On the non-expressed object of Old English infinitives.1. Introduction In this paper we are concerned with the manifold manifold In mathematics, a topological space (see topology) with a family of local coordinate systems related to each other by certain classes of coordinate transformations. Manifolds occur in algebraic geometry, differential equations, and classical dynamics. types of Old English Old English: see type; English language; Anglo-Saxon literature. Old English or Anglo-Saxon Language spoken and written in England before AD 1100. It belongs to the Anglo-Frisian group of Germanic languages. infinitival in·fin·i·ti·val adj. Relating to the infinitive. Adj. 1. infinitival - relating to or formed with the infinitive; "infinitival clause" "transitive transitive - A relation R is transitive if x R y & y R z => x R z. Equivalence relations, pre-, partial and total orders are all transitive. " constructions where no lexical lex·i·cal adj. 1. Of or relating to the vocabulary, words, or morphemes of a language. 2. Of or relating to lexicography or a lexicon. [lexic(on) + -al1. or overt DP is instantiated in the object position, and the claim is made that a common (historical) origin could be invoked for all of them where no movement to the C(omplementiser)P(hrase) position applies. The sequences below would serve as illustrations of the pertinent paradigm of "retroactive Having reference to things that happened in the past, prior to the occurrence of the act in question. A retroactive or retrospective law is one that takes away or impairs vested rights acquired under existing laws, creates new obligations, imposes new duties, or attaches a infinitives", which is made up of adverbial clauses An adverbial clause is a clause that functions as an adverb. In other words, it contains subject (explicit or implied) and predicate, and it modifies a verb.
(1) a. rice men sendon heora dohtor thider [_____ to laeranne]
rich men sent their daughters there to teach
'rich men sent their daughters there to be taught'
(Bede 3 6.172.16) (Fischer 1991: 157)
b. hine ...of thaere byrig gelaeddon [_____ to staenenne]
him from the city led to stone
'[they] led him out of the city to be stoned'
(AECHom I, 3 46.32) (Fischer 1991: 157)
(2) a. Ic haebbe mete [_____ to etenne]
I have food to eat
(Alc.P.V.72) (Allen 1980: 275)
b. Fela ic haebbe [eow _____ to secganne]
many things I have you to say
'I have many things to tell you'
(CP 237.12) (Mitchell 1985, I: 390)
(3) a. He saede thaet he uniethe waere [_____ to gehealdenne]
he said that he difficult was to control
'He said that he was difficult to control'
(CP 172.11) (Visser 1963-73, II: 991)
b. wundro ..., tha the nu to long [_____ to secgenne syndon]
wonders which that now too long to narrate are
'wonders ..., which are too long to narrate right now'
(Bede 174.22) (Visser 1963-73, II: 1012)
(4) a. thas thing sint [_____ to donne]
these things are to do
'these things must be done'
(Lch II(2)22.1.8) (Fischer 1991: 147)
b. tha waedlan sint [_____ to frefranne and _____ to retanne]
the poor are to console and to comfort
'the poor must be consoled and given some comfort'
(CP 180.6) (Visser 1963-73, III: 1460)
Within a generative gen·er·a·tive adj. 1. Having the ability to originate, produce, or procreate. 2. Of or relating to the production of offspring. generative pertaining to reproduction. framework, we will argue that a strategy allowing a minimum of effort seems to prevent Old English infinitives from assigning or rather checking their (accusative accusative (əky  `zətĭv') [Lat.,=accusing], in grammar of some languages, such as Latin, the case typically meaning that the noun refers to the entity directly affected by an ) Case against an
actually realized DP in case a lexical antecedent ANTECEDENT. Something that goes before. In the construction of laws, agreements, and the like, reference is always to be made to the last antecedent; ad proximun antecedens fiat relatio. for the latter can be
found in the matrix clause, a situation which would apply without the
concurrence CONCURRENCE, French law. The equality of rights, or privilege which several persons-have over the same thing; as, for example, the right which two judgment creditors, Whose judgments were rendered at the same time, have to be paid out of the proceeds of real estate bound by them. Dict. de Jur. h.t. of Wh-movement. Though the standard account of relative
clauses, tough-constructions, or certain adverbial clauses of purpose is
one in terms of Wh-movement, the possibility is explored here for a
(common) original structure in the language where no movement applies
and where the object position is occupied by the empty category pro,
which can be otherwise attested at·test v. at·test·ed, at·test·ing, at·tests v.tr. 1. To affirm to be correct, true, or genuine: The date of the painting was attested by the appraiser. 2. in Old English. In this way, several historical facts related to infinitival constructions with a gap in object position seem to all point out in the direction of these sequence-types as having originated as structures where no operator is raised to the CP position. No investigation of the stage(s) previous to Old English has been carried out; nonetheless, the evidence in Old English and later in Middle English Middle English Vernacular spoken and written in England c. 1100–1500, the descendant of Old English and the ancestor of Modern English. It can be divided into three periods: Early, Central, and Late. seems to be autonomous enough to establish certain facts concerning the origin of the infinitival constructions under study. It must crucially be noted that each of the facts presented here as evidence on which to base our claims should deserve a separate study of its own. Our main concern therefore is to offer an overall picture of the situation in which certain links and connections can be established that so seem to have received no attention previously in the literature. On the other hand, though our discussion relates to the well-known issue of the derivation derivation, in grammar: see inflection. of relative clauses or tough-sentences with or without the instantiation (programming) instantiation - Producing a more defined version of some object by replacing variables with values (or other variables). 1. In object-oriented programming, producing a particular object from its class template. of movement (cf. the classical works and most illuminating il·lu·mi·nate v. il·lu·mi·nat·ed, il·lu·mi·nat·ing, il·lu·mi·nates v.tr. 1. To provide or brighten with light. 