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Pawns in a losing game: a network of veteran, hardcore Marxists organized the May 1st immigration protests and boycotts. While thousands of immigrants did march, the boycott failed, and polls say the American public is now even more strongly against general amnesty.

On May 1st, hundreds of thousands of demonstrators filled the streets of American cities from coast to coast. In Chicago alone, an estimated 300,000 protesters joined in what organizers called the "Great American Boycott of 2006" or "A Day Without Immigrants," to protest proposed legislation aimed at enforcing our borders and to call for the legalization of millions of illegal aliens. Similar huge demonstrations materialized in Los Angeles and New York, and many smaller rallies and marches--ranging in size from hundreds of participants to tens of thousands--took place in dozens of American communities. The demonstrators--mostly illegal aliens, and largely Mexican--hoped to demonstrate their impact on the American economy by encouraging people to skip work and school and to boycott all economic activity for the day.

One of the boycott organizers, Nativo Lopez, of the Mexican American Political Association (MAPA), said this action would show that illegal aliens have the power "to stop the system." NEWSFLASH: the boycott did not stop the system; the system barely blinked. One thing the boycott and the attendant mass demonstrations appear to have done is to turn many more Americans against the cause espoused by the demonstrators. This was already apparent after the huge demonstrations of March and April.

According to a poll by Zogby International released on April 28, for instance, "Three in five adults--61%--said that the recent protests had made them less likely to be sympathetic toward undocumented workers." The poll found that "even among Hispanics, the impact of the protests was far from positive." It also found Hispanics evenly divided, with 46 percent saying they were more likely to be sympathetic and the same percentage saying they were less likely to be sympathetic. Significantly, nearly a third of these same Hispanics--31 percent--said they were "much less likely" to be sympathetic, as a result of the protests.

This divide among Hispanics--including both U.S. citizens and illegal aliens--increased with the May Day demonstrations. "There would be a backlash against all of the positive energy that was created," said Linda Aneola of the Office for Social Ministry of the Roman Catholic Diocese of San Diego, which has supported amnesty for illegal aliens. "The message would be one that immigrants really don't want to be part of America, and that what they are really doing is hurting the U.S., and that would be hurting the movement."

A Zogby poll released just after the May 1 boycott seems to bear out those fears, showing that the demonstrations have heightened America's concerns about our borders and national security. While 37 percent of voters said the war in Iraq is one of the top two issues facing the nation, immigration tied with the war on terrorism for second place, with each of those issues cited as a top concern by 32 percent of voters.

Who's Calling the Shots?

To go by news accounts and commentary in the major media, it would seem that the series of mass demonstrations that began on March 25 and culminated on May 1 were spontaneous events, the impromptu outpourings of anger and frustration by mistreated and unappreciated "undocumented workers." However, anyone who has ever organized a church picnic or a carpool, let alone a rally or a speaking event, knows that it takes a great deal of planning and effort to get successful participation. Turning out and coordinating over a million people to march simultaneously in 75-100 cities, with participants carrying the same professionally pre-printed signs and banners (in Spanish and English), chanting the same slogans, and delivering the same scripted speeches, is a major organizational and logistical triumph.

It is worth asking, then, who is behind the planning and organizing of these events and what their objectives and agenda are. These mass mobilizations are unprecedented, in that the majority of the participants are foreigners--illegal migrants, not immigrants. Most do not speak English and many are illiterate in their own language. Many of the demonstrators carried Mexican flags along with banners proclaiming that this is their land--stolen from them by the gringos.

One of their unifying rally cries is "No to H.R. 4437," a demand that Congress not enact legislation already passed by the House to secure our borders and enforce our immigration laws. If Congress does pass this desperately needed legislation, will the now-organized demonstrators turn into violent mobs? Will they turn the streets of America into scenes of rioting and bloodshed, as immigrant Muslim mobs recently have done in France, Belgium, Germany, and other countries of Europe? There is good reason to believe that the organizers of the demonstrations would like to do just that. After all, this country has experienced violent demonstrations and riots in the past, particularly during the 1960s but also more recently in connection with the initial Rodney King verdict. But this time the demonstrators are mostly illegal aliens who do not have the same stake in this country as U.S. citizens.

The major media have preferred to completely ignore the fact that the organizational brainpower and manpower for the illegal alien rallies has been provided by a network of veteran, hard-core Marxists. They are not merely liberals; they are dedicated revolutionaries, many with long ties to U.S. communist parties and communist dictatorships around the world. They are not merely a few radicals on the fringes of the demonstrations, but rather key officials who are leading the charge. One of the most openly visible Marxist-Leninist connections involves the Workers World Party (WWP), a very militant communist party that for decades has unwaveringly supported communist dictatorships throughout the world.

