Parents and School: The 150 Year Struggle for Control in American Education. (Reviews).

One-hundred and thirty years ago, another New Haven educator, on the eve of the passage of Connecticut's compulsory school attendance law, cast the imminent decision to force children into the schools as an unhappy if inescapable paradox: On one hand, relations between parents and children and the authority of the parent, he argued, is "more sacred than human law" and the preservation of personal and parental rights provide the very "foundation of a free government." On the other hand, he allowed that the "natural" authority of parents could at times abrade the civil right of children to receive "adequate instruction," thus conjuring the authority of the state to override that of the parent. (1) Once it knew its mind the state conveniently ignored laws sacred and profane, willingly undermining the bases of free government to support the emerging civil rights of the child. If the rights of parents and children were set at odds, so too was the view of the child deeply contradictory. For the nineteenth century w itnessed the most exploitative uses of children's labor alongside the sentimentalization of the child and the identification of childhood as a protected, "sacred" time of life. (2)

Parents and Schools: The 150 Year Struggle for Control in American Education. By William W. Cutler, III (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 2000. xiii plus 290 pp.).

In the epilogue to William Cutler's new book on the history of the "struggle" between parents and schools over control of children's education, he applauds James Corner's recent attempts in New Haven to engage parents, teachers, and school administrators in a meaningful partnership to better children's education. Corner's belief--and he is not the only advocate of this position--is that the proper aim of education is not simply schooling but healthy child development. Education thus construed represents a kind of enlightened, respectful intervention into family life. Yet the origins of this approach were less benign, reaching back to the middle decades of the nineteenth century when educators asserted both that schooling could do a better job at training children in essential skills and that society's need to instill particular values in future generations was far too important to be left to parents "too poor," "too lacking in character," or "too foreign" to carry on the work of American democracy.

Parents and Schools suggests a topic as broad as it is deep: How have parents and schools, from each side, negotiated this often unwelcome intercession into children's development, socialization, and vocational training and how has this changed over time? How have the fissures of ethnicity, race, gender, and socioeconomic status over the last 150 years figured into the relative regard for schooling by parents? Have parents, given the varying outcomes of schooling for their children's social and economic prospects, felt that the imposition of the values of the "official culture" of American schooling has been worth the strain on family resources and the sacrifice of their own folkways? As important and far-ranging as these questions are, Cutler's project is narrower in scope than so immodest an undertaking. His history is of more conventional, institutionalized expressions of the ongoing contest over the lives and minds of school-age children--namely, the history of parent-teacher organizations and attendant s chool-sponored welfare initiatives directed toward the uplift of schoolchildren's families. Cutler examines this often rocky relationship as it evolved from an early recognition of the implicit tension between parents and schools. He traces an arising affinity of interests between mothers and the growing cadre of female grade school teachers from the end of the Common School era to the calcification of parent-teacher relations into interest group politics during the 1970s and early 1980s.

While public school systems formed during the latter half of the nineteenth century, "home-school associations" burgeoned too, as parents and teachers defined common aims and discerned the advantages of cooperation. During this brief honeymoon phase of their relations it was often argued that parents and teachers should stand shoulder-to-shoulder on issues regarding children's education. Yet by the turn of the century, as urban schools added layer upon layer of administration, educators advanced the primacy of the teacher's role in the parent-teacher partnership; and this assertion underlay every formal interaction between parents and schools thereafter.

Cutler has read widely and researched exhaustively to lead us through the major features of this relationship at the national level, beginning with the formation of the National Congress of Mothers and Parent-Teacher Associations in 1908. its establishment (an emendation of the "National Congress of Mothers" formed just a decade earlier) at the time signaled the perceived importance of extending its power base beyond the moral authority of mothering. Its successor--the PTA--was to become an institutional fixture of community life across the nation. Moreover, the formation of the NCMPTA (later, simply, the "NCPT") seemed to acknowledge institutionally that schooling was, among other things, a starkly political act and that parent-teacher organizations, which formalized communication between home and school, were necessitated by the dilution of parental influence entailed by the growth and complexity of public schooling during the early decades of the twentieth century.

Parent-teacher associations could also be used as avenues to further political ends. "Between 1900 and 1930," Culter points out, "the National Congress backed such reforms as mothers' pensions, a national child labor law, and a constitutional amendment to standardize public policy on marriage and divorce in the United States." (105) These streets, of course, ran north and south. Educators had their own interests to protect and ambitions to promote. If at its inception schooling represented an attempt to standardize the inculcation of skills, habits, and culture in children, during the first half of the twentieth century educators increasingly fastened their attention on the deficiencies of the home and parenting. If the child's environment itself could be molded, the teacher's job would be easier and the way would be prepared before the child even entered the school building. Parent education was vital if the schools were to combat nagging problems like truancy, attrition, and subpar performance--problems, wh ich, it seemed to teachers overwhelmingly coincided with being the child of parents who were poor, black, or foreign born. Political support for parent education was solicited through the NOPT during the 1920s and sanctioned outreach by "specialists trained in nursing and social work," says Cutler, inducing a significant expansion in the mission of schooling. By 1930, he says, educators "had shifted to a more comprehensive concern with social and psychological adjustment." (135) This shift, he argues, brought them to the brink of an issue that surely worries reformers like Corner today: if the aims of schooling and other forms of social welfare become indistinguishable from one another, are schools then also accountable for the failings of family life as well as the intellectual undernourishment of America's children?

The latter half of Parents and Schools addresses the neglect suffered by African-American children in segregated schools nationwide, the effect of white flight from America's inner cities, the decline of public education, and the degeneration of advocacy for public schooling into interest-group politics, pitting parents against teachers in bitter disputes over goals and culpability. The 1970s were pivotal in Cutler's account--a time when PTAs were often seen as puppet organizations that did the political spade-work of teachers and administrators. Indeed, the rancor and tumult of the decade all but spelled the end of any kind of constructive partnership between parents and teachers. Nonetheless, the most important story of public schooling since World War Two has been the impact of desegregation. Cutler details the ways in which racism persisted among school administrators and in groups representing parents, teachers, and tax-payers. And he thoughtfully addresses the continued relegation of African-American an d other minority children to sorry, decaying facilities and demoralized teachers but his sources don't allow the kind of treatment this chapter in his narrative deserves. After all, PTAs were as exclusionary of minorities as faculty lounges, boards of education, and school district boundaries. Little wonder then that the most salient issue in the last decades of the twentieth century should fail to turn up in the minutes of the meetings of local PTAs or even the pronouncements of their national organ.

Parents and schools have alternated between advocacy and contestation of one another's aims since the founding of public schools in the United States. While the closing decades of the last century have been marred by recrimination and adversarial relations, Cutler suggests that the balance wheel may be turning back in the other direction once again, ushering in a new era of cooperation among the nurturers of children's aptitude, development, and well-being. Cutler has identified a frontier in the history of education in the United States and produced an excellent (and very readable) baseline account of the primary institutional locus of the relationship between parents and schools. Yet it is necessary for historians to explore further the multiple histories of parents' attitudes towards teachers, schools, and schooling so that we can gain a more rounded, nuanced sense than now exists of how parents have mediated children's capacities to succeed in and out of school.

ENDNOTES

(1.) New Haven, Conn, Annual Report of the New Haven Board of Education (New Haven, Conn: 1871), 20-1.

(2.) See, e.g., Viviana A. Zelizer, Pricing the Priceless Child: The Changing Social Value of Children (New York: Basic Books, Inc., 1985.)