2. To decorate or hang with lights. 3. studies of Allen (1980) and van Kemenade (1987)), it does so only partially since we are involved exclusively with infinitival constructions, which seem to constitute a coherent group. Thus, it being the case that e.g., infinitival relative clauses in Old English have been analysed in depth by the authors just mentioned (among others), it will be argued that crucial properties of the former such as their semantic force and decisive gaps in their syntactic Dealing with language rules (syntax). See syntax. paradigm would seem to group them together, not with corresponding finite relatives, but with adverbial clauses of purpose, for which similarly a structure without Wh-movement can be entertained. It must be noted that the illustrations presented in this paper have been extracted from the philological phi·lol·o·gy n. 1. Literary study or classical scholarship. 2. See historical linguistics. [Middle English philologie, from Latin philologia, love of learning and/or linguistic literature available. As implied above, it is not our concern to find out new data or to scrutinise Verb 1. scrutinise - to look at critically or searchingly, or in minute detail; "he scrutinized his likeness in the mirror" scrutinize, size up, take stock original texts, but to offer an approach in which to analyse certain structures and data already gathered and/or analysed in the literature from a slightly different perspective. The references to texts are as given in the sources, which are specifically the following: Visser (1963-73), Allen (1980), Mitchell (1985), van Kemenade (1987), Fischer (1991), and Denison (1993). The paper is organised as follows. In section 2, clauses of purpose will be the first to be used as proof that object pro can be argued to be instantiated in Old English infinitival constructions instead of a null A character that is all 0 bits. Also written as "NUL," it is the first character in the ASCII and EBCDIC data codes. In hex, it displays and prints as 00; in decimal, it may appear as a single zero in a chart of codes, but displays and prints as a blank space. operator. The reason why they have been chosen as the starting point Noun 1. starting point - earliest limiting point terminus a quo commencement, get-go, offset, outset, showtime, starting time, beginning, start, kickoff, first - the time at which something is supposed to begin; "they got an early start"; "she knew from the of the discussion is that infinitival purpose clauses represent themselves the referential meaning of the infinitival inflection inflection, in grammar. In many languages, words or parts of words are arranged in formally similar sets consisting of a root, or base, and various affixes. Thus walking, walks, walker have in common the root walk and the affixes -ing, -s, and in its essence, which inflection is shared by all our sequence-types. After analysing other instances of object pro in the language in 2.1, section 3 will be devoted to presenting crucial facts about relative clauses that seem to get a satisfactory explanation if in a parallel fashion to purpose clauses, these constructions are claimed to originate in Verb 1. originate in - come from stem - grow out of, have roots in, originate in; "The increase in the national debt stems from the last war" the language displaying a configuration lacking Wh-movement. Tough-sequences will also be held as evidence for the plausible instantiation of pro (cf. 3.2). 2. Exploring the possibility of the absence of Wh-movement Our starting point will be adverbial clauses of purpose such as those in (1) above, which are not included in Allen (1980) or van Kemenade (1987), but which belong within the paradigm of infinitival structures presented in Fischer (1991). Their interest lies in that they can be argued to incorporate originally in themselves the distinguishing semantic property A semantic property consists of the components of meaning of a word. The component female is a semantic property of girl, woman, actress etc. See also
n. pl. fi·nal·i·ties 1. The condition or fact of being final. 2. A final, conclusive, or decisive act or utterance. Noun 1. that they convey. Thus, it is a well-known fact that the infinitival marker to starts out as a purpose marker after developing from the preposition preposition, in English, the part of speech embracing a small number of words used before nouns and pronouns to connect them to the preceding material, e.g., of, in, and about. meaning "direction towards" (cf. for instance Haspelmath (1989)). From a different perspective, verbs in the infinitive infinitive: see mood; tense. are subject to certain morpho-syntactic conditions which prevent them from taking lexical or overt subjects and which lead to the instantiation of PRO. In Minimalist min·i·mal·ist n. 1. One who advocates a moderate or conservative approach, action, or policy, as in a political or governmental organization. 2. A practitioner of minimalism. adj. 1. terms, this would be expressed by saying that infinitival Infl is incapable of checking nominative Case Noun 1. nominative case - the category of nouns serving as the grammatical subject of a verb nominative, subject case grammatical case, case - nouns or pronouns or adjectives (often marked by inflection) related in some way to other words in a sentence , (1) a restriction that has remained unchanged from Old English onwards on·ward adj. Moving or tending forward. adv. also on·wards In a direction or toward a position that is ahead in space or time; forward. Adv. 1. though, as will be noted, there are more possibilities for [PRO.sub.arb arb See arbitrageur. ] in Old English. What we would like to argue is that, in addition to the impossibilily of checking nominative nominative (nŏm`ĭnətĭv), [Lat.,=naming], in Latin grammar, the case usually employed for the noun that is the subject of the sentence. , infinitives start out in Old English already characterisecl as forms that can avoid checking accusative Case Noun 1. accusative case - the case of nouns serving as the direct object of a verb accusative, objective case oblique, oblique case - any grammatical case other than the nominative against the corresponding DP object. (2) Thus, what matters for our purpose is the gap in object position preceding the verb in the sequences in (1) above, which appears below with additional examples as (5).
