Racial and Ethnic Identity Models and Their Application: Counseling Biracial Individuals.

This article expounds on practical implications of racial and ethnic identity development models for counseling biracial individuals. Additional life history and demographic information are provided to specify the context in which the client, Mr. X, now seeks counseling. Racial and ethnic identity development models are briefly reviewed, the case is conceptualized, and practice suggestions are discussed. The content contained herein touches on other concepts from the multicultural counseling literature such as bicultural competence and racial and ethnic salience. The author attempts to help counselors think practically about existing models from which to work with this ever-burgeoning yet understudied segment of the U. S. population. Based on the conceptualization of the client, possible assessment and counseling interventions are discussed. A short vignette is provided to help bridge theory to practice with biracial clients.

Details have been added to the original Case of Mr. X in order to help readers understand more of the client's background, his environment during early development, and his new surroundings at college. The client's heritage and family history are further explained because Mr. X is not easily classifiable into one racial or ethnic category, and this fact along with racial salience issues relate significantly to the conceptualization of the presenting problems. Both the atmosphere of his hometown and the environs of his current residence provide contextual cues that help us understand the client according to racial and ethnic identity development models.

The individual in this case, Mr. X, is biracial. He is also multiethnic. More specifically, one parent is from Puerto Rico and the other is from the United States. The client refers to himself as Latino and indicates this classification as his primary identity on the intake form. His mother, a European American, grew up in the state of Washington, where her parents had immigrated from Eastern Europe (Romania) when she was young. His father is from Puerto Rico, and is of distant African heritage (i.e., he is Black). While in college his mother met his father, who had come from Puerto Rico to study engineering. The two of them were married shortly after graduating from college, and they later relocated to southern California for employment. There our client, Mr. X, was raised in southern California in a racially and ethnically diverse area. Although there was an abundance of other Latinos in Mr. X's community, the vast majority were Mexican American. He identified with this group to some degree and had other peers of Puerto Rican and South and Central American heritage, all with whom he could speak Spanish on a regular basis as he often did in his own home. His appearance, however, was more similar to African Americans than Latinos. His skin tone and visible outward features were somewhat ambiguous, which only occasionally led to questions from others about his background because he had many peers and role models of biracial heritage. Thus, even when asked about racial and ethnic identification, it was of no consequence because, as he put it, "in my area it is common and cool to be mixed." Two of his best friends were biracial and multiethnic. Similarly, his girlfriend is biracial and Spanish speaking. Other friends in California were Latino, African American, White, and Asian American.

Upon moving to the Midwest, he found himself at a university and in an area that was much less diverse than the region in which he was raised. Although there was a Mexican and Mexican-American community that was rapidly growing, many of these individuals were immigrants or first generation. He found it hard to identify with this group, who were more part of the working class community than the university student body. Many of his friends in college were either European American or African American. He could tell that first impressions of him led Midwesterners to think of him as simply African American. Opportunities to speak Spanish were limited, and he knew of no other self-identified biracial individuals (of a similar background) in his new environment.

Until the last of several incidents in his college town where he was called a derogatory term and told to "go back home," he felt that he had been adjusting to the Midwest. "Back home" in California, he was unaccustomed to racial slurs and closed-mindedness regarding racial and ethnic differences because so many individuals were from diverse backgrounds. When he overheard racial comments in California, it was less upsetting for him for two reasons: (a) because he felt that usually the comments were not directed specifically at him, and (b) because the area was so diverse with so many people of color that he felt somewhat insulated. In other words, he was not in the minority in numbers, instead he saw himself as the norm there. Numerous individuals were from families of blended heritage. Now he felt like an anomaly.

At first he did not know how to react to such racially prejudiced treatment. It was somewhat foreign to him, and his angry feelings were combined with perplexity because he felt that the name calling and disparaging remarks did not relate to his own background. Furthermore, he often felt that others saw him much like themselves at home, because his characteristics did not readily distinguish him from his peers. Now he was highly sensitized to the differences that set him apart from those around him. As a result he began to isolate from his new-found acquaintances, who he now sensed might hold views similar to those of the racist individuals who verbally assaulted him and his friend recently.

