Print, patronage, and the reception of continental reform: 1521-1603.
In memoriam J. B. Trapp
English translators, patrons, publishers, and printers played a vital role in the dissemination of continental Protestant reform within England. (1) Editions by continental reformers translated into the English language or printed in other languages in England provide one measure for understanding the extent to which successive Tudor regimes attempted to impose the Reformation 'from above' on to the people. This is not to deny the role played by 'bottom-up' scriptural devotion in spreading the new religion. (2) The possession of William Tyndale's translation of the New Testament (1526), or of any of Tyndale's antipapal tracts, which he wrote under the influence of Lutheran ideas, (3) for example, provides evidence for the reception of continental Protestantism without government intervention. Nevertheless, Lutheranism did not dominate in England as it did in Germany and in Scandinavia, and after Elizabeth I's accession to the throne in 1558, the nation adopted a religious settlement infused with Calvinistic doctrine. The ongoing publication of works by Luther and Calvin during Elizabeth's reign testifies to the uniquely heterogeneous nature of English Protestantism. Even though the Elizabethan settlement allowed freedom for the expression of conservative religious devotion, the publication of Roman Catholic works in the vernacular does not factor into our study.
This survey takes as its limits the publication in 1521 of Henry VIII's Assertio septem sacramentorum adversus Martinum Lutherum, (4) which is the first printed book attributed to an English sovereign, and the death of Elizabeth I in 1603. In all likelihood, Thomas More and John Fisher assisted in the composition of the king's defence of Catholic orthodoxy against Martin Luther, who had undermined the traditional sacramental system in his De captivitate Babylonica ecclesiae (1520). Although text by the German Lutheran reformer Philipp Melanchthon appeared in a Latin publication in 1523, it was not until 1527 that the first English vernacular translation of a continental reformer was published. It is worthy of note that this translation was quoted in a second regal rejoinder, which appeared in two Latin editions and in two editions of an English translation entitled A Copy of the Letters, wherein King Henry the Eight Made Answer Unto a Certain Letter of Martin Luther. (5) Printed by Richard Pynson, these five books represent the earliest instances among 382 editions containing translations of continental Protestant reformers and appearing during the period under study.
Translators, publishers, or printers often provide written justification for the translation and publication of these works. It frequently appears in prefatory dedications and epistles to the reader whenever such dedications and epistles exist. Among the most common rationale is, simply, English readers' perceived need to have the work available for purchase. This justification underscores the failure of some English Protestant divines to provide pastoral or devotional materials for their parishioners, thereby forcing people to look to the continent to meet the spiritual needs of the nation's laity. In one famous instance, the Yorkshire clergyman Edmund Bunny bowdlerized an English Jesuit publication that went through multiple editions into the seventeenth century. Bunny excised Roman Catholic text from Robert Persons's The First Book of the Christian Exercise (1582) and released the same work under the title A Book of Christian Exercise, Appertaining to Resolution (1584). (6) The use of continental works to reinforce English Protestant doctrine is germane to the present inquiry.
The basis for this survey consists of material gathered from the revised, second edition of the Short-Title Catalogue, the English Short Title Catalogue, and dedications and prefaces in English editions of books written by the following German, Swiss, and Italian reformers: Theodore de Beze, Theodore Bibliander, Johann Brentz, Martin Bucer, Heinrich Bullinger, Jean Calvin, Martin Luther, Antoine Marcort, Philipp Melanchthon, Bernardino Ochino, Johannes Oecolampadius, Andreas Osiander, Peter Palladius, Urbanus Regius, Johann Spangenberg, Pietro Martire Vermigli, Jean Veron, Herman von Wied, and Ulrich Zwingli. This selection, though arbitrary, includes the thinkers who most greatly influenced the English reception of continental reform. Represented by twenty-five and sixteen titles respectively, Luther and Calvin are the leading figures before the accession of Elizabeth I in 1558. Publication of Calvinistic texts exploded during her reign, when eighty-eight editions of works by Calvin were produced. By way of contrast, only twenty-three Luther titles were published after 1558. In fact, the 162 works by Calvin and his disciple Theodore de Beze to fall within this study make up about forty per cent of the entire sample. These publications underscore the importance of Calvinistic doctrine to the English Church. After English Protestant exiles returned from their sojourn on the continent following the death of Mary I and took up prominent posts in the Elizabethan ecclesiastical structure, their exposure to Calvinistic centres like Geneva and Zurich during Mary's reign shaped their thinking about ecclesiology and soteriology under Elizabeth. (7)
The findings of this study, admittedly, are rough. The Short-Title Catalogue is a work in progress, with all of its addenda and corrigenda now appearing online in the English Short-Title Catalogue. Figures derived from this research represent surviving works only and are necessarily provisional. (8) This enumeration draws no distinction between either books or book sections, or between first editions and reprints. It also does not consider variants as separate publications. Given these cautions, book dedications provide a reasonable index concerning the outlook of notable patrons, although they may also constitute requests for patronage rather than evidence of a patron-client relationship. Above all, enumerating editions without regard to the length of texts distorts the importance of short books. Seventy-five per cent of the books in this study (or 289 works) are octavos, a smaller format relatively inexpensive to produce. This study contains twelve folio editions, which constitute just three per cent of the whole. It seems certain that the two Elizabethan folio editions of Thomas Norton's translation of Calvin's Institutio christianae religionis (1561-62) and the single vernacular folio of Peter Martyr's Common Places (1583) exerted a prominent influence. (9) Folio books were less portable and more suited for reading in a scholar's study, on a church podium, or on a family lectern. The host of octavo pamphlet-editions of continental Protestant works published during this era would, on the other hand, have afforded easier reading on journeys or in boudoirs. Because this survey includes only books printed in England or in the English language, it ignores circulation of Protestant reformist treatises in manuscript. (10)