(5) a. rice men sendon heora dohtor thider [[PRO.sub.arb] --
rich men sent their daughters there
to laeranne]
to teach
'rich men sent their daughters there *to teach
/to be taught
/for them to teach'
(Bede 3 6.172.16) (Fischer 1991: 157)
b. hine ... of thaere byrig gelaeddon [[PRO.sub.arb] --
him from the city led
to staenenne]
to stone
'they led him out of the city *to stone
/to be stoned
/for them to stone'
(AECHom I, 3 46.32) (Fischer 1991: 157)
c. se ealdormonn hie betaehte lythrum [monum.sub.i]
the nobleman them delivered-up to-corrupt men
[[PRO.sub.i] -- to healdenne]
to hold
'the nobleman delivered them up to corrupt people *to take
hold of
/to take hold of him
/for corrupt people to take hold of'
(Oros. 292.28) (Visser 1963-73, II: 999)
d. tha sealde he (Pilatus) hyne (Jesus) [hym.sub.i] (the Jews)
then gave he him to-them
[[PRO.sub.i] -- to ahonne]
to hang
'then he delivered Him up to them *to hang
/to hang Him
/for them to hang'
(Old English Gosp., John 19.16) (Visser 1963-73, II: 999)
It must be noted that an analysis of cases such as these--and in fact of any of the structures under discussion in this paper (cf. (2-4))--is closely connected with the traditional issue in the literature as to whether certain Old English infinitives could be active in form and passive in meaning. Suffice it to say that we assume the arguments given in Mitchell (1985) and Fischer (1991) against the dual voice of Old English infinitives, such as the availability of the (periphrastic per·i·phras·tic adj. 1. Having the nature of or characterized by periphrasis. 2. Grammar Constructed by using an auxiliary word rather than an inflected form; for example, of father ) passive infinitive in Old English, the impossibility Impossibility See also Unattainability. belling the cat mouse’s proposal for warning of cat’s approach; application fatal. [Gk. Lit. of actually proving that any active infinitival form has passive meaning, or the high degree of ambiguity that such a situation could cause in the language. Thus, all the infinitives illustrated here are considered as active both in form and in meaning, the contrast between Old English and Present-Day English being imputed Attributed vicariously. In the legal sense, the term imputed is used to describe an action, fact, or quality, the knowledge of which is charged to an individual based upon the actions of another for whom the individual is responsible rather than on the individual's to the null categories co-occurring with the infinitive, which in most cases render a (periphrastic) passive infinitive in the translation into Present-Da y English (as will be noted below). This way, the current analysis for e.g., (5a) would be as in (6), where the empty category in object position would be an operator which moves to COMP position leaving behind a trace or variable: (6) rice men sendon heora [dohtor.sub.i] thider [[[blank].sub.CP][O.sub.i][[blank].sub.IP][PRO.sub.arb] [t.sub.i] to laeranne]] However, none of the object gaps in the (purposive pur·po·sive adj. 1. Having or serving a purpose. 2. Purposeful: purposive behavior. pur ) adverbial clauses in (5) can remain as such in Present-Day English, as indicated by the asterisk (1) See Asterisk PBX. (2) In programming, the asterisk or "star" symbol (*) means multiplication. For example, 10 * 7 means 10 multiplied by 7. The * is also a key on computer keypads for entering expressions using multiplication. marking the first alternative offered in the translation above. This situation cannot be imputed--at least not exclusively--to a wider use of [PRO.sub.arb] in Old English, since (5c, d) instantiate In object technology, to create an object of a specific class. See instance. instantiate - instantiation controlled PRO and not [PRO.sub.arb] and nevertheless the object gap is likewise ungrammatical un·gram·mat·i·cal adj. 1. Not in accord with the rules of grammar. 