IMPORTANCE OF ADDRESSING NEEDS OF BIRACIAL INDIVIDUALS

It is well recognized by many that the terms race and ethnicity are undergoing a transformation in that the "old labels" often no longer apply. Newsweek's special issue on diversity titled "Redefining Race" and the feature article (Meacham, 2000), in which the author shares brief biographical sketches of individuals whose heritage includes multiple countries of origin, a variety of ethnic and racial backgrounds, and histories of espousing different religious orientations, exemplify this acknowledgment in the popular media. Individuals in modern U. S. society more than any time in the past come from a variety of cultures that influence their identity, their interaction with the environment, and the problems they experience and present to counselors.

The client in this section is biracial; his mother is White and his father is Black. He is also multiethnic in that his mother is of eastern European descent, and his father is Puerto Rican. Although debates abound about the social and political underpinnings of accepted definitions of race and ethnicity (see Fouad & Brown, 2000; Helms, 1994; Phinney, 1996), the term biracial will be used throughout this article with understanding that the many of the concepts discussed herein can also be applied to those with a variety of multiracial and/or multiethnic backgrounds. Similarly, some individuals refer to themselves as bicultural, integrating a broader spectrum of heritages into their identity, and the ideas examined here are likewise applicable.

The reasons for including such a case in this issue are two-fold: (a) Individuals of mixed ethnic and racial heritage (hereto referred to as biracial) are growing in numbers among the general population (U.S. Census Bureau, 2000), and (b) there are many gaps in the literature in terms of guidelines for counselors working with these individuals (Wehrly, Kenney, & Kenney, 1999). Population statistics and census projections suggest that ethnic and racial minority representation in general (and Asian Americans and Latinos/Hispanics in particular) is growing in numbers at a more rapid rate than that of European Americans (U.S. Census Bureau, 2001). Based on earlier census data, Smolowe (1993) reported another interesting but lesser known statistic, indicating that those of biracial heritage are growing at an even faster rate than other cultural groups. Not all of the data from the most recent census has been tabulated, but all indications point to similar trends in the diversification of the country. In 1997, the U.S. Office of Management and Budget changed federal race and ethnicity classifying procedures, which were adopted by the Census Bureau. One of the main modifications to the old system, which includes all census data prior to and including 1990, is that individuals are now asked to indicate one or more races, rather than being restricted to a single choice (Census Bureau, 2000). The Census Bureau (2000) reports that the changes were largely prompted by the awareness of increasing numbers of children from interracial unions. The most recent census counts indicate that there are almost 7 million individuals in the country who identify with two or more races (Census Bureau, 2001). Although the biracial population is growing, there remains a lack of attention to the needs of this diverse group. The field of counseling is no exception. Compared to the literature for monoracial individuals, there is a dearth of empirical study and conceptual writing examining racial and ethnic identity development among biracial people.

MODELS THAT FACILITATE UNDERSTANDING OF BIRACIAL IDENTITY DEVELOPMENT

The following section highlights several frameworks that are particularly useful for conceptualizing the case of Mr. X. Kerwin and Ponterotto's (1995) model of biracial identity is discussed along with other similar, preceding and concurrent models (e.g., Jacobs, 1992; Poston, 1990; Root, 1990, 1999). This model holds value for the case because of its traditional stage model formulation. We can see developmentally where Mr. X has most likely been in terms of challenges of the past, where he is currently (according to age and other events such as being in college), and where maturity within this model can lead to a healthy sense of biracial identity. We can also see how Mr. X may revisit previous struggles from earlier stages as the context or as his environment changes and as he experiences events that challenge his perceptions of his racial and ethnic identity. Not all successful outcomes for developing biracial identity will appear the same. LaFromboise, Coleman, and Gerton (1993) provide suggestions for developing bicultural competence, and all apply to Mr. X. They describe six dimensions that individuals can develop in order to foster bicultural competence. Their model was primarily developed to explain how ethnic and racial minorities in general can live in a majority culture without experiencing chronic negative psychological effects. The model is applicable to Mr. X in more than ways than one because he is trying to live in a new environment while in college, but he also has to live within multiple cultures as a function of who he is, a biracial individual. Smith's (1991) model of ethnic identity development is highly relevant to this case, and concepts from her model are emphasized. She describes how individuals develop their ethnic identity through a lifetime of ethnic identity conflicts. We can see how Mr. X fits into her different phases for resolution of ethnic identity conflicts. We can also understand, according to her model, the steps the client needs to take in order to resolve the current conflicts and develop a healthy, stable ethnic identity. Other work in the area of racial and ethnic salience (e.g., Kwan, Paquette, & Pope, 1999; Kwan & Stephens, 1999) are incorporated as it pertains to the case.

