Perspectives on poverty.Lifting Up the Poor: A Dialogue on Religion, Poverty, and Welfare Reform, by Mary Jo Bane BANE. This word was formerly used to signify a malefactor. Bract. 1. 2, t. 8, c. 1. and Lawrence M. Mead. Brookings. Two distinct audiences will get much out of Lifting Up the Poor: religious activists who want to better understand the complex causes of poverty and communicate more effectively with policymakers about its elimination; and secular activists who want to learn about religious claims and convictions integral to an honest debate about poverty, policy choices and, more broadly, the public purposes of religion. Policy wonks Policy wonk is a term of art of politics, meaning an expert with a detailed knowledge of current or potential government policies, administrative matters, and the effects of policy and programs. It entered general usage in the 1990s during the administration of U.S. , religious or secular, will recognize the names of these two authors--both live up to their reputations for rigorous policy analysis. Mary Jo Bane teaches at Harvard's Kennedy School of Government and was co-chair of" President Clinton's Working Group on Welfare Reform and assistant secretary at the Department of Health and Human Services Noun 1. Department of Health and Human Services - the United States federal department that administers all federal programs dealing with health and welfare; created in 1979 Health and Human Services, HHS . Larry Mead teaches at New York University New York University, mainly in New York City; coeducational; chartered 1831, opened 1832 as the Univ. of the City of New York, renamed 1896. It comprises 13 schools and colleges, maintaining 4 main centers (including the Medical Center) in the city, as well as the and was deputy director of research for the Republican National Committee and policy analyst at the U.S. Department of Health, Education, and Welfare. In this shin book, Bane and Mead apply their faith and political expertise to issues of poverty. Although they agree more than they disagree, it's instructive to focus on three areas of disagreement. First, they approach and interpret the Christian story differently. Bane, a Catholic, views the Bible as one source of social teaching along with tradition, reason, and experience. Scripture reading helps form the community into one that, at its best, is "joyful joy·ful adj. Feeling, causing, or indicating joy. See Synonyms at glad1. joy ful·ly adv. , hopeful,
inclusive, and generous," Bane writes. Mead approaches the
Christian story from a Calvinist perspective, which is characterized by
discipline, responsibility, and skepticism about human nature and
behavior.
Their interpretations predict their differing conclusions about poverty data, including the extent to which outside barriers of opportunity (such as racism or job scarcity Scarcity The basic economic problem which arises from people having unlimited wants while there are and always will be limited resources. Because of scarcity, various economic decisions must be made to allocate resources efficiently. ) or behavioral choices (such as single-parenthood or laziness on the part of able-bodied adults) contribute to working-age poverty. Bane gives greater weight to outside barriers, Mead to behavioral choices. This first area of difference anticipates the second: the core explanation for poverty's continued existence. Both give attention to working-age adults who do not work. For Bane, this is a relatively small subgroup sub·group n. 1. A distinct group within a group; a subdivision of a group. 2. A subordinate group. 3. Mathematics A group that is a subset of a group. tr.v. of the poor. Mead, by contrast, argues that this group is the core of the problem and has been the subject of most policy contention over the last few decades. In both religious and public policy terms, this is huge. Religiously, it was the wedge issue wedge issue n. A sharply divisive political issue, especially one that is raised by a candidate or party in hopes of attracting or disaffecting a portion of an opponent's customary supporters. that separated religious advocacy groups from working together in the mid-1990s, when welfare reform talk was hot and heavy. In terms of public policy, this issue drives to the heart of the effectiveness of work requirements and their consequent sanctions in welfare programs. How effective is it to sanction recipients for not working when there is not work to be found or when those with work won't hire people of a certain race, ethnicity, or religion? On the other hand, how effective is it to continue providing entitlements to people who are not working simply because they are unwilling to accept situations that are less than ideal? This area of disagreement is substantial for another reason. Though hard data is difficult to find, at least a percentage of nonworking adults are not working because of a lack of jobs rather than a lack of effort. Many past government programs to provide jobs failed. But newer, more innovative approaches to stimulating jobs, such as job credits and economic empowerment zones, have not been adequately researched. Bane and Mead (and others) would perform a great service by doing so. The third area where the two disagree is perhaps the most predictable: their respective policy recommendations on entitlements and work requirements. Here the two differ on the extent to which benefits--such as food stamps food stamp n. A stamp or coupon, issued by the government to persons with low incomes, that can be redeemed for food at stores. Noun 1. , Supplemental Security Income Supplemental Security Income A Social Security program established to help the blind, disabled, and poor. , and housing supports--need to be available without the requirement of work from the recipient. Bane argues for entitlement to basic levels of assistance in areas such as education and health care for those of working age, even when they do not work. Mead, on the other hand, wants to require work. He sees it as necessary to demand responsibility. I'll end with the book's opening question: "Do prophets have useful things to say to politicians about appropriate policies toward the poor?" While classifying Bane and Mead as prophets may be a stretch, it's clear that policy wonks informed by religious conviction have useful things to say about poverty. Their ability to combine meticulous me·tic·u·lous adj. 1. Extremely careful and precise. 2. Extremely or excessively concerned with details. [From Latin met policy analysis with thorough theological reflection serves as a model of constructive debate about an emotionally charged issue. Nathan Wilson Nathan Wilson (December 23, 1758 - July 25, 1834) was a United States Representative from New York. Born in Bolton, Worcester County, Massachusetts, he moved with his family to Greenwich, Hampshire County, Massachusetts, where he attended school. , former director of public policy for Call to Renewal, works as a strategist strat·e·gist n. One who is skilled in strategy. Noun 1. strategist - an expert in strategy (especially in warfare) strategian market strategist - someone skilled in planning marketing campaigns specializing in communications, organizational management, and consensus building for political candidates, churches, and advocacy groups. |
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