The dissemination of reformist books underwent notable shifts that frequently mirror changes in official religious policy across the period of this study (see Figures 1 and 2). After an initial surge in publication that followed Parliament's passage in 1534 of the Act of Supremacy, which declared Henry VIII to be the temporal head of the Church of England, the number of books published fell after the passage in 1539 of the Act of Six Articles, which reinforced certain elements of Catholic orthodoxy and banned possession of Protestant books. (11) Subsequent legislation decreased the likelihood that English publishers would underwrite works of continental Protestantism. Parliament reinforced the ban on books opposed to the Six Articles in 1544, and on 8 July 1546 Henry VIII issued 'A Proclamation for the abolyshing of English bookes, after the death of Anne Askew, set forth by the kyng'. (12) Clerical registers recorded allegedly heretical passages in damaging books. English readers encountered these passages in John Foxe's Book of Martyrs (1570), a massive collection that contains a considerable amount of material by continental reformers. The list of passages includes 'Heresies and errours collected by the Bishops out of the boke of Tyndall, named the wicked Mammon' and 'other heresies and errours, collected by the Bishops out of the booke named the obedience of a Christian man'. (13) William Tyndale's Parable of the Wicked Mammon (1528) and The Obedience of a Christian Man (1528) each bear evidence of Lutheran influence. (14) Printed in Antwerp by Merten de Keyser, these works incensed English authorities after individuals sympathetic to continental Protestantism smuggled them into England. (15) Other items on this prohibited list include 'heresies and errours collected by the Byshops, out of the boke called the Revelation of Antichrist'. In 1529 de Keyser published A pistle to the Christian Reader. The Revelation of Antichrist. Antithesis, wherein are Compared Christ's Acts and the Pope's. Although this antipapal treatise is attributed to Richard Brightwell, it is actually the work of a close associate of Tyndale, John Frith. This composite work contains a pseudonymous preface by Frith and an English translation of a work by Luther and an English adaptation of a work by Philipp Melanchthon. (16) The listing from the registers concludes with 'heresies and errours, collected by the Bishops out of the booke named the Summe of the Scripture'. The Sum of the Holy Scripture and Ordinary of the Christian Teaching (1529) represents an English version of a French treatise, translated by the Lutheran-influenced social reformer Simon Fish. (17)
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The reign of Henry VIII is notable for the rapid turnaround from opposition to the spread of new Protestant ideas during the 1520s, to their qualified acceptance in support of England's schism from the Church of Rome during the 1530s, to renewed disapproval following the passage of the Act of Six Articles in 1539. (18) Aside from material contained in the aforementioned proscriptions published in the king's name, only three translations were printed prior to the Act of Supremacy. Produced by English dissidents who had gone into exile on the Continent, they were printed in 1529 in Antwerp by Merten de Keyser. He resorted to a false imprint and pseudonyms in order to protect all parties involved from prosecution. The ascription of the first two books to the press of Hans Luft in Marburg supplies a witty twist, because the genuine Hans Lufft of Wittenberg was notable as a printer of writings by Martin Luther. It is noteworthy that de Keyser printed Tyndale publications under the same surreptitious imprint. (19) Published in 1529, the first English translation of Erasmus's Paraclesis is not a Protestant tract per se, but reformers did exploit the Dutch humanist's appeal for dissemination of the Bible in support of Tyndale's translation project. It is possibly the work of Tyndale's amanuensis, William Roy. Entitled An Exhortation to the Diligent Study of Scripture, (20) this book also contains a translation of Luther's commentary on i Corinthians 7. The second book of these three is Frith's Pistle to the Christian Reader, which would later attract the notice of John Foxe. The third of these titles is George Joye's translation of Martin Bucer's arrangement of the Psalms of David. (21)
After a hiatus of four years we witness a surge of nineteen translations published during the years following passage of the Act of Supremacy. Over forty per cent of them are by Luther, but three titles are by Bucer, two titles each are by Bullinger, Melanchthon, and Urbanus Regius, and one each is by Antoine Marcort and Osiander. The subject matter of these books tends to be heterogeneous, but many of them support the effort of Thomas Cromwell, Henry VIII's vicegerent for religious affairs, to take control of the ecclesiastical establishment and to appropriate Church wealth. Partisanship of this kind is obvious in the publication in 1535 of two editions of Bucer's Treatise Declaring and Showing that Images are not to be Suffered in Churches. Its iconoclasm anticipated the Cromwellian campaign to dissolve the monastic houses. This book was translated and published by William Marshall, a protege of Cromwell who also translated humanistic treatises by Marsilius of Padua, Lorenzo Valla, and Erasmus that were unsympathetic to the papacy. (22) Another Cromwell client, Richard Taverner, dedicated his translation of the Augsburg Confession to his patron. Published in 1536 and 1539 by Robert Redman, this book contains the Apology of Melanchthon, who Defendeth with Reasons Invincible the Aforesaid Confession. (23) The moderate stance of the Augsburg Confession, which incorporates a qualified endorsement of justification by faith and stops short of a Zwinglian position on the Eucharist, is compatible with the theological conservatism of Henry VIII. Other than Marshall and Taverner, important disseminators of continental reform were Miles Coverdale, who translated three different tracts by Luther plus one by Osiander, (24) and William Turner, whose translation of Urbanus Regius's Comparison between the Old Learning and the New was printed by James Nicholson in 1537 and again in 1538. We remember Coverdale for completing the work of William Tyndale by producing the first complete printed translation of the Bible under the patronage of Thomas Cromwell in 1535. Although de Keyser printed the Coverdale Bible in Antwerp (25) without official sanction, the government tacitly approved of its publication. Coverdale also oversaw publication of the Great Bible in 1539, which remained the officially sanctioned version until publication of the Bishops' Bible in 1568. An associate of notable reformers such as Hugh Latimer and Nicholas Ridley, Turner joined Coverdale in exile following the passage of the Act of Six Articles and the execution of Cromwell.