Several models of biracial identity development have been proposed (e.g., Jacobs, 1992; Kerwin & Ponterotto, 1995; Kich, 1992; Poston, 1990; Root, 1990). These authors questioned the applicability of monoracial identity models to those of biracial heritage. Many of these frameworks demonstrate a similar hierarchy of stages that begin with initial learning about race and ethnicity differences, move to the struggle to find an identity but feeling pressured to choose only one group, and finally end in achievement of some level of biracial identity where both cultures are accepted and integrated into the person's overall identity. Root (1990) is the exception here. She describes four different paths that individuals can choose, all of which can lead to a positive biracial existence. Her possible outcomes include choosing the identity assigned by others, identifying with both racial groups, choosing one racial group over the others, and identifying with a new, biracial or multiracial group. Although she describes how an individual can be successful with any of these choices, her model, like many of the others, implies that the latter of the solutions is possibly the most beneficial. All of these models veer away from Stonequist's (1937) early deficit conceptualization of biracial individuals who suffer marginalized existences because they never live fully in either culture of their background. Poston describes the fullness of life that can be attained once the biracial individual begins valuing and integrating the multiple cultures that make up the person.

Of the biracial identity development stage models that have been proposed, Kerwin and Ponterotto's (1995) is of focus here because it is based on empirical study (see Kerwin, Ponterotto, Jackson, & Harris, 1993) and incorporates pieces of previous research (e.g., Stephan, 1992; Williams, 1992) and earlier formulations of biracial identity (e.g., Jacobs, 1992; Kich, 1992; Poston, 1990). The model, which is composed of seven stages, provides a useful framework for mental health professionals who work with biracial individuals. Its focus is on developmental age periods (or life events) and the typical attitudes and transitions that occur at each stage.

Kerwin and Ponterotto's (1995) model begins with the Preschool stage, during which individuals become cognizant of racial and ethnic differences. According to Kerwin and Ponterotto, awareness of racial differences may occur sooner among biracial individuals because of their early experiences with different racial groups. Other biracial children may reach this awareness later if the parents avoid discussion of race and ethnic differences. Fukuyama (1999) described an event in her life that brought personal relevance to the term race. She recalled an incident while her family was on vacation when a child teased her because of the shape of her eyes. Fukuyama (1999, p. 12) recounted her experience saying, "I did not understand, but felt affronted and a little scared by it."

Entry to School is the next stage in Kerwin and Ponterotto's (1995) model. Biracial individuals are likely to be the target of questions raised by other children at this point. During this stage, children begin to use categories in which to place themselves and their families. Kerwin and Ponterotto describe this time as being heavily influenced by the level of integration in the school and the number of role models of differing backgrounds. Preadolescence is the next stage and is marked by heightened sensitivity to differences based on physical appearance and other characteristics such as language and culture. Root (1994) describes three primary ways that physical appearance issues at any age manifest for multiracial individuals: (a) name seems incongruent with appearance, (b) high level of attention from others due to unique looks, and (c) the ability to modify appearance according to differing situations. Kerwin and Ponterotto suggest that most biracial individuals will have awareness of the differences between their parents at this stage, but this may not happen for some until an external/environmental factor prompts this realization. Kerwin and Ponterotto describe the next stage, Adolescence, as a difficult one for biracial individuals because of the external pressure to choose one group over another. This phenomenon is aptly described by Williams (1992, p. 33) as she referred to her own experience of European Americans asking "why I do not choose to `pass' as White" and African-American individuals telling her to reject her notion of being biracial "instead of `just admitting' I am Black." At this stage, peers are extremely important, and the natural tendency is to conform to social norms in order to be accepted. The norms can and often do include identification with one group, an in-group, and lack of association with other groups. Dating can begin around this age period and poses additional pressures with biracial individuals.

College/Young Adulthood is the second-to-last period in Kerwin and Ponterotto's (1995) model. They suggest that during this time period identification is still primarily with one culture, but individuals are more likely to reject other's expectations for a singular racial identity and instead move toward appreciation of their multiple heritages. The model ends with Adulthood, which can continue indefinitely. During this time individuals continue to integrate the disparate pieces of their own background to form their racial identity. Attainment of this final stage and the accompanying growth-oriented exploratory tendency is predicated on successful resolution of the earlier stages.