2. Not in accord with standard or socially prestigious linguistic usage. un in Present-Day English. Therefore, either (i) an overt pronoun pronoun, in English, the part of speech used as a substitute for an antecedent noun that is clearly understood, and with which it agrees in person, number, and gender. must occupy the object position, as in (5c, d)--to take hold of him/to hang Him--or (ii) the passive infinitive must be employed, as in (5a, b)--to be taught/to be stoned. A third possibility can be entertained for all the cases in (5), which consists in substituting an overt DP subject preceded by the complementiser for for arbitrary or otherwise controlled PRO. In this case, the gap would be the trace left by the corresponding operator, as shown in (7) (which would correspond to (5a, c)): (7) a. rich men sent their [daughters.sub.i] there [[[blank].sub.CP][O.sub.i] for [[them.sub.IP] to teach [t.sub.i]]] b. they led [him.sub.i] out of the city [[[blank].sub.CP][O.sub.i] for [[[blank].sub.IP][them.sub.IP] to stone [t.sub.i]]] c. the nobleman delivered [them.sub.i] up [[[blank].sub.CP][O.sub.i] for [[corrupt.sub.IP] people to take hold of [t.sub.i]]] d. he delivered [HIM.sub.i] up [[[blank].sub.CP][O.sub.i] for [[them.sub.IP] to hang [t.sub.i]]] Concentrating then on the ill-formed translations into Present-Day English in (5), it must be concluded that the use of null operators is wider in Old English. Specifically, the occurrence of null object operators in Present-Day English adverbial clauses of purpose would seem to depend upon the C head in CP being filled up overtly (as in (7)), a situation which, on the other hand, cannot be explained away here and which deserves further study. The point we would like to make is that, instead of assuming such diachronic di·a·chron·ic adj. Of or concerned with phenomena as they change through time. contrasts in the use of null object operators in adverbial clauses, it seems possible to entertain an analysis in which no (Wh)-movement of an empty operator takes place in the Old English sequences and in which object pro is instantiated. Arguing in favour of a structure where no movement to CP applies would be a simpler or more economical option from a theoretical point of view. That is, though the infinitive would avoid checking accusative Case overtly both in a (standard) configuration where the empty operator raises to COMP (see (6)) and in a structure with pro (see (8) below), the latter would posit just a one-step derivation. On the other hand, the instantiation of object pro would not be unique to the sequence-types under study in this paper. As will be argued in the following subsection subsection Noun any of the smaller parts into which a section may be divided Noun 1. subsection - a section of a section; a part of a part; i.e. , a non-overt pronominal pro·nom·i·nal adj. 1. Of, relating to, or functioning as a pronoun. 2. Resembling a pronoun, as by specifying a person, place, or thing, while functioning primarily as another part of speech. category is liable to be attested in several Old English constructions, though of a different type: specifically, configurations where a finite verb A finite verb is a verb that is inflected for person and for tense according to the rules and categories of the languages in which it occurs. Finite verbs can form independent clauses, which can stand by their own as complete sentences. selects for an object with arbitrary reference. (8) rice men sendon [heora [dohtor.sub.i]] thider [[[[blank].sub.CP][[THETA].sub.i][[[blank].sub.IP][PRO.sub.arb] [pro.sub.i] to laeranne]].sub.i] The way in which the head antecedent and pro would get dependent upon each other from a configurational point of view would be through coindexation with the empty complementiser (cf. [THETA] above). If necessary, the relation of predication In CPU instruction execution, executing all outcomes of a branch in parallel. When the correct branch is finally known, the results of the incorrect branch sequences are discarded. See branch prediction. existing between the antecedent--which would be the subject--and the purposive subordinate--which would act as predicate In programming, a statement that evaluates an expression and provides a true or false answer based on the condition of the data. in such relation of predication--would be attained through agreement between both sides, hence the index in the outer brackets of the CP. Thus, object pro would be identified by the head antecedent, whose phi-features (person, number ...) would be identical to those of object pro. As for the licensing condition holding on pro (cf. Rizzi (1986) on the two-fold condition of identification and licensing required by the null pronominal category), it would be the AgrO--head--which is the position within IP assumed for objects to move to--that would license the null category. (3) This way, it seems plausible to argue in favour of the object position in infinitival purpose clauses as being occupied by pro, which would stay within IP. Let us recall that we have started with adverbial clauses of purpose because they seem to incarnate in·car·nate adj. 1. a. Invested with bodily nature and form: an incarnate spirit. b. Embodied in human form; personified: a villain who is evil incarnate. most directly the values of infinitives, and it is infinitives that happen to be characterised by this strategy of least effort which renders the instantiation of object pro as a sufficient mechanism to ensure a relation of coindexation between an overt DP (the antecedent) and an object syntactic position. As noted in the Conclusion, this theoretical account seems not to be tenable ten·a·ble adj. 1. Capable of being maintained in argument; rationally defensible: a tenable theory. 