Palestinian Citizens in an Ethnic Jewish State: Identities in Conflict.

Nadim N. Rouhana. New Haven: Yale University Press, 1997. 231 pp., Appendices pp. 233-243, Notes, pp. 245-273. Bibliography, pp. 275-288, Index, pp. 289-300. Hardcover $30.

Reviewed by Elaine C. Hagopian

Finally a book which elucidates accurately the dilemmas of that little known remnant of the Palestinian people in what became the State of Israel in 1948 has been written. Growing from a population in 1948 of approximately 156,000 to 850,000 by the end of 1994, the Palestinians now form a critical mass in Israel, i.e., sixteen plus percent of the Israeli population. Nonetheless, the Palestinian citizens are not accorded equal rights in Israel. Rouhana's book captures the essence of this anomaly. The Jewish and Palestinian Arab "identities" are in conflict, not simply because Jews and Palestinian Arabs are culturally "different," but more important because Israel is a democracy that extends the full rights of citizenship to Jews only.

As the Palestinian population has grown, Israeli Jewish social scientists have focused on its anomalous status in Israel which is designed in its legal documents as a state for the Jewish people. Unfortunately, such studies have tended to obfuscate the reality of Palestinian status and rights in the State by offering "data" to show their evolution toward an Israeli identity and the subsequent trend to increased rights. Rouhana systematically de-constructs the arguments and adequacy of data of those such as Sammy Smooha who hold to such a position. Smooha and others have tried to transform the contraction of democracy and exclusion into a non-contradiction by presenting it in muted form in order to blur its full reality. That is, for Smooha and others, Palestinians are gaining a form of equality, but he knows in somewhat obscure form that Palestinians still need to understand that Israel is a State for the Jewish people. The main flaw in Smooha's work, states Rouhana, is that he and others assume that a degree of internalization of Israeli identity has taken place among Palestinians, and hence it will serve to promote the greater attachment to the State and thus, to more rights, but not full rights. Rouhana quickly demolishes the flawed assumptions and consequent "scientific" edifice on which Smooha has built his analysis.

Beyond exposing the inadequacies of studies by Smooha and others as he presents his own analytical framework and data, Rouhana makes three major contributions: 1) he develops a conceptual model that relates to collective identity, offering clarity to understanding the enigmatic status of the Palestinian citizens of Israel while also being applicable to dissecting the problems and statuses of ethnic minorities elsewhere; 2) he provides a set of baseline studies on the Palestinians in Israel that will allow continuous process analysis as the variables embodied in his model change in form or intensity over time; and 3) he draws out a number of options for the future of Palestinians in Israel which are based on various situational scenarios relative to said variables in the region.

CONCEPTUAL MODEL

As a social psychologist, Rouhana focuses on the relationship of collective identity to equality in the Israel which contends to be a democratic state. In his model of collective identity, he distinguishes three component layers: the formal-legal, the political, and the social-cultural each of which have subcomponents. To give substantive salience to his model of collective identity, he specifies the forces that shape Palestine identity in Israel: Israel's laws, structure, and political and regional developments; and changes within the group. He then goes on to detail the intent of each force, and how each impacts on the component layers of his model of collective identity. For example, Israeli laws, structure and politics are the contents for Israel's policy guidelines vis-a-vis the nature of the State and how it relates to its Jewish and Arab citizens. These include Israel as a Jewish State, which is defined by law as a state for Jewish people in and outside of Israel, but not a state of all of its citizens; Israel as a Democracy, but democracy cannot be fully extended to the Palestinian citizens since that could defeat the raison d'etre of Israel as a State for the Jewish people; and Israel as a State with strong security concerns, which concerns mean that any action relative to limiting the Palestine citizens can be justified on the basis of security needs. Regarding regional forces, Rouhana discusses the impact of the post World War II rise in Arab nationalism; the formation of the Palestinian Liberation Organization and reconnection of the Palestinians in Israel with other Palestinians after the 1967 war; the Islamic upsurge; and the impact of the Oslo peace process on Palestinian identification with fellow Palestinians and Arabs. Finally, he dissects the changes within the Palestinian community in Israel demographically, socio-economically, educationally and in terms of developing a political culture. Having developed into a critical mass over the years, with better but not equal resources, and fielding an educated elite, the Palestinians in Israel began to reorganize to challenge their unequal status under israeli law and in Israeli society. The forces and their defining content become the variables of Rouhana's model of collective identity. Their variants over the years have shaped and will continue to shape the actuality of Palestinian identity, and hence, Palestinian attitudes toward Israel as the State of citizenship and toward Palestinian Arab nationality and culture.