LaFromboise et al. (1993) developed a model of bicultural competence. They describe five general models of second culture acquisition including assimilation, acculturation, alternation, multicultural, and fusion. Their model embraces the alternation model, which allows for an individual to thrive in two different cultures by altering his or her behavior to fit each specific social context. Inherent in this model is the idea that the individual can live successfully within two different cultures without jeopardizing his or her own cultural identity. They propose that an individual living within two cultures does not have to suffer enduring negative psychological consequences. LaFromboise et al. delineate dimensions that individuals need to develop in order to be biculturally competent. The five dimensions can be summarized as follows: awareness and knowledge of cultural history, values, and beliefs; maintaining a positive attitude toward the different cultures within which the individual lives; possessing the ability to communicate effectively in the different cultures; becoming familiar with a range roles and behaviors that are appropriate for each culture; and feeling a sense of being grounded in one's cultural identity.

Smith (1991) postulated that ethnic identity is superordinate to racial identity, but in U.S. society, where race is the primary determinant of social distance, a person's ethnic identity may first develop along racial lines. According to Smith, individuals from any pluralistic society are destined to encounter salient ethnic identity conflicts. She further explains that members of both majority and minority ethnic groups have overt conflicts, that these conflicts are inevitable and well known (she gives examples of Black and White Americans in the United States and Chinese and Tibetans in China), and that each conflict has a psychological component that entails boundary lines. These boundary lines are drawn by both majority and minority ethnic individuals to establish where those of a particular group are either included or excluded. Lines are drawn to indicate, for instance, where one can reside, the schools one may attend, and the jobs one may hold (Smith, 1991).

In order to promote positive ethnic identity development and preserve one's ethnic identity, successful resolution of salient ethnic identity conflicts must occur. Otherwise, an individual can have a disrupted sense of ethnic identity and thus a negative sense of self. Smith (1991) outlines four phases that individuals who experience ethnic identity conflicts move through for eventual resolution.

* Phase 1 occurs during or shortly after the conflict. It involves focus on the self or the preservation of ethnic self-identity. Smith says that an extreme experience, be it positive or negative, can disrupt the ethnic self's equilibrium. The person questions his or her view of the other group and may also question perceptions of his or her own group. The first attempts to preserve the ethnic self are often through activation of defense mechanisms (e.g., denial, reaction formation, sublimation, or identification). An individual may also redraw his or her boundary lines, which can lead to avoidance of the other group altogether.

* Phase 2 is characterized by an unhealthy focus on the ethnic group in conflict. Smith says that negative affect (e.g., anger and guilt) can result from this fixation on the conflict.

* Phase 3 is where the individual begins work toward resolution of the conflict. Smith states that "one cannot continue indefinitely in a state of heightened tensions or heightened awareness" (p. 185). Lingering in this state is equivalent to remaining in the fight mode of the fight or flight response, even when the threat is no longer imminent. The person's mental (and possibly physical) energies are drained. The experience must eventually be de-emphasized and no longer remain in the foreground. The person may be able to put this experience in the past, but will often remain vigilant to avoid similar situations in the future.

* In Phase 4, the individual tries to integrate this one experience (or conflict) with all other information they have about this group. Therefore, a balanced perspective of the ethnic group in conflict develops, and a similarly equitable view of the individual's own ethnic group and how the two cultures can interact endures.

CASE CONCEPTUALIZATION

Although more recent thinking about stage models of identity development caution against fitting individuals neatly into a stage or status, instead encouraging a contextual/developmental approach (see Helms, 1995), it appears that our client is most likely in the midst of the College/Young Adult stage in Kerwin and Ponterotto's (1995) model, at least in terms of age and being a college student. Consistent with this stage, Mr. X tends to emphasize one aspect of his heritage over another (i.e., Latino over Black or White or even biracial). Our client also appears to exhibit some tendencies from the previous stage of Adolescence (e.g., struggling to fit in with a peer group). Similarly, he displays characteristics of Preadolescence, having a heightened sensitivity to differences. The latter two struggles appear to largely stem from his change in environment and possibly from the different way in which he is perceived in his college environment. Smith's (1991) model also explains his heightened sensitivity to these situations, which is part of Phase 3 of attempting to resolve the ethnic identity conflict. Mr. X's tendency toward isolation at this point may be further evidence of Phase 3 behavior in that this is his attempt to avoid similar, future conflicts. The possible reversions back to characteristics of the earlier stages in the Kerwin and Ponterotto model appear to be prompted by his move to a very different part of the country and the lack of a similar peer group to the one he had chosen in California.