Top officials of the WWP dominate the ANSWER Coalition, one of the principal groups sponsoring and organizing the demonstrations. Most notable in this regard is Brian Becker, ANSWER's national coordinator, who is also a member of the national secretariat of the WWR Another WWP leader at ANSWER is Deidre Griswold Stapp, editor of the Workers World newspaper. Stapp was trained in Cuba in the 1960s and '70s as a member of the Venceremos Brigades, an important adjunct of Fidel's Tri-continental terrorist training apparatus. Still another WWP veteran in ANSWER's leadership is Andy McInerney, a staff writer for the Workers World. WWP organizers and ANSWER's yellow and black signs (in Spanish and English) calling for full amnesty for the millions of illegal aliens in the U.S. have been prevalent in the demonstrations from coast to coast. These WWP cadres are not mere functionaries at ANSWER, but policymakers. Likewise for another militant comrade in ANSWER's top leadership, Macrina Cardenas, head of Mexicans Without Borders, who is one of the often-quoted spokespersons for the illegal alien demonstrations. Cardenas has aligned her organization with the communist EZLN "Zapatista Army" of Mexico and has marched in solidarity with EZLN chief "Subcommandante Marcos." Cardenas refers to her forces as a "reserve army" within the United States.

ANSWER's Marxist pedigree and its heavy-handed tactics are alienating even many of the leftist ideologues among the open border advocates. The push by ANSWER and other hard-core Marxists for school walk-outs especially angered many Hispanic parents, who know that education is vital for their children's future and who resent their children being used as political footballs.

The Center for Community Change (CCC) is one of the most important official sponsors of the illegal alien demonstrations and its website was the official host for the April 10 demonstrations. The CCC is one of many revolutionary front groups founded by Saul Alinsky, a professional Marxist who trained hundreds of the cadres currently leading the agitation against immigration reform. His books Rules for Radicals and Reveille for Radicals are still required reading for activists of the CCC and its extended network of Alinsky alumni.

CCC activists work openly and closely with members of the violent Communist Workers Party and well-known agents of Communist China, such as Margaret Chinn and Mae Lee, both of whom are active leaders in the CCC's Fair Immigration Reform Movement (FIRM). The CCC's board of directors includes former SDS leader Heather Booth, who helped lead the violent student riots in the 1960s, and former Congressman Ron Dellums, long one of Fidel Castro's closest friends and staunchest supporters.

The Communist Party USA (CPUSA) has been in the forefront of the "Chicano movement" for the past five decades, and many of the top leaders of both radical and "mainstream" Chicano/Latino organizations have been either members or close working allies of the CPUSA. This includes well-known leaders of the demonstrations for illegal alien "rights," such as: Jose Angel Gutierrez, Delores Huerta, Bert Corona, Corky Gonzalez, Nativo Lopez, Mario Obledo, Evalina Alarcon, Reies Tijerina, and many others.

The recent mass demonstrations are the culmination of over a decade of intensive planning, organizing, and building by revolutionary Marxists, including all of the significant U.S. communist parties: Communist Party USA, Socialist Workers Party, Workers World Party, Progressive Labor Party, Revolutionary Communist Party, and the Committees of Correspondence. These huge mobilizations were preceded by and made possible by thousands of smaller rallies, marches and organizing events over the past decade directed by these parties and their seasoned cadres. These predecessor events include the mass rallies in California against Proposition 187 (beginning in 1994) and the national mobilization known as the Immigrant Workers Freedom Ride in 2003--and many similar actions in between.

The leadership positions of the National Council of La Raza, LULAC, MEChA, MAPA, CASA, MALDEF, and many of the other leading Hispanic political organizations are peppered with these revolutionary Marxist members, as are the major labor unions--AFL-CIO, United Auto Workers, the Service Employees International Union, and the Teamsters--which have increasingly favored illegal aliens at the expense of their worker members who are American citizens. One of the subversive goals of these radical Hispanic groups is to register millions of illegal aliens to vote, a task they are already proudly (and illegally) undertaking. Many of them openly admit that their goal is "La Reconquista" (the reconquest), dismembering and retaking the southwestern portion of the United States, which they say was stolen from them. They call this region "Aztlan."

May Day Solidarity

Interestingly, sympathetic demonstrations protesting U.S. efforts at immigration reform also took place on May 1st throughout Latin America, in, for instance: Mexico City, Mexico; Quito, Ecuador; Bogota, Colombia; Caracas, Venezuela; Havana, Cuba; Guatemala City, Guatemala; and San Salvador, E1 Salvador. Many of these demonstrations were decidedly anti-American and besides encouraging a one-day boycott of American goods included acts of burning the American flag. These Latin American demonstrations not only coincided with communist May Day celebrations, but most of them were led by various communist and socialist parties and veteran communist organizers.

