that is often inherent in men's involvement in physical activity added to the pleasurable social experience for the men. According to Fennell (1994), when men conceptualize their own bodies, they perceive them as vigorous, competitive sources of control and power rather than objectifying them in an aesthetic manner. Using their body in a vigorous, physical manner while simultaneously creating a social experience enhanced the men's self-worth. This provided them with a strong motivator to return and share the common experience of physical activity and socialization on a regular basis.

CONCLUSION

The men in this research are not overly concerned with the way in which their own bodies compare to the archetypal male physique. Apparently, these aging men are more concerned with the way in which their bodies perform from a physical perspective. They had a somewhat simplistic and yet optimistic view of their body, health, and longevity. That is, if one's body is kept moving, the possibility of that body maintaining health is far greater than by remaining sedentary, thereby minimizing the effects of the aging process. Further, the men's positive view of group physical activity as a means of socialization enhances the prospect of sustaining their involvement through the enjoyment of camaraderie and friendship.

The notion of developing and maintaining masculine identity through the use of physical activity is a positive element in the aging process for these men. Conversely, the positive attitudes and feelings associated with regular physical activity minimize feelings of inadequacy. The notion of "doing" physical activity is also a significant factor in developing positive masculine identities for these men. The physical activity provides them with a sense of being pro-active in maintaining their health and overall well-being. In turn, this provides the men with a sense of meaning and purpose to their lives.

The way in which a man's body is viewed in terms of physical aesthetics compared to the perceived archetypal male will more often than not fall short of cultural ideals and expectations as he ages. Contemporary Western culture creates and maintains a body ideal that champions youthfulness, leanness, and a degree of athleticism. Therefore, the need for a sustained and regular physical activity regimen is crucial where aging men's positive masculine identity is concerned. Such physical activity has immense positive health benefits associated with physiological health. However, they will also have significant benefit where the men's sense of self is concerned. The type of physical activity does not need to be strenuous, as the men in this research have identified. It simply needs to satisfy one in terms of meeting other like-minded men on a regular basis, creating elements of individual competition, and assisting in the construction of a positive masculine identity. Further, as the men claimed, they were not involved in physical activity for the sake of aesthetics. Rather, they were partaking in physical activity to feel good, to move, and to stay alive. It must be recognized that while the men did not claim to perform physical activity to improve their body image per se, the spin-off associated with regular physical activity was a clear positive relationship with one's body, which in turn has implications for positive body image.

The comments that the men have made in this research project are unique to this group. That is, they reflect the themes to emerge from an interview with men who engage in physical activity on a regular basis as a form or exercise for health and exercise and for the sake of socialization. Like much of the gerontological literature available, these men do have positive views of themselves within the context of their bodies and the aging process. However, they were asked to reflect on specific aspects of their lives that had an impact on their masculine identity. That does not mean that they are not happy. On the contrary, as the men identified, they are satisfied with their lives, and they are happy to be alive. It is important to remember that these men are self-motivated and enjoy the concept of physical activity with others on a regular basis. It is further noteworthy to recognize that this sample was quite small despite being a part of a larger project on men's bodies across a range of ages. The need for further research with more sedentary, isolated men should be carried out to develop a greater sense of what masculinity means to them in the years following retirement as their bodies show signs of aging. Interventions using physical activity would also be useful to develop a clearer picture of the ways in which physical activity might be used to enhance positive body image in aging males.

APPENDIX A (GUIDED QUESTIONNAIRE) PHYSICAL ACTIVITY AND HEALTH

* What types of physical activity have you done in the past?

* As a child

* As an adolescent

* As a man

* As an older adult

* What do you perceive to be the major barriers to physical activity throughout your life?

* What is your view of physical activity in terms of health?

* Why do you think so few men partake in mail walking compared with women?

MASCULINITY

* Explain what the term "masculinity" means to you. That is, what is masculinity?

* Do you perceive yourself as masculine?

* Has your view of your own personal masculine identity changed as you have become older? That is, do you think you are as masculine as you were when you were younger?

* What does a masculine body look like?

* Can you identify someone famous that you perceive to be masculine?

* Why do you think he/they appear to be more masculine than others?

BODIES

* Are you happy with your body?

* Do you care what your body looks like?

* If you are concerned with the way your body looks, is it a personal issue or are you more concerned with the way others view your body and what they say?

* Are you happy with the way your body functions?

* Has this always been the case? (when you were younger?)

* Has your body ever failed you? How did that make you feel?

* Are you able to do the same things with your body now compared to when you were younger? How does that make you feel--particularly in terms of masculinity?

THE BODY AND COMPETITION

* Do you ever feel like you have to compete against other men?

* In what type of activities do you feel the need to compete?

* Do you think that competition is healthy for men of all ages?

* Do you compete with other men while mail walking?

* What about women?

* How do you feel if a woman can do more laps or walk faster than you?

RETIREMENT AND THE BODY

* How did you feel immediately upon retirement from work?

* How did/do you perceive your masculinity in not going out to work every day to earn money?

* Do you ever perceive your body as less functional now that you are not working?

* Do you ever query the cultural term of "aging"?

* What is "aged" in your view?

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Murray J.N. Drummond

University of South Australia

Correspondence concerning this article should be addressed to Murray J.N. Drummond, School of Health Sciences, University of South Australia, Holbrooks Road, Underdale, South Austraiia, Australia, 5032. Electronic mail: [e-mail].