Models such as Kerwin and Ponterotto's (1995) are dynamic in that they are not linear nor unidirectional. Hence, Mr. X likely experiences the stage most associated with his age group, but also re-experiences elements of previous stages as the current context interacts with his level of identity development. This tendency to move fluidly between aspects of the stages can be seen in this client's need to establish a peer group in his new circumstances. His experience with racism, especially if this is internalized, may prompt some confusion related to personal identity, which is also more characteristic of earlier life transitions.

According to LaFromboise et al. (1993), Mr. X may be lacking on several of the dimensions of bicultural competence in his new environment. Smith (1991) talks of the importance of being embedded in one's culture and the resultant resilience that comes with this. LaFromboise et al. (1993) also discuss the importance of a similar concept--that of having a feeling of being grounded in one's cultural identity. Mr. X's current psychological state is a natural reaction to interacting with a new and different culture without the usual supports in place that help maintain his racial and ethnic identity. He realistically perceives an absence of others similar to himself. He, however, can become more grounded in African-American culture in the area or perhaps identify more with the local Latino community. He may even choose to identify more with the White culture. With any of these groups, he will likely experience rejection at times, and his recent experiences have demonstrated this with the White community. Although he has a firm knowledge of his own cultural background, he may be unable to comfortably practice rituals and behaviors typical in his own household and neighborhood. Furthermore, he may feel uncertain as to what are and are not appropriate roles and behaviors. Because he is bilingual, his communication may not be affected by language choice per se. The lack of opportunities to speak in Spanish, however, relate to his sense of connection (or in this case, disconnection) with his cultural identity. Effective communication may be hindered in other ways because he is still learning about nonverbal cues, body language, expressiveness, and colloquialisms in the area.

Mr. X appeared to be adjusting fairly well to the Midwest until the more recent racial slur incident. This incident may be contributing to a negative attitude towards White culture in the Midwest. LaFromboise et al. (1993) suggest that a negative attitude toward a group can inhibit him from having positive interactions with this group, which causes stress and will eventually lead to longer term negative psychological consequences. Another aspect of the positive attitude, or lack thereof, towards both groups may relate to Mr. X's lack of identification with African-American culture. Because he is in a different environment from where he grew up and developed his identity as primarily Latino, he is challenged personally when others automatically assume he is African American. Consistent with Kerwin and Ponterotto's (1995) model, he is choosing Latino over biracial, and when he does think of biracial, he tends to think of himself as White and Latino, somewhat denying the part of him that is most visible to others, particularly in his new environment.

Mr. X is biracial, but has primarily seen himself as being Latino. His father's background, Puerto Rican and Black, and his mother's, Eastern European and White, all factor into his perceptions of himself and the world around him. Mr. X's father considers himself simply Puerto Rican. He does not tend to identify himself racially. This tendency is not uncommon. In other countries and regions, racial differences are often not as socially and politically emphasized as they are in the United States. Thus, individuals who primarily identify one way (e.g., Latino or Hispanic) may be involuntarily categorized in the United States based on more salient racial or visible characteristics (e.g., skin color). Therefore, it is not surprising that Mr. X, who looks much like his father, also strongly identifies as his father does. Because he has grown up in a racially and ethnically diverse area of the country, his claim to being biracial (or "mixed" as he sometimes refers to himself) and Latino, his primary ethnic identity, have received few challenges because there are many around him in southern California with similar heritages and identities.