2. after Old English, given certain diachronic changes, and object pro must be substituted by an object operator moving to OP. At the same time, adverbial clauses of purpose evidence that there are differences between Old English and Present-Day English with respect to the occurrence of empty categories, whether they are object operators (as in the standard account) or object pro (as in the present approach). It is this difference between both stages that set us on the track of stipulating a different original history than that currently assumed for infinitival constructions with a gap in object position. As will be argued in [section]3, relative clauses (and likewise tough-sequences) can also be held as evidence that there is no movement in these Old English sequence-types, though this time the reason will lie in the blanks of the Old English paradigm as compared to Present-Day English. 2.1. Object pro in Old English It is a well-known fact that Present-Day English lacks object pro, (4) on a par with the similarly absent subject pro, cf. Rizzi (1986): (9) a. Esto lleva [Pro.sub.arbi] [a [PRO.sub.i] concluir lo siguiente] this leads to conclude the following b. *This leads pro [PRO.sub.arbi] [[PRO.sub.i] to conclude the following] Thus, the AgrO head cannot possibly be a licenser for the null pronominal category in English, in contrast with e.g., Spanish (see (9a) above) or Italian. However, as argued in Rizzi (1986: 531ff), things were not always like this, and instances of object pro can be gathered from Old English, Middle English, and Early Modem English, it being Old English that we would be specially interested in:
(10) a. he Iohannes bibead heafde biheawan
he John's ordered head cut
'he ordered them to cut off John's head'
(Juliana 294) (Visser 1963-73, III: 1343)
b. thet uerste ... somoneth to worthsipie god
the worst summons to worship God
'the worst compels us to worship God'
(Ayenbite 104.33) (Rizzi 1986: 532)
c. het hiene tha niman & thaeron bescufan
ordered him then take and therein cast
'he ordered him then to be taken and cast inside'
(Or. 34.13) (Denison 1993: 189)
d. ic Beda Cristes theaw ... sende gretan thone
I, Bede, Christ's servant, send greet the
leofastan cyning & halettan Ceouulf
most-beloved king and honour Ceolwulf
"I, Bede, Christ's servant, send people to greet and honour the
most beloved King Ceolwulf'
(Bede 417.7) 417.7) (Denison 1993: 189)
The internal configuration for e.g., (10c, d) would be as in (11), where an arbitrary null object controls PRO: (11) a. het [pro.sub.arbi] [[PRO.sub.i] hiene tha niman] b. ic sende [pro.sub.arbi] [[PRO.sub.i] gretan thone leofastan cyning] Sendan 'send' in (11b) must illustrate a case of (direct) object pro. Sendan gretan could ndt actually be taken as an elaboration of sendan (which should mean for sendan gretan to be considered as a unity or verbal complex) since the subjects demanded by each predicate must be different. On the other hand, though the claim could be made for several matrix predicates in these construction-types to subcategorise for a dative dative (dā`tĭv) [Lat.,=giving], in Latin grammar, the case typically used to refer to an indirect object, i.e., a secondary recipient of an action. For example, him in I gave him a book is translated in Latin by a dative case. DP instead of an accusative DP, this would not seem to contravene con·tra·vene tr.v. con·tra·vened, con·tra·ven·ing, con·tra·venes 1. To act or be counter to; violate: contravene a direct order. 2. the basic tenet TENET. Which he holds. There are two ways of stating the tenure in an action of waste. The averment is either in the tenet and the tenuit; it has a reference to the time of the waste done, and not to the time of bringing the action. 2. that object pro existed in Old English. Thus, the verb hatan 'order' clearly subcategorises for a dative DP in (12) below (cf. his gesihuin 'his companions'), which fact could lead us to think of (1 la) above as involving a dative controller and therefore as illustrating a (non-pertinent) case of indirect-object pro.