This momentous shift significantly curtailed the domestic production of continental reformist tracts. Indeed, eleven out of the fifteen books that date from the latter part of the reign of Henry VIII were printed abroad at havens to which many English reformers had gone into exile. Printed surreptitiously, they lack data of publication or contain false ascriptions concerning translation and printing. For example, George Joye translated two tracts by Melanchthon and another two by Zwingli. Three of these either do not acknowledge his involvement, or employ the pseudonym of Lewis Beuchame. Although misleading imprints designate the places of publication variously as Geneva, Leipzig, and Zurich, they were actually printed in Antwerp, possibly by Catherine Ruremond, a widow who inherited her husband's printing house, or the successor of Antonius Goinus, or at a secret site in London. (26) Widow Ruremond acknowledged no responsibility for her printing of Miles Coverdale's translation of the Acts of the Disputation [...] Holden at Regensburg (1542), which had been set forth by Bucer and Melanchthon. (27) A set of three epistles by Bullinger and Calvin, which opposed participation in the Roman-rite Mass, was produced in Antwerp, possibly by Mattias Crom. (28) He had printed editions of Coverdale's version of the New Testament in 1538 and 1539. (29) A treatise by Melanchthon on the administration of the sacrament in both kinds was printed without imprint in Zurich, possibly by Christoph Froschauer the Elder. (30) The Last Will and Last Confession of Martin Luther's Faith (1543) was printed anonymously in Wesel, in the County of Cleves, possibly by Derik van der Straten. (31) It is noteworthy that he printed Protestant propaganda written by John Bale, who had gravitated to this haven by the end of Henry VIII's reign.
To these books we may add eight treatises printed during 1547. Although they appeared at the outset of the reign of Edward VI, it is clear that they were designed for circulation in violation of the Henrician ban on Protestant books. Even though it may have been printed in secrecy in London, a translation of Luther's Disclosing of the Canon of Popish Mass appeared with a saucy colophon: 'Imprynted have at al Papistes By me Hans hitprycke'. (32) The printer lodges a pseudonymous claim to hitting a bull's-eye. Although Wesel is the ostensible place of publication of a translation of Melanchthon's appeal for the revocation of the Act of Six Articles, it was actually printed in Antwerp by Stephen Mierdman. (33) This partner of Mattias Crom would soon immigrate to London, where he embarked on a career as a printer of Protestant propaganda.
Prefaces, dedications, and epistles found within Henrician Protestant treatises tend either to reinforce or attempt to alter religious orthodoxy as it prevailed at the moment of publication. In his Copy of the Letters, Wherein Henry the Eight [...] Made Answer Unto [...] Martin Luther (1527), for example, Henry reproves Luther for influencing Tyndale, who is responsible 'for the translatyng of the Newe testament in to Englysshe | as well with many corruptions of that holy text | as certayne prefaces | and other pestylent gloses in the margentes | for the advauncement and settyng forthe of his abhomynable heresyes' (A5v). The king argues that if his subjects will 'nat descant upon scrypture' as Luther does, 'it shall [...] encorage well lerned men to set forthe and translate in to our mother tonge | many good thynges and vertuous' (A8r). Luther's Hereafter Ensueth a Proper Treatise of Good Works (1535) might be classified as the kind of licit Protestant translation that Henry VIII was willing to support. Following its unsigned preface appears a woodcut containing three Tudor Roses, a crown imperial, the Beaufort portcullis, and other dynastic symbolism that suggests a connection with the royal establishment. (34) Those responsible for overseeing Protestant translations could demonstrate an explicit awareness of their relationship with power as well as dissent. The prefatory address to Certain Prayers and Godly Meditations (1538), an anonymous publication that contains a section devoted to Luther's 'Consolacyon for troubled consciences', reproves certain false and 'untruthful' books, including 'bokes of passions and sayntes lyves called legendes for in these also are many thinges added wherof Satan is author'. (35) Other works, including Bullinger and Calvin's Two Epistles [...] Whether it be Lawful for a Christian Man to [...] be Partaker of the Mass of the Papists (1544), intervene directly into this area of religious debate. Its unsigned 'Prologe unto the Christen Reader' unfavorably compares the Old Testament 'idolatry' of the Mosaic brazen serpent with the Mass-rite in England. (36) In yet another example, George Joye's accompanying preface to his translation of Zwingli's The Reckoning and Declaration of the Faith and Belief of Ulrich Zwingli (1543) argues that the book can properly instruct members of the laity in scriptural doctrine. (37) More controversially, Joye claims that Zwingli's soul immediately entered heaven after his death (A3v). Protestant doctrine concerning the resurrection of the dead was divisive, with some theologians affirming that souls who departed in the 'true' Church did not resurrect until the Apocalypse. Joye himself entered into conflict with Tyndale over this subject. (38)
The relaxation of censorship of Protestant books following the death of Henry VIII allowed for a surge in publication of reformist translations. Newly translated works of continental Protestant reform contributed to the flood of Protestant propaganda produced by the London book trade during the early years of the minority of Edward VI, who reigned from 1547 to 1553. (39) The publication of seventy-one translations during 1547-50, at a rate of nearly eighteen books per year, exceeds the average of 3.8 books per year during the combined reigns of Henry VIII and his offspring. During the annus mirabilis of 1548, when attacks on the Roman-rite Mass flooded English bookstalls, thirty-eight editions of reformist translations were published. This remarkable year saw the appearance of about ten per cent of all translations published during the eighty-three years of this survey. As one might expect, only a small number of editions were printed at a time when the government of Mary I burned Protestant martyrs and incinerated prohibited books in an attempt to stem the spread of Protestant ideas. After the accession of Elizabeth I in 1558, however, publication of translations proceeded at a more or less steady rate We may note a period of more intense activity during the early 1560s, when the new regime attempted to establish a settlement of religion based on an uneasy synthesis of Protestant theology and Catholic ritual; and during the late 1570s and early 1580s, when the episcopal establishment resisted presbyterian agitation, on the one hand, and the combined threat of Elizabeth's papal excommunication in 1570 and the advent of the English Jesuit Mission in 1580, on the other.