Difficulties occur for Mr. X when he moves to a region of the country where social stratification occurs primarily along two racial lines, Black and White. Root's (1999) ecological model of biracial identity explains this phenomenon of how individuals who primarily identify one way, especially if they have comfortably chosen one aspect of their background over the others or if they accept an identity assigned by others, may encounter difficulties upon relocating. In the Midwest, Mr. X is almost immediately classified as Black or African American. This immediate labeling is an affront to him, and incorporation of his Latino background into how others think of him now requires extensive explanation. Mr. X has difficulty with this somewhat new label, one to which he does not ascribe himself. However, the salience of his racial characteristics, especially as perceived in this portion of the country, lead to continual challenges in maintaining his Latino identity and/or his biracial identity. Kwan et al. (1999) suggest that it is racial salience that may moderate a racial minority person's interaction with the majority group. In other words, regardless of how the ethnic or racial person wants to interact with the majority group, the way this group receives her or him is partially determined by perceptions, which can be stereotypical and inaccurate, based on salient racial characteristics. We see this with Mr. X, and it causes him difficulty, both in how he relates to others and in how he thinks about himself. Smith (1991) states, "When an individual experiences resonance with both self and others' descriptions of ethnic identity, the individual experiences ethnic identity as ego syntonic" (p. 183). Mr. X feels good about his ethnic identity at home because the way in which others perceive him is consistent with his own self-perceptions. In his Midwestern surroundings, his ethnic identity is not validated by others. Each time he is labeled Black or African American (only), it serves to discredit previous notions about himself, which serves as an ethnic identity conflict.

Mr. X, in experiencing the negative confrontation with individuals directing racist comments towards him, was engaged in an ethnic identity conflict according to Smith's (1991) model. Similarly, the same conflicts emerge from the more subtle attacks that he experienced in the classroom. His lack of reaction immediately following the verbal assault is characterized by the first of the four ethnic identity conflict phases. He has employed ego defense mechanisms, in this case denial (ignoring the situation) and sublimation (immersing himself into schoolwork), that are utilized in attempts to preserve the ethnic self. Similarly, his isolating behavior--which according to Smith may be a way for an individual to redefine boundary lines so that the outer boundary ethnic group (i.e., the majority group) is excluded more often--further exemplifies this phase. Mr. X appears to be in or is moving through Phase 2, in which he is preoccupied with the conflict. Smith describes a common way of coping at Phase 2, which is to seek refuge with others from the same culture. The problem here is that Mr. X doesn't perceive that this network of individuals exists in his current environment, and his perceptions are reality based. Perhaps he can do this in unconventional ways by telephone and through e-mail, or he can identify to a greater extent with another group in the area. During Phase 3, the individual tries to move past the conflict. Because he has sought counseling, he may be working toward this phase now. Hopefully the counselor can help Mr. X resolve this conflict, which is Phase 4, guiding him to one of the positive types of resolution (e.g., integrate the experience) versus a negative path (e.g., continued preoccupation with the conflict and/or becoming a marginal person). In some ways, counseling Mr. X at this point can be seen as a preventative step in protecting his ethnic identity.

Areas for Assessment and Intervention in Counseling

The counselor working with Mr. X is faced with several questions that will partially determine the course of counseling. Over the past couple of decades, multicultural counseling proponents have emphasized the need for culture-specific interventions with various ethnic and racial individuals (e.g., Atkinson, Morten, & Sue, 1989; Ivey & Ivey, 1999; Pederson, 1991; Ponterotto & Casas, 1987; Ridley, 1985; Sue & Sue, 1999). These issues are complex for monoracial/monoethnic individuals, and they present an even more challenging picture for those of multiple heritages. Should Mr. X be approached with culture-specific strategies focused on Latino, African American, or European American culture?

The counselor in our case must determine the extent to which our client differentially adheres to Latino, African American, and European American cultures/worldviews while also weighing additional considerations specific to his particular Latino group (i.e., Puerto Rican) and European American background (i.e., Romanian). Sue and Sue (1999) warn against "blindly applying" specific cultural knowledge to individual clients without first considering "different client attitudes, beliefs, and behaviors" (p. 123). More specifically, the suggestion is that this determination should not be made on the basis of racial or ethnic membership (between group differences) but on cultural/racial identity (a within group difference). Their recommendation, however, is targeted primarily at monoracial/monoethnic individuals. An analogous decision is also necessary for the biracial client. The frameworks described in this article help us identify specific needs of this client and take a culture-specific approach based on the within group variable of biracial identity development.