BASELINE STUDIES AND PALESTINIAN COLLECTIVE IDENTITY

Employing the conceptual framework of his model, Rouhana assembles a wealth of data from 1982 and 1989 population samples of analysis. He deftly analyzes the data relevant to his model's dimensions along its various affective axes, i.e., loyalty, belonging, sentimental attachment, shared historical experience, pride, and sense of common fate. He concludes that the collective identity of Palestinians in Israel is closer to that of the larger Palestinian identity and not to an Israeli identity. In fact, the Palestinians in Israel most often refer to themselves primarily as Palestinians in Israel and not as Israeli Arabs. However, and in spite of the fact that Israeli basis laws (the equivalent of a constitution notes Rouhana) discriminate against Palestinians, and tend to make commitment to Israel as a state of the Jewish people, Palestinians are forced to seek their instrumental needs (i.e., through the formal legal dimensions based on Israeli laws and policies which presently favor Jews) as the state of their citizenship. The PLO, earlier and presently had/has neither the power nor the will to offer Palestinians in Israel a viable and democratic alternative for meeting their instrumental needs. In short, these Palestinians are effectively part of the collective identity of the Palestinian nation, but instrumentally, i.e., in terms of negotiating their rights, they must do so in Israel as their state of citizenship.

OPTIONAL SCENARIOS FOR PALESTINIANS IN ISRAEL

Rouhana spells out three sets of alternative options which could result from the present situation in Israel, especially if the 1993 Oslo process were to be initiated. He does not imply that the Palestinians have total choice in the matter, but they may favor a particular option and expend their energies in that direction. The optional sets are:

1) those that augment the ethnic exclusivity of Israel by encouraging voluntary of forced migration of the Palestinians in Israel to whatever Palestinian entity is formed in the West Bank and Gaza, or by allowing present Palestinian citizens to reside in Israel but as citizens of the assumed Palestinian entity, and hence without political rights in Israel. Jews in the Palestinian entity would be; citizens of Israel with all rights, including protective security. Another option within this set would be territorial separation, i.e., autonomy. Israel would fear this as it might produce calls for secession from Israel. Instead, Israeli policy is presently aimed at breaking up any contiguous Palestinian population centers capable of undermining possible economic and demographic strength of the community.

2) variations of the status quo include the nation of better rights for the Palestinian citizens, but not equality, or allowing autonomy regarding administration of cultural and educational institutions, but no territorial rights except for the possibility of getting some leased land. Israel fears this option because it might create a Palestinian community power base.

3) genuine change in the relationship between the Palestinian Arabs and the state which would take the form of a gradual integration of Palestinians as equal citizens, or more radically changing the laws of Israel to transform it into a democratic, secular civil state where both populations own the state and are served by it, or embracing a binational state where each group would be guaranteed equal and group rights, but each would have their own institutions in addition the binational institutions of the state. Presently, Israel favors none of these options.

At the writing of this book, Rouhana felt that the Oslo agreement would resolve the problem of Palestinian national rights in the territories and would lead to normalization of Israel's relationships in the region, that Israel would become less preoccupied with security issues, and that the contradiction of democracy and exclusion would surface. Israel would then be hard put to deny Palestinian citizens equal rights based on security interests, and would be forced to reconcile its polices with its commitment to democracy. Therefore, Rouhana seems to come down in favor of a democratic secular state that requires concessions by both parties, i.e., Palestinians in Israel would have to give up any claims to the 78% of Palestine and become Israel in 1948, and Israeli Jews would have to accept Palestinians as full citizens.

In discussing this option, Rouhana recognizes that the issue of identity would have to be negotiated. He feels that there are enough potential areas of common values around democracy that could become part of an overarching identity without denying aspects of either's ethnic identity. Nonetheless, it would effectively mean that each group would have to stop being what they presently are and develop from the existing potential a supra-identity.

Rouhana has no illusions about the difficulty involved, and the resistance to such a radical transformation of Israeli society. Given his earlier analysis, he has spelled out the logical types of options which could result, and has focused on the one which serves both communities equally, noting that Palestinians would need to develop strategies that attract supporters in mainstream Jewish society.

However, in a recent article assessing the present post-Oslo situation, Rouhana continues his analysis of a possible bi-national option which would include all of pre-State Palestine. He recognizes the failure of Oslo to resolve the national problem of those Palestinians under occupation, and indeed those who are refugees elsewhere. Simultaneously, he sees not a softening of Israeli concerns about security toward its Palestinian Arab citizens, but a greater accent on the security concerns rationale for the denial of rights. Still, he understands that a binational state for Jews and Palestinians is potentially a more feasible solution that would, by meeting the democratic rights of both people, bring security and stability to the region. Exceptionally well written, theoretically sound, and empirically grounded, Rouhana's book will stand as a major contribution to the literature on ethnic group status and rights in multi-ethnic states, and as the first book which provides a realistic picture of Palestinians in Israel and their importance in the regional political arena. No review can do justice to the richness of his analysis and the detailed manner by which he argues the pros and cons of the various options based on the findings. Rouhana's work is nuanced and sophisticated. His book is essential reading for scholars of the area, of ethnicity in modern states, of the discipline of social psychology and identity politics.

Elaine C. Hagopian is Professor Emerita of Sociology at Simmons College, Boston.