The accession of Edward VI entailed a volte-face in official policy towards continental reform. His minority was notable for the renunciation of prior censorship and licensing regulations imposed during the reign of the late king. As Protector of the Realm, Edward Seymour, Duke of Somerset, who was the eldest uncle of the boy king, oversaw promulgation of the Royal Injunctions of 31 July 1547, which permitted citizens to read the vernacular Bible and related Protestant tracts. Parliament repealed heresy statutes, including the prohibition against expression of unauthorized religious opinion that had been enforced by the Act of Six Articles. This period represented a heyday for the English dissemination of continental Protestant ideas because notable reformers immigrated under the protection of Thomas Cranmer, Archbishop of Canterbury. Bucer received appointment as Regius Professor of Divinity at Cambridge, Vermigli as Regius Professor of Divinity at Oxford, and Ochino as a prebendary at Canterbury Cathedral. The relaxation of restraints on the publication of Protestant propaganda triggered an unprecedented outpouring of books. Indeed, the rate of publication during the years of the Somerset protectorate and its immediate aftermath exceeded that of all years that had transpired since Caxton's founding of English printing in 1476. As the graph in Figure 1 indicates, publication of thirty-eight reformist translations in 1548 and sixteen in 1550 mirrored the spikes during those peak years, when total printed output numbered 268 and 249, respectively. (40)
Scrutiny of imprints and paratext demonstrates that the impetus for the publication of continental reform during Edward's reign came decidedly from above. About twenty per cent of these books contain dedications to individuals at the centre of the religio-political establishment. Edward VI received dedications to four books published by Walter Lynne, a Dutch immigrant who served as Printer to the Archbishop of Canterbury. They include Thomas Cranmer's translation of the Lutheran catechism for Brandenburg prepared by Brentz and Osiander. Lynne dedicated to the king his own translation of a stridently antipapal prophecy attributed to Joachim de Fiore, The Beginning and Ending of All Popery, and a sermon by Bullinger concerning magisterial authority and the obedience of subjects to rulers. Lynne also published Bernardino Ochino's Tragedy or Dialogue of the Unjust Usurped Primacy of the Bishop of Rome to the king. Translated by Archbishop Cranmer's chaplain John Ponet, this closet drama glorifies Edward VI, Protector Somerset, and Cranmer, whose speaking roles assert that England has finally escaped domination by the Church of Rome. We know that this book was in press at the time of Somerset's deposition by the Duke of Northumberland on 10 October 1549 because it survives in two issues. In all copies but one his name is struck out by hand, but a single surviving copy contains three cancel leaves that omit all mention of the fallen politician. (41) Lynne dedicated other translations to Cranmer and to the younger sister of the king, Lady Elizabeth, who shared her brother's education at court by Protestant tutors under the supervision of their stepmother Catherine Parr. (42) The brother of this queen dowager, Sir William Parr, received Nicholas Udall's dedication of his translation of a Eucharistic treatise by Peter Martyr. Reyner Wolfe, who served as King's Printer in Latin, Greek, and Hebrew, had printed the original version of this disquisition. (43)
Other books acknowledge the commitment to reformist translation of Protector Somerset, members of his immediate circle, and prominent aristocrats. Most notably, it was during imprisonment in the Tower of London that Somerset himself translated out of French a consolatory letter that he received from Calvin. Edward Whitchurch, who had collaborated with Richard Grafton in the production of the Great Bible, published this translation in 1550 as An Epistle [...] of Godly Consolation. (44) Walter Lynne printed Thomas Norton's translation of a Latin epistle from Peter Martyr to Somerset following his fall; the translator served as the politician's amanuensis. (45) Prior to his fall from power, Somerset received dedications in Nicholas Lesse's translation of Melanchthon's Justification of Man by Faith and Jean Veron's English version of Zwingli's treatise on clerical vocation, Image of Both Pastors. Not only did Richard Argentine address his translation of sermons by Bernardino Ochino to Somerset, but he also dedicated a sermon by Luther on the twentieth chapter of the Gospel of John to Thomas Wentworth. Argentine's printer, Anthony Scoloker, operated his printing house in Ipswich under the protection of Baron Wentworth, who was the pre-eminent Protestant patron in East Anglia. (46) Lynne dedicated his translation of Bullinger's Bible concordance, and his collection of biblical commonplaces, which contains two sermons by Luther, to Anne, Duchess of Somerset. Anne Bacon, furthermore, dedicated her translation of Fourteen Sermons of Barnardine Ochyne to Lady Elizabeth Fane. Not only was this translator one of the learned daughters of Sir Anthony Cooke, tutor to Edward VI, but she was the wife of Nicholas Bacon, who would become Lord-Keeper of the Great Seal during the reign of Elizabeth I. Lady Fane's husband Ralph, who was a member of Somerset's inner circle, was decapitated at Tower Hill one month after the death of his patron. (47)
Other than Walter Lynne, notable publishers of continental reform included Anthony Scoloker, William Seres, John Day, and Hugh Singleton. An East Anglian connection is evident in Scoloker's move from Ipswich to London, where he entered into partnership with Seres, with whom he published an edition of a treatise on baptism by Herman von Wied. Scoloker also financed his own edition. (48) Functioning as a bookseller rather than a printer during the reign of Edward VI, Seres entered into partnership with John Day, whose origins are obscure. The earliest books that Day printed include two editions of a translation of an attack on the Mass by a Huguenot pastor, Antoine Marcort. The false attribution of these books to the press of Hans Luft at Wittenberg suggests that their production began under the Henrician prohibition of Protestant controversial literature. Day's lifelong connection to East Anglia is notable in the patronage of the Duchess of Suffolk, who underwrote Protestant propaganda that he published with Seres. (49) Of the ten translations of writings by Brentz, Calvin, Melanchthon, Ochino, Spangenberg, and Herman von Wied that Day printed, he published eight in partnership with Seres. (50) One of them bears a dedication to Thomas Wentworth. (51) Though not an associate of Day, Seres, or Scoloker, Hugh Singleton is notable for publishing or selling John Foxe's translations of texts by Luther and Oecolampadius, in addition to a book by Urbanus Regius possibly translated by Foxe. (52) Although the translator addressed topical tracts in Latin to members of the Edwardian intelligentsia, (53) this learned humanist also committed his scholarship to the dissemination of continental reform to readers who lacked literacy in learned languages.