Based on the conceptualization of Mr. X, this author has chosen three primary areas to focus on in counseling. These areas were jointly determined with the input of the client. First, Mr. X feels a lack of social support in his current living situation. He is extremely close to his family and feels a sense of loss being away from them. He terribly misses his girlfriend and feels the absence of his closest friends. All of these individuals served to promote the identity Mr. X has developed over the years. Perhaps the biggest issue here, however, is that he feels different from others around him. He often feels he doesn't quite fit in and at times is not sure whether he wants to or not. Even though many have befriended him, and he has individuals locally who are supportive of his efforts, he feels a lack of connection with others in the area because there are not many biracial individuals, especially ones with a similar (Latino) background. Root (1994) explains that feelings of uniqueness and a lack of belonging are common issues with biracial individuals who seek counseling. According to LaFromboise et al. (1993), Smith (1991), and Kerwin and Ponterotto (1995), developing a community of support is essential in developing a positive racial and ethnic identity.

The second area of focus is Mr. X's reaction to the racial incidents (that serve as ethnic identity conflicts), which have culminated into enough psychological distress that he is now seeking counseling. These incidents are real external threats that naturally increase stress levels. The stress from these instances of racism, however, are somewhat magnified by Mr. X's reaction to being associated with being African American. Resolution of these conflicts is necessary so that Mr. X can develop a positive sense of ethnic identity.

Third, the client's tendency to continue to emphasize one aspect of his heritage/background over the others is evident, and this significantly interacts with the other two areas of focus for counseling. His emphasis on one aspect limits who he views as his support group, and his attitude towards his Black and his White racial heritage may inhibit having positive attitudes towards all groups that are significantly part of his life.

The counseling relationship will be a central factor in the change process in this conceptualization of Mr. X. In working with this client and others like him, it will be important for the counselor to examine his or her own attitudes and beliefs about interracial marriage and biracial individuals (Wehrly et al., 1999). As with other forms of counseling, a relationship that is genuine and built on trust can be as or more important than specific techniques employed. The counselor here is not taking a general approach. Instead he or she is taking an emic perspective based on the biracial identity development of Mr. X. Many counseling suggestions based on his particular background (or multiple backgrounds are considered). The techniques in the following example, however, are somewhat general, but applied to the client as they pertain to his specific needs.

Sample Case Scenario

The following sample interaction in the fourth session of counseling may exemplify one way in which the counseling relationship can be used to address the three areas in which our client wants to make changes.

Counselor: How are you feeling now after talking with me about the events of the past few months (the racial incidents, reactions of others to these events, the isolation, the other issues mentioned)?

Client: I don't know (client looks down, seems solemn).

Counselor: Visibly you seem to be experiencing something. What is going on with you right now?

Client: I guess I feel a couple of things. One, it seems like this stuff shouldn't bother me. It's like I can't handle my own problems, and I'm not even sure it's such a big deal. Two, I'm not sure what all of this talking can do to change anything.

Counselor: How does it feel to share these things with me?

Client: It actually feels pretty good. You seem to understand my situation even though you are different from me.

Counselor: How does my being different from you influence our interaction/relationship in here?

Client: Well, at first I thought you'd probably react to me much like others have done recently. Then, as we talked, you seemed to understand my situation. I guess that's what you're trained for--you know how to listen, and you can comprehend things from perspectives that differ from your own.

Counselor: In all honesty, I probably reacted to you much like others have in recent times, with the exception of the more aggressive racists you encountered. When I first saw you I was a little surprised by your appearance, looking more African American than Latino, especially given your name on the intake forms. After we talked for a while, though, I began to realize that my reactions were similar to others, and that these reactions are largely what prompted your coming here. I had to get to know you a little, though, before I realized this, and then I got a little better sense of who you are. How is it to hear this from me?

Client: Well, I think I could tell your first impressions a little (client smiles)-you gave yourself away with some of those questions you asked in the first couple of sessions. It hurts to hear that even a counselor makes these quick generalizations.

Counselor: How do you think the way we've somehow managed to move beyond the initial reactions can help in your situations with others?

Client: Well, maybe if they get to know me better, then they'll understand and relate to me more like how I see myself. Although, I don"t really feel like it should take so long.

Counselor: How do you think you can change a little to help this process with others?

Client: Well, maybe be more patient.

Counselor: What about your first impressions of others?

Client: (Client is quiet for a bit)

Counselor: (Silence)

Client: Well, perhaps I shouldn't be so quick to expect that they'll immediately label me as African American. Maybe if I get to know them some, they'll prove my expectations wrong.