Is it merely coincidence that the organizers of the "Great American Boycott" chose May Day as the culminating day of their months-long series of escalating marches and demonstrations? That is highly unlikely, since many of the key organizers of the events are longtime veterans of communist May Day celebrations and are well aware of the psychological impact that could be achieved, especially among the target audience of illegal aliens, by emphasizing their solidarity with communist "worker" rallies throughout the world. On the major Spanish-language television broadcasters Telemundo and Univision, illegal aliens in the United States could watch alternating demonstrations in Chicago and Havana, Beijing and Los Angeles, Berlin and Dallas. The not-so-subtle message: we have strength because Fidel Castro and communists throughout Latin America and the world are marching in solidarity with us.

Of course, most illegal aliens--Mexican or otherwise--are not communist party members or even conscious sympathizers. However, the professional revolutionaries know that people don't need to be fervent communists in order to be used for communist ends. They are experts at organizing people around a volatile issue and then scientifically directing the mobs with well-placed and well-trained agents. They are following the same formula they have successfully exploited for decades: "organize, mobilize, radicalize, and militarize."

Because communism has never achieved the level of acceptability in America that it has in many other countries, communist organizers in the United States have usually preferred to stay in the background and operate through, "united front" coalitions to hide their true colors. But without the leadership, organizational skills, and manpower of the hard-core Marxists, it is fairly certain that the "Great American Boycott"--and the demonstrations that preceded it--would have failed to turn out the huge numbers that they did.

The Marxist organizers and leaders behind this new mass movement do not have the best interests of the United States at heart. They are exploiting our continuing failure to secure our borders, as well as the fears of illegal aliens, in the hope of building a militant "fifth column" within our country. As outside agitators, they are really an artificial layer of leadership upon the masses of unsuspecting illegal migrants and law-abiding immigrants, and their plans for violent change cannot succeed so long as they are widely exposed.

Funding the Illusion of Revolution

It can be said that without the Ford Foundation's commitment to a strategy of national and local institution-building, the Chicano movement would have withered away in many areas.

--Henry Santiestevan, former head of the Southwest Council of La Raza

Contrary to press accounts, the massive demonstrations by illegal aliens during March, April, and May of 2006 were not spontaneous events that materialized from grass-roots efforts by "undocumented workers" angry and frustrated over "unjust" U.S. immigration laws. Getting more than a million people into the streets in synchronized demonstrations in dozens of cities, with identical signs, banners, chants and speeches, is the hallmark of meticulous organization, not spontaneity. The militant marches and rallies by huge mobs of illegal aliens were sponsored, organized, scripted, and directed by a network of left-wing organizations that, combined, provide thousands of full-time, paid, professional organizers.

Who pays the salaries of these revolutionary staff members? Who pays for the thousands of rented buses that transport many of the marchers to the events? Who pays for the signs, T-shirts, flags, food, and beverages that are dispensed to the demonstrators? The money trail often leads back to the tax-exempt Ford Foundation.

Over the past five decades, the Ford Foundation has poured tens of millions of dollars into radical Hispanic organizations that have been leading the surging Latino immigrant and migrant populations in the United States in an ever more revolutionary leftist direction. Many of these organizations and campaigns funded by Ford have actually been launched by leaders of the Communist Party USA; the communist Workers World Party; the communist-front National Lawyers Guild; and other well-known subversive organizations.

In his important 1994 study, Importing Revolution: Open Borders and the Radical Agenda, William R. Hawkins fully documents the decades-long march of the Ford-funded revolutionaries. More than 20 years ago, in its 1984 working paper, "Hispanics: Challenges and Opportunities," Ford outlined its plan for the "continuing development of a leadership cadre" among Hispanics.

The Ford Foundation is not alone in funding this revolution; the Rockefeller Foundation, the Carnegie Endowment, the Rosenberg Foundation, George Soros, Bill Gates, and other philanthropic sources have joined in this effort. The Center for Community Change (CCC), for instance, is one of the main national sponsors of the illegal alien demonstrations. Launched by Marxist organizer Saul Alinsky, the CCC lists the Ford Foundation as a major source of its funding. Your tax dollars also fund these illegal alien campaigns, through tens of millions of dollars in grants from federal agencies to organizations such as the Mexican American Legal Defense and Education Fund and the Southwest Voter Education Registration Project.

Ford Foundation grants in 2005 to groups involved in this year's demonstrations include $350,000 to the Center for Community Change, $130,000 to the Northern California Grantmakers, $1,000,000 to the Migration Policy Institute, and two grants totaling $1,700,000 to the Mexican American Legal Defense and Education Fund.

"The large Hispanic population is bound to produce leaders," says William Hawkins in Importing Revolution. "The natural pattern would be for these leaders to come from the ranks of successful Hispanic entrepreneurs and professionals. Such a leadership class, like the Hispanic leaders of times past, would tend toward middleclass values, moderate politics, the work ethic, and integration. However, this is not the kind of leadership the Ford Foundation and its left-wing clientele want."--WILLIAM F. JASPER
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Author:Jasper, William F.
Publication:The New American
Geographic Code:1USA
Date:May 29, 2006
Words:2708
Previous Article:Mexican workers displace Americans.
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