The political developments of the Edwardian Reformation figure prominently in prefaces and dedications of continental works. Doctrinal preferences of English translators or editors can shape the ways that they contextualize the continental text for English consumption. Stephen Mierdman's Antwerp edition of Melanchthon's letter to Henry VIII that objected to the Six Articles, for instance, appeared in the same year that Robert Wyer brought out his edition of this epistle from London. (54) Melanchthon draws little attention to transubstantiation, even though this element formed the centrepiece of the Articles and provoked loud outcry. (55) Melanchthon's decision to omit controversial doctrine may derive from theological difficulties encountered in discussions between English and Lutheran negotiators during the 1530s. The two sides proved unable to agree on doctrines of auricular confession, communion in both kinds, private masses, clerical vows, and clerical marriage during talks over whether England would join the Schmalkaldic League against the Holy Roman Empire. These are the subjects that dominate Melanchthon's appeal. (56) An English editor was equally likely to find continental Protestant theology to be inadequate to the English situation. An example is John Foxe's edition of Luther's Fruitful Sermon [...] upon the xviii Chapter of Matthew (1548). In his preface Foxe argues that Luther was a flawed thinker whose ideas still have value: 'I wyll not say this author in all poynts to stand up ryght and absolutely, as in the sacramentes, but what humane wryter hathe there ever bene but some defaute he hathe left behynd hym [...] In every thyng the best is to be taken'. (57)
Following the death of Edward VI and accession of Mary I, the printing of English translations shrank dramatically. Twelve extant editions survive from her reign. Having fled to continental Europe, Protestant ideologues resorted to the Henrician practice of using anonymity, pseudonyms, and facetious places of publication in books designed for smuggling into England. (58) We do not know who commissioned the Strasbourg printer Wendelin Rihel to produce Luther's A Faithful Admonition of a Certain True Pastor, but this individual facetiously assigns this translation to the forefather of Christian martyrology ('Eusebius Pamphilus'), to a transparently allegorical printer ('Conrade Freeman'), and to a place of publication close to a favoured royal palace ('Grenewych'). John Day may have printed the second edition of this book at a secret site in London. (59) In addition to publishing the first Latin version of John Foxe's Book of Martyrs, (60) Rihel also published a treatise by Peter Martyr Vermigli, which may have been translated by Thomas Becon. The safe haven of Emden witnessed a title by Zwingli, while a translation of Calvin's Catechism or Manner to Teach Children the Christian Religion appeared from the press of Jean Crespin in Geneva. (61)
The accession of Elizabeth I allowed once again for the licit publication of continental reform. The 248 translations published across her forty-five-year reign, at a rate of 5.5 books per year, do not evince the dramatic shifts in the permissibility of publication notable during the reigns of her father and siblings. It is difficult to attribute the ebb and flow in numbers of editions to current events. Calvin dominated the field, with a total of eighty-eight Elizabethan editions, including twenty-eight of his catechism for children. (62) Sixteen patrons received three or more dedications. The most prominent figures to receive acknowledgement are William Cecil, Lord Burghley, Matthew Parker, Archbishop of Canterbury (each of whom received a single dedication); John Jewel, Bishop of Salisbury, Alexander Nowell, Dean of St Paul's Catheddral (each of whom received two); John Alylmer, Bishop of London, Edmund Grindal, Archbishop of Canterbury, Catherine, Dowager Duchess of Suffolk (each of whom received three); Sir Francis Walsingham (who received four), Queen Elizabeth (who received five), and Robert Dudley, Earl of Leicester (who received eleven).
Two printer-publishers dominate the publication of reformist translations. John Day's activity represents a continuation of his Edwardian career. Although he published only nine Elizabethan editions of translations, his four editions of Foxe's Book of Martyrs rendered the thinking of continental Protestant reformers accessible in the vernacular. More than Day, however, a Huguenot refugee named Thomas Vautrollier was the key player. After immigrating during the early years of Elizabeth's reign, he established a printing house in London in 1570. Vautrollier's interest in producing editions of works by Calvin as well as Luther indicates his business acumen more than a single ideological affiliation. Nevertheless, were it not for his printing of a series of ten Lutheran works, Calvinistic theology would have drowned out other voices in terms of sheer numbers of printed editions. (63) In addition to printing two editions of Thomas Norton's translation of Calvin's Institution, one of which was underwritten by the translator, Vautrollier published the Latin version edited and annotated by Edmund Bunny. He also published two abridgements of Bunny's Latin edition of the Institution along with an English abridgement. More than this, he published two editions of a Latin epitome of the Institution by Guillaume Launeus, who joined Vautrollier as a member of the French church in London. (64) At a time when the English book trade relied on the importation of books in learned languages, he was one of the few London printers to take on ambitious publication in Latin. Other printers accounted for six unabridged editions of the Institution, including one in Spanish, and three abridgements. Cipriano de Valera, a former monk who taught at Cambridge after seeking refuge from the Inquisition, compiled the Spanish translation. Richard Field printed this book in 1597 with a witty imprint, 'En casa de Ricardo del Campo'. His failure to name London as the place of publication suggests that he intended this book for surreptitious export to Spain. (65)
Printer-publishers began to alter the shape of printed translations of continental Protestant reform during the 1560s. They did so by beginning to generate printed collections. These books correspond to the appetite for newly compiled printed anthologies of English verse. (66) In 1561, for example, John Awdely published an English version of Philipp Melanchthon's Latin edition of the lives of Luther, Oecolampadius, and Zwingli. (67) The somewhat complicated auspices of A Famous and Godly History, containing the Lives of Three Reformers demonstrate a creative manner of gathering together diverse works of continental Protestantism within a single saleable book. It may be that the translator, Henry Bennet, compiled this work, which contains two thematically related parts, during residence in Calais. Part I offers a translation of Melanchthon's Historia de vita et actis Martini Lutheri. Part II includes translations of lives and obituaries of Oecolampadius and Zwingli: the De vita Oecolampadii by the German reformer Wolfgang Capito; De Johannes Oecolampadii obitu by the German theologian Simon Grynaeus; and De Huldrick Zwinglii vita et obitu by Zwingli's protege Oswald Myconius. The translator dedicated these sections, respectively, to Thomas Wentworth and James Blount, sixth Baron Mountjoy. He affirms the desirability of having access to knowledge of Luther's 'integrity of life, godly conversacion, & zelous affection towardes the propagacion of Gods holy word' (A2v). Bennet later argues that both Oecolampadius and Zwingli should be remembered alongside Greek and Roman worthies (I2v). Bennet's translation of this French compilation may have been more saleable than separately published writings would have been.