Counselor: What about your reactions to their first impressions?

Client: (looks puzzled) What do you mean?

Counselor. What about your reactions to being thought of as African American? After all you are biracial. Being Black is part of your heritage.

Client: (quiet, looks down) Maybe I have a hard time with this, even though this is a large part of how I look to others. (Looks up at counselor)

Counselor: (remains silent but nods to encourage client to go on)

Client: Maybe I don't want to be Black (client's eyes look teary). I've always thought of myself as mostly Latino. Even when I say mixed or biracial I think Latino and White, not really Black. (There is a long pause)

Counselor: How do you feel talking about this?

Client: (pause) I feel a little ashamed. Maybe I've been like all of these other people that I think of as racists. I guess if I'm going to get along in this area, I've got to be more open to being thought of as Black, and that label not having some kind of negative connotation for me. But then I'm afraid I won't be who I've always been, Latino.

Counselor: How does being more open to seeing yourself as Black preclude you from also being Latino, and for that matter, White.

Client: (smiles weakly) I guess it doesn't. It looks like I've got some thinking to do.

The counseling segment above in some way taps all three major goal areas. The client gained some insight about his own reactions and attitudes based on the initial examination of the relationship between the client and counselor. This process, in some ways, exemplifies what interpersonally oriented therapists refer to as a corrective emotional experience (Teyber, 2000). Examination of the relationship between the client and counselor can help to reduce the client's defenses, which is part of what he has been using to cope with his ethnic identity conflicts. Mr. X can also use the positive experience with the counselor as another example of ethnic group contact, which can help balance his perspective of interactions with this group (whatever group the counselor represents). It is simply one more piece of data to log with all other information he has about this particular group. This positive experience can be integrated along with other positive and negative experiences as described by Smith (1991). Thus, the ethnic identity conflict is successfully resolved by Mr. X integrating these experiences.

The realizations gained here can also help the client think more broadly about who he can include in building his social support network. It is likely that Mr. X has internalized some of society's negative attitudes towards certain groups, particularly African Americans (Sebring, 1985). Now that he is becoming aware of this, he can begin to work toward an internal sense of self. With continued work on accepting and valuing his African heritage and background, he will truly have more positive attitudes towards this group, and his attitudes toward Whites may improve as a function of not reacting so strongly to others' impressions of him as African American. As a result of these shifts in attitude, Mr. X may feel more comfortable with Whites and African Americans being a larger part of his support network. Although he is undoubtedly going to experience more racism in the future, having a well-developed, balanced schema of the different groups in his life combined with having a stronger internal sense of racial and ethnic identity can help him be more resilient to these external forces. Therefore, the counseling session helped (at least as a first step) the client feel more positively towards White Midwesterners and African Americans, the latter being a part of his identity that he was devaluing and denying. The change in attitude can itself help in expanding his social support, which is lacking, and it will certainly help in developing a true biracial identity, where all aspects of his heritage are integrated and appreciated.

Fukuyama (1999) described her struggle as a young adult of trying to conform to White culture while feeling negative regarding her Japanese background. Later, as she began to explore her multiple identities, she ran into hurdles put up by others. Fukuyama recalled being referred to as "half of a minority" at one counseling center, and being charged by others as "not ethnic enough" (p. 13). She also said that "nowhere did people affirm the `both/and' of being biracial" (p. 13). Much of the struggle described in the literature by biracial individuals revolves around society's pressure to choose only one identity, instead of valuing multiple identities. The counselor must avoid this trap and promote the positives associated with a multifaceted identity.

Although still untested empirically, it is logical to assume that biracial identity development is similar to other models (e.g., Atkinson et al., 1989; Parham & Helms, 1985) in its relationship to psychological functioning. The assumption implies that certain stages (or unsuccessful resolution of the earlier stages) within Kerwin and Ponterotto's (1995) model are associated with negative indicators of mental health, while others (the latter two) are linked to positive attributes about oneself and one's ability to successfully navigate a variety of environments, including ones that are less than nurturing. In assuming such is the case, racial/ethnic identity development is a major consideration in assessment and intervention and a key factor for attaining growth and positive change in counseling for biracial individuals.

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Felito Aldarondo, Ph.D., is an assistant professor, Department of Educational Studies, Purdue University, West Lafayette, IN.