(12) het he his gesihum,
ordered he his companions
thonebiscop mid his preostum samod geandwerdian
the bishop with his priests together oppose
'he ordered his companions to oppose the bishop together
with this priests'
(AECHom, I,29 416.4) (Dension 1993: 179)
However, we would like to argue that whether pro instantiates accusative or otherwise dative Case Noun 1. dative case - the category of nouns serving as the indirect object of a verb dative oblique, oblique case - any grammatical case other than the nominative cannot mean a serious difference in the case of English since the pro configuration of verbs checking dative Case has disappeared through time in the language, in a parallel fashion to those checking accusative: see the ungrammaticality of (13) below, whose matrix verbs would subcategorise for dative DPs. On the other hand, the pro configuration would seem to be constrained con·strain tr.v. con·strained, con·strain·ing, con·strains 1. To compel by physical, moral, or circumstantial force; oblige: felt constrained to object. See Synonyms at force. 2. in Present-Day English to the verbs say and help, which would select for a dative in Old English. But even here it is possible to entertain an analysis involving just PRO and no object pro, cf. He has helped [PRO to fix the machine]. The point I wish to make them is that it can be argued for Present-Day English to lack any instances of object pro, whether they used to check accusative or dative in Old English (and in later stages). (13) a. He advised her/*[THETA] to be careful b. They can teach people/*[THETA] to play the piano (14) a. They said to him/[THETA] to be careful with the suitcase b. He has helped them/[THETA] to fix the machine There are still other, more conflictive, sequence-types which can also be held to evidence the existence of object pro in Old English. These are perception structures (see (15) below). It must be pointed out that verbs of perception subcategorise for bare infinitives bare infinitive n. In English, the infinitive without to, as used with modal auxiliary verbs. In the sentence I must go to the store now, the verb go is a bare infinitive. (on a par with some of the predicates illustrated in (10) above), whereas the main structures that we are concerned with in this paper take a to-infinitive. The distinctive properties of each infinitival type is undoubtedly an important issue, both from the point of view of semantics semantics [Gr.,=significant] in general, the study of the relationship between words and meanings. The empirical study of word meanings and sentence meanings in existing languages is a branch of linguistics; the abstract study of meaning in relation to language or (cf. Fischer (1996) for a difference in meaning between both forms), and from a morpho-syntactic perspective. In this last respect, the occurrence of the to or zero-infinitive seems to be linked to the Case subcategorised for by the matrix predicates: oblique o·blique adj. Situated in a slanting position; not transverse or longitudinal. oblique slanting; inclined. , dative, or genitive genitive (jĕn`ĭtĭv) [Lat.,=genetic], in Latin grammar, the case typically used to refer to a possessor. The term is used in the grammar of other languages, but the phenomenon referred to may not closely resemble a Latin genitive; thus a objects tend to occur with verbs that are constructed with the to-infinitive, whereas accusative objects are more likely to accompany verbs that take the bare infinitive (cf. Mitchell (1985: 392ff.) and his references to Callaway (1913)). Nevertheless, whether it is the to-infinitive or the zero-infinitive that is instantiated, or whether a verb subcategorises for accusative or dative, etc. (as previously noted in this subsection), these are issues that do not interfere with the occurrence of pro in the structures currently illustrated, that is (10) above and (15) below. Perception structures must face an extra difficulty, which is that either a two-place or a three-place analysis can be entertained in their case (though, to be fair, other predicates such as the order-type are also affected by this structural ambiguity). Thus, either the DP object belongs within the subordinate clause subordinate clause n. See dependent clause. subordinate clause Noun Grammar a clause that functions as an adjective, an adverb, or a noun rather than one that functions as a sentence in its own , and it is only [pro.sub.arb] that is needed as subject of the latter (as in the two-place analysis of (16a)), or on the other hand, the DP object is analysed as object of the matrix verb of perception (as in the three-place configuration of (16b)). In this second configuration-type, object pro would be needed on a par with [pro.sub.arb] as subject of the subordinate.
(15) a. Ic seah turf tredan
I saw grass tread
'I saw grass being trod'
(Riddles 14.1) (Fischer 1991: 141)
b. geseah ... sawle laedan to heofenan
saw a soul lead to heaven
'saw ... a soul being led to heaven'
(AECHom II, 11 107.512) (Fischer 1991: 159)
(16) a. ic seah [[pro.sub.arb] turf tredan]
b. ic seah [turf.sub.i] [[pro.sub.arb] [pro.sub.i] tredan]
The possibility of entertaining two distinct analyses with perception. structures is due to the malleability malleability, property of a metal describing the ease with which it can be hammered, forged, pressed, or rolled into thin sheets. Metals vary in this respect; pure gold is the most malleable. Silver, copper, aluminum, lead, tin, zinc, and iron are also very malleable. of perception verbs as regards their object: it can be a whole event (in the example in question, the action of the grass being trod trod v. Past tense and a past participle of tread. trod Verb the past tense and a past participle of tread trod, trodden tread by sb.), or otherwise only the main participant in the event (the grass in the pertinent case). What matters for our purpose is that we must count on the presence of object pro whether we take one analysis or the other, given that the subject of the (subordinate) small clause--which is [pro.sub.arb] in both configurations--would behave as object of the matrix verb. That is, the category pro introducing the subordinate in either case is actually object pro. Additionally, as noted above, the configuration in (16b) would entertain a second instance of object pro. The point has been made that object pro can be independently attested in Old English, though it must be emphasised that the sequence-types illustrated in this subsection differ from those under study in this paper in several respects: first, the finite/non-finite character of ones against the others (i.e. the verbs subcategorising for arbitrary pro in the constructions above would be finite, except for the second analysis offered for perception predicates); second, the fact that pro in infinitival purpose sequences would be coindexed with a matrix DP, whereas finite pro would have arbitrary reference and would, in any case, be a controller itself (except for the second occurrence of pro in the analysis (16b) above). 