Printed continental anthologies could also intervene into political debate. In 1570 Richard Jugge published a compilation entitled Whether it be Mortal Sin to Transgress Civil Laws. The Judgment of P[hilipp] Melanchthon in his Epitome of Moral Philosophy. The Resolution of H[einrich] Bullinger, R[udolph] Gualter, M[artin] Bucer, and P[eter] Martyr Concerning the Apparel (1570). (68) Addressing obedience to secular authority, this book contains commentary by various continental Protestant reformers on the highly charged topic of clerical dress. Whether or not ministers should wear vestments provoked intense debate during the so-called Admonition Controversy, which raged between emergent 'puritan' clerics and Parliament during the 1570s. (69) Furthermore, the government insisted stridently on obedience to secular authority during the aftermath of recent challenges to Elizabeth's rule, which included the Northern Rebellion (1569). This publication appears to emanate from close to the heart of the ecclesiastical establishment, as most of the anthologized writers maintained connections with prominent English reformers such as Cranmer and Edmund Grindal, who became Archbishop of York in 1570. Indeed, Bullinger addresses an epistle to Grindal, Robert Horne, Bishop of Winchester, and John Parkhurst, Bishop of Norwich (B6r-v).
Although this study is based on enumeration of editions and dedications, it provides an incomplete measure for assessing the dissemination of continental reform during the Tudor era. If we shift to consideration of book format, however, we may notice a dramatic development. Although no folio editions of continental reformist theology were published prior to 1561, the succeeding twenty-three years witnessed the publication of twelve folios. This represented a radical departure from the prevailing practice of publishing in small formats, which resulted in 289 octavo editions during the period under study. Other than this host of octavos and the twelve Elizabethan folios, we encounter fifty-seven quartos, seven twelvemos, thirteen sixteenmos, three thirtytwomos, and one broadside. Folios are rare because of the risk entailed by the large capital investment required by lengthy books that devoured a large number of sheets of paper, which pressmen printed on both sides before folding them into quires. The multitude of octavo editions contained a relatively small number of sheets. For example, the first English language edition of Calvin's catechism for children called for ten sheets of smaller paper, (70) as opposed to the folio editions, which typically required hundreds of sheets of larger paper. Assuming that print runs were identical, which may not have been the case, the amount of paper consumed by a single folio edition exceeded the approximate length of Calvin's catechism by a factor of twenty or more. It seems likely, however, that the average length of the octavo editions was shorter than this.
The Elizabethan folios seem certain to have exerted a considerable influence on elite readers who could gain access to such expensive books. Printed for domestic consumption, the majority of copies that remain extant are preserved at English cathedral libraries and at libraries in Oxford and Cambridge. Their publication indicates that the book trade had transcended the era of fugitive publication under Henry VIII and Mary I, or the rapid-fire issuance of a host of octavo translations during the reign of Edward VI.
Calvin exerts a looming presence in terms of overall folio production in this study. In 1561 Reyner Wolfe collaborated with Richard Harrison in producing the first folio of Norton's translation of Calvin's Institution. Harrison's single-handed publication of a second edition evinces the existence of a strong market for this book, but succeeding editions were in more affordable quarto and octavo formats. Norton's failure to add a dedication over and beyond Calvin's own dedication to Francois I may represent a token of his own wealth or the absence of patronage from high-ranking members of the Elizabethan establishment. Having entered public life in service to Protector Somerset, the translator was a militantly Protestant member of Parliament notable for his animus against Roman Catholics. In 1574 Henry Bynneman printed the first folio edition of Calvin's sermons on Job at the costs of Luke Harrison and George Bishop. Thomas Dawson printed the second edition of these sermons for the partnership of Bishop and Woodcock in 1579; this partnership brought out a third edition, also from Dawson's press, in 1584. (71) In 1583 Henry Middleton printed The Sermons of Master John Calvin upon Deuteronomy in folio at the charges of a syndicate of booksellers that included George Bishop, John Harrison, and Thomas Woodcock. (72) This project built upon the success of Calvin folios. In addition to six Calvin folio editions, a reprint of Regius's Shield of Salvation (originally published in 1548) appeared within the second volume of John Day's folio edition of the collected works of Thomas Becon (1564), under the new title The Christian Knight. (73) Becon was an English theologian and associate of prominent Protestant exiles who migrated to the continent during the reign of Mary I.
Second to Calvin, Peter Martyr Vermigli maintained a significant presence within the field of folio production. On 28 September 1564 John Day published an anonymous translation of the Italian theologian's commentaries on the Book of Judges. (74) Dedication of this text to Robert Dudley during the year that he was created Earl of Leicester was an appropriate gesture to a patron who had secured important privileges for him. Day also brought out a folio edition of Martyr's Most Learned and Fruitful Commentaries [...] upon the Epistle to the Romans (1568). This contains Martyr's own dedication to Sir Anthony Cooke. (75) In 1576 John Kingston published the Latin text of Peter Martyr's Loci communes, to which the editor, Robert Masson, affixed another dedication to Cooke. This one-time tutor of Edward VI was the father-in-law of the queen's chief minister, William Cecil. It should come as no surprise to learn that Thomas Vautrollier published the second edition of these influential explorations of doctrinal issues in 1583. (76)
It may be that Anthony Marten's translation of The Common Places of [...] Peter Martyr (1583) was the crowning achievement in the dissemination of continental reform. (77) In contrast to Vautrollier, who possessed the resources to print Loci communes single-handedly, Henry Denham found it necessary during the same year to enter into partnership with three booksellers (William Broome, Thomas Chard, and Andrew Maunsell the Elder) in order to publish the vernacular version, which he printed in partnership with Henry Middleton. Marten's dedicatory preface to Queen Elizabeth joins four others to the queen among the reformist editions under consideration. This royal steward indicates that his translation was 'begun and ended within the walles of your Highnesse Court' (a3v). Furthermore, the colophon indicates that publication proceeded in accordance with royal injunctions. Regarding this book as a safeguard against religious heterodoxy, Marten praises the queen's enforcement of Protestant doctrine in opposition to the activities of Roman Catholic missionary priests (a4v). Arguing for the superiority of his book to Vautrollier's Loci communes, he indicates that he has devoted five years to translation and gathering of additional texts (a6v).
The publication in 1583 of Latin and English folio editions of Peter Martyr's Common Places represents an appropriate point to conclude this study in publication history. The remaining decades of the Elizabethan era witnessed production of other reformist translations besides three unabridged reprints of Calvin's Institution, including the one in Spanish, and five editions of the Launeus epitome, including three in English translation. We have moved full circle from the time when Henry VIII inveighed against Luther to one in which Peter Martyr's Common Places underwent translation within a royal palace prior to publication as a bulwark of the Elizabethan settlement of religion. The intervening years witnessed rapid shifts to Cromwell's encouragement of reformist translation and then to vehement disapproval during the last years of Henry VIII. So also the flood tide during Edward VI's reign preceded the low ebb under Mary I. The reign of Elizabeth I represented a time when continental reformist theology, and Calvinistic books in particular, had undergone thorough domestication. Despite the understandable reluctance of English printers to undertake substantial publication in Latin, it is noteworthy that the first edition of Peter Martyr's Loci communes was published in London. Other than a reprint produced in London some years later, the remaining sixteenth- and seventeenth-century editions were published abroad at locations such as Zurich (1580), Basel (1580-83), Heidelberg (1613, 1622, 1624), Geneva (1626), and Frankfurt (1656). This represents a unique reversal of the prevailing movement of reformist doctrine from the continent to England.
JOHN N. KING and MARK RANKIN
The Ohio State University and James Madison University
(1) The basic sources for this essay are A Short-Title Catalogue of Books Printed in England, Scotland, & Ireland and of English Books Printed Abroad, 1475-1640, compiled by A. W. Pollard and G. R. Redgrave, 2nd edn, rev. and enlarged by W. A. Jackson, F. S. Ferguson, and Katharine F. Pantzer, 3 vols (London: Bibliographical Society, 1976-91) (hereafter STC); and the online English Short Title Catalogue (hereafter ESTC) <http://estc.bl.uk>. Other basic sources include E. Gordon Duff, A Century of the English Book Trade (London: Bibliographical Society, 1905); the online Hand Press Book Database; and the Oxford Dictionary of National Biography. Titles of early printed works appear in modernized spelling. Quotations to early printed books preserve old-style spelling except in instances of 'u'/'v', 'i'/'j', and 'w', which follow modern practice. Conjectural reconstructions appear within square brackets. Brevigraphs are expanded in italics. We thank Marisa Cull for assistance in research.
(2) For scholarly debate over the extent to which the English Reformation proceeded 'from above' or 'from below', see Patrick Collinson, 'The English Reformation, 1945-1995', in Companion to Historiography, ed. by Michael Bentley (London: Routledge, 1997), pp. 336-60.
(3) On Tyndale's debt to Luther see David Daniell, William Tyndale: A Biography (New Haven, CT: Yale University Press, 1994).
(4) STC 13078-79.
(5) STC 24728, 13084-87.
(6) STC 19353, 19355. See Brad S. Gregory, 'The "True and Zealouse Seruice of God": Robert Parsons, Edmund Bunny, and The First Booke of the Christian Exercise', Journal of Ecclesiastical History, 45 (1994), 238-68.
(7) See W. M. Southgate, 'The Marian Exiles and the Influence of John Calvin', History, 27 (1942), 148-52; and N. M. Sutherland, 'The Marian Exiles and the Establishment of the Elizabethan Regime', Archiv for Reformationsgeschichte, 78 (1987), 253-86.
(8) See Peter W. M. Blayney's letter, with reply, concerning the unreliability of the ESTC, in The Library, 7th series, 1 (2000), 72-77; and David McKitterick, '"Not in STC": Opportunities and Challenges in the ESTC', The Library, 7th series, 6 (2005), 178-94.
(9) STC 4415, 4416, 24669.
(10) For example, a copy of Bucer's 'De Regno Christi' dedicated to Edward VI in 1550 (British Library, MS Royal 8 B. VII) and a translation of Peter Martyr's 'Of the sacramente of Thankesgeving' dedicated to Edward Seymour, Protector of the Realm, in 1548 (BL, MS Royal 17 C. V).
(11) 31 Hen. VIII, c. 14, [section] xvii.
(12) John Foxe, Actes and Monuments (1570), pp. 1409, 1427: STC 11223 (hereafter cited as the Book of Martyrs).