3. Evidence for the lack of movement in Old English This section will be devoted to the infinitival sequence-types in (2-4), and the claim will be made that crucial facts concerning the paradigm of some of them seem to receive an appropriate explanation if their structure in Old English is argued to lack movement, that is the raising of an object operator to CP. It has already been noted that the possibility exists for (infinitival) clauses of purpose to instantiate an object pro coindexed through the C head position with the head antecedent in the matrix clause. Before dealing with relative clauses or tough-sequences, we will refer to the close connections existing between these and adverbial clauses of purpose. As mentioned in [section]2, the referential meaning of adverbial clauses of purpose is, as their name clearly indicates, that of purpose or finality, which is in turn the original meaning of the marker to as such infinitival verbal inflection. Thus, whereas adverbial clauses of purpose represent the referential meaning of the infinitival inflection in its purest form, complement clauses in general would represent the case where purpose to has ultimately developed into an ordinary clausal marker (cf. He began to cry/They believe him to be a good employer). However, clausal structures of the types in (2-4) would be located next to adverbial clauses of purpose on the pertinent scale given that the meaning of purpose or finality is most clearly enhanced in these subordinate structures. Specifically, infinitival relative clauses are closest to clauses of purpose. That this is so is evidenced by two facts. First, the lack in Old English of infinitival relatives where the noun noun [Lat.,=name], in English, part of speech of vast semantic range. It can be used to name a person, place, thing, idea, or time. It generally functions as subject, object, or indirect object of the verb in the sentence, and may be distinguished by a number of to be modified is subject, and actually the lower frequency of such relatives throughout the history of English, which could be due to the absence of a [+V] predicate in the matrix clause which should properly match the (original) meaning of purpose of the subordinate. Cf. the contrast between (2a) above, repeated below as (17a), where haebbe 'have' (which is [+V]) would behave as the corresponding predicate, or (17b), where need would play that role, and on the other hand (18), where no such predicate exists and the only constituent preceding the relative is the external argument itself (i.e. thingis and man, respectively):
(17) a. Ic haebbe mete [to etenne]
I have food to eat (Alc.P.V 72) (Allen 1980: 275)
b. We need a man [to send to Bristol]
(18) a. ... the necessite of thingis [to comen]?
(Chaucer, Boece V pr. 4.34) (Visser 1963-73, II: 979)
b. The man [to send to Bristol] must be a lawyer
Second, the actual ambiguity existing in multiple constructions between an adverbial clause of purpose reading (as in (19a") and (20b) below) and a relative clause reading (as in (19a') and (20a) below), ambiguity which can be attested in all periods of the language:
(19) a. ic sende thisum folce fiaesc to etanne
I sent these people flesh to eat
(AElf.Hept.Ex 16.12) (Fischer 1991: 152)
a'. ic sende thisum [folce.sub.h] [[[blank].sub.NP][flaesc.sub.i]
[[[blank].sub.CP][O.sub.i] [[[blank].sub.IP][PRO.sub.h] to
estanne [t.sub.j]]]]
a". ic sende thisum [folce.sub.h] flaesc [[[blank].sub.CP]
[[[blank].sub.IP][PRO.sub.h] to estanne]]
(20) a. He needs [[[blank].sub.NP][a man.sub.i]
[[[blank].sub.CP][O.sub.i] [[[blank].sub.IP][t.sub.i] to
repair the car]]]
b. [He.sub.i] needs a [man.sub.h] [[[blank].sub.CP]
[[[blank].sub.IP][PRO.sub.i/h] to repair the car]]
As for the types illustrated in (3-4), they also seem close enough to purposive infinitivals from a semantic point of view: the adjectival ad·jec·ti·val adj. Of, relating to, or functioning as an adjective. ad  jec·ti predicates in (3) take intentional propositions as complement, and the
same could be invoked for the be-to-clauses in (4).
A comment is in order in relation to be-to-sequences before we proceed to show the evidence for the lack of movement in infinitival constructions: although be-to-sequences have been listed in the Introduction as belonging to the same type as relative clauses and tough-constructions (they are all infinitival sequences showing a gap in object position), no specific evidence bearing on their structure or paradigm has been found on which to base our claim for the lack of movement to CP of an object operator. Nevertheless, this must not be taken as diminishing their right to be grouped with the other sequence-types. The occurrence of the relative items se/seo/thaet in finite relatives (see (23)) is a clear indication that movement has applied here, given that they introduce the subordinate clause and that they are clearly subcategorised for by the subordinate verb: 3.1. Relative clauses The first piece of evidence offered in this section for the lack of movement to CP is the fact that, from the very beginning of their existence in Old English, infinitival relatives (cf. (2) above, repeated below as (21)), are sequences where no (demonstrative LEGACY, DEMONSTRATIVE. A demonstrative legacy is a bequest of a certain sum of money; intended for the legatee at all events, with a fund particularly referred to for its payment; so that if the estate be not the testator's property at his death, the legacy will not fail: but be payable ) relative pronoun relative pronoun n. A pronoun that introduces a relative clause and has reference to an antecedent, as who in the child who is wearing a hat or that in the house that you live in. Noun 1. se/seo/thaet--in fact, not even the complementiser the--is allowed. As is well-known, this situation has been maintained throughout the history of English, cf. the ungrammatical Present-Day English (22) below:
(21) a. Ic haebbe mete [to etenne]
(Alc.P. V.72) (Allen 1980: 275)
b. Fela ic haebbe [eow to secganne]
(CP 237.12) (Mitchell 1985, I: 390)
(22) *I need a plumber [who to fix the sink].