(13) Foxe, Book of Martyrs, pp. 1428, 1431.
(14) STC 24455.5, 24446.
(15) Guido Latre 'The 1535 Coverdale Bible and its Antwerp Origins', in The Bible as Book: The Reformation, ed. by Orlaith O'Sullivan (London: British Library, 2000), pp. 89-102 (pp. 91-92).
(16) STC 11394. Foxe, Book of Martyrs, p. 1433.
(17) STC 3036. Foxe, Book of Martyrs, p. 1436. See S. W. Haas, 'Simon Fish, William Tyndale, and Sir Thomas More's Lutheran Conspiracy', Journal of Ecclesiastical History, 23 (1972), 125-36.
(18) Pamela Neville-Singleton, 'Press, Politics and Religion', in The Cambridge History of the Book in Britain, III: 1400-1557, ed. by Lotte Hellinga and J. B. Trapp (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1999), pp. 576-607.
(19) Latre, 'The 1535 Coverdale Bible', p. 92.
(20) STC 10493.
(21) STC 2370.
(22) See William Underwood, 'Thomas Cromwell and William Marshall's Protestant Books', Historical Journal, 47 (2004), 517-39.
(23) STC 908-09. See James K. McConica, English Humanists and Reformation Politics under Henry VIII and Edward VI (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1965), pp. 136-38, 170.
(24) STC 16999, 16979.7, 17000, 18878.
(25) Latre, 'The 1535 Coverdale Bible', pp. 89-102.
(26) STC 14823, 17798, 26138, 26138.5.
(27) STC 13612.
(28) STC 4079.5. Crom was notable as a producer of illustrated Bibles in different languages.
(29) STC 2836, 2842.
(30) STC 17793.
(31) STC 16984.
(32) STC 17626.
(33) STC 17789.
(34) STC 16988, sig. A6v.
(35) STC 20193, sig. B1v.
(36) STC 4079.5, sig. A2r. See II Kings 18.4.
(37) STC 26138.
(38) Daniell, William Tyndale, pp. 321-26.
(39) John N. King, 'The Book Trade under Edward VI and Mary I', in The Cambridge History of the Book in Britain, III: 1400-1557, ed. by Lotte Hellinga and J. B. Trapp (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1999), pp. 164-78.
(40) King, 'The Book Trade', pp. 164-65.
(41) STC 5992.5, 17115, 4079, 18770. See John N. King, English Reformation Literature: The Tudor Origins of the Protestant Tradition (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 1982), pp. 95, 196-206.
(42) STC 20843, 16982. Lynne published other translations by Luther and Regius (STC 16964, 20849, 21826.6).
(43) STC 24665, 24673.
(44) STC 4407.
(45) STC 24666.
(46) STC 17792, 26142, 18765, 16992. Argentine dedicated his translation of a tract by Zwingli on the education of youth, also printed by Scoloker in Ipswich, to Edward Grimston, the future Controller of Calais, who lived in the vicinity of this town (STC 26136).
(47) STC 17117, 17119, 18767. See King, English Reformation Literature, pp. 97, 104, 114.
(48) STC 13210-11, 13212.
(49) STC 17314-14a. See John N. King, 'John Day: Master Printer of the English Reformation', in The Beginnings of English Protestantism, ed. by Peter Marshall and Alec Ryrie (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2002), pp. 180-208 (p. 181); and King, English Reformation Literature, pp. 105-06.
(50) STC 3603, 4436, 4411, 4463, 14824, 18766-67, 13213, 13214, 23004.
(51) STC 3603.
(52) STC 16983, 18787, 20847.
(53) STC 11233, 11235.
(54) STC 17789, 17789.5.
(55) Alec Ryrie, The Gospel and Henry VIII: Evangelicals in the Early English Reformation (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2003), pp. 138-44.
(56) Rory McEntegart, 'Towards an Ideological Foreign Policy: Henry VIII and Lutheran Germany, 1531-47', in Tudor England and its Neighbours, ed. by Susan Doran and Glenn Richardson (Basingstoke: Palgrave Macmillan, 2005), pp. 74-105 (p. 91).
(57) STC 16983, sig. A2v.
(58) Jennifer Loach, 'Pamphlets and Politics, 1553-8', Bulletin of the Institute of Historical Research, 48 (1975), 31- 44 (p. 34).
(59) STC 16980-81.
(60) John Foxe, Commentarii rerum in ecclesia gestarum (1554).
(61) STC 4380, 24673.5, 26140. The data of publication of a translation by Bucer are mysterious (STC 3965). See also Andrew Pettegree, Emden and the Dutch Revolt: Exile and the Development of Reformed Protestantism (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1992).
(62) STC 4375-4391.5.
(63) Vautrollier produced the following Luther works: STC 16965, 16966, 16967, 16968, 16975, 16989, 16990, 16991, 16993, 16994. He published the following works by Calvin: STC 4414, 4426.4, 4427, 4428, 4429. He also brought out editions of works by Theodore de Beze, Calvin's successor at Geneva: STC 2006, 2006.5, 2032, 2036.5, 2044, 2047.
(64) STC 4417, 4418, 4414, 4426.4, 4426.6, 4429, 4427, 4428.
(65) STC 4426.
(66) On the printed verse anthology see Arthur F. Marotti, Manuscript, Print, and the English Renaissance Lyric (Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press, 1995).
(67) STC 1881.
(68) STC 10391.5.
(69) Peter Milward, Religious Controversies of the Elizabethan Age: A Survey of Printed Sources (London: Scolar, 1977), pp. 25-38.
(70) Collating A-[K.sup.8], the sole extant copy is missing [K.sub.7] and K8. See STC 4380.
(71) STC 4415, 4416, 4444, 4446, 4447.
(72) STC 4442, 4443, 4443.5.
(73) STC 1710, 20851.5.
(74) STC 24670.
(75) STC 24672.
(76) STC 24667-68.
(77) STC 24669.