(23) Her feng to Dearne rice Osric, thone Paulinus
here acceded to Deira kingdom Osric whom Paulinus
aer gefullode
befor baptised
'In this year, whom Paulinus had baptised earlier,
acceded to the throne of Deira'
(Sax.Chron.634) (Allen 1980: 269)
Although Old English infinitival relatives can be analysed as involving the movement of an object operator to COMP, as in (24) below, this move should be sustained only by the desire to establish a parallel with finite relatives, since no overt item occupies the CP position in the infinitival type. In the approach presented here, this last fact--the vacancy of CP--is taken as an indication that (25) can actually be the structure entertained by infinitival relatives originally in Old English. Since, as argued in [section]2, adverbial clauses of purpose seem to be best analysed as involving no empty operator being raised to CP, and infinitival relatives--which further share, at least partially, a purposive meaning with the adverbial ad·ver·bi·al adj. Of, relating to, or being an adverb. n. An adverbial element or phrase. ad·ver  bi·al·ly adv. type--lack any sign of overt elements in CP, it does seem plausible to
argue in favour of an Old English structure common to both infinitival
purpose clauses and infinitival relatives where object pro is
instantiated.
(24) [ic.sub.h] haebbe [[[blank].sub.NP][mete.sub.i] [[[blank].sub.CP][O.sub.i] [[[blank].sub.IP][PRO.sub.h] [t.sub.i] to etenne]]] (25) [ic.sub.h] haebbe [[[blank].sub.NP][mete.sub.i] [[[blank].sub.CP][[THETA].sub.i] [[[blank].sub.IP][PRO.sub.h] [pro.sub.i] to etenne]]] It is of course important to note that it is currently assumed in the literature that, though Old English relative clauses seem to generally obey some of the conditions necessary for Wh-movement to apply, the lack of negative evidence as regards some configuration-types make it impossible to fully ascertain the occurrence of the former (cf. Allen (1980) and van Kemenade (1987)). Thus, it is plausible to assume the non-application of Wh-movement in e.g., relative clause constructions, which further makes the account proposed here possible. 3.3.1. Preposition-stranding vs. pied-piping Of the two mechanisms generally available in Present-Day English relative clauses
The relative pronouns in English include who, whom, whose, which whenever a prepositional object Noun 1. prepositional object - the object governed by a preposition object of a preposition object - (grammar) a constituent that is acted upon; "the object of the verb" is relativised, preposition-stranding is the only possibility in Old English infinitival relatives, pied-piping not being available until the fourteenth century. Thus, configurations such as [about which to worry], [in which to live], and [with which to console the sick], where the PP is moved to CP, are not allowed in (26) below. Instead, the preposition must be left in its original position, which is before the verb in the general case in Old English, cf. Present-Day English [to worry about], [to live in], [to console the sick with].
(26)
a. theah he nu nanwuht elles naebbe ymbe to sorgienne
though he now nothing else not-have about to woory
"though he now have noting else to worry about'
(Boeth.XL.1.p.24.15) (Allen 1980:276)
b. Drihten, thu the gecure thaet faet on to eardienne
Lord you yourself chose that vessel in to live
'Lord, you chose for yourself that vessel to live in'
(Blick 157) (van Kemenade 1987: 151)
c. he haefde mildheortnysse tha untruman & tha thearfan
he had mercy the sick and the poor
mid to frefrigenne
with to console
'he had enough mercy with which to console the sick and the poor'
(Bede 545,13) (Visser 1963-73, II: 981)
These facts are wholly consistent with those shown in the previous section as regards the non-occurrence of overt items in the CP of (non-prepositional) infinitival relatives. The fact that it is not until the second half of the Middle English period that the CP of infinitival relatives is filled up with PPs, it being the case that pied-piped phrases occur in se/seo/thaet relatives from the beginning of Old English (pied-piping is actually the only possibility in se/seo/thaet relatives), seems to point out in the direction of infinitival relatives as being generated in Old English (and/or before) in close connection, not with finite relative clauses, but with infinitival constructions such as adverbial clauses of purpose (cf. section 2). Thus, it is possible to assume that infinitival relatives share with purpose clauses a structure where the object position is filled up with pro, and where no movement to CP applies. The configuration proposed here for e.g., (26a) above would be therefore as in (27) below, which would parallel the type of structure posited for adverbial clauses of purpose (section 2), and would be identical to the configuration assumed for infinitival relatives with no preposition-stranding (section 3): (27) [FORMULA NOT REPRODUCIBLE IN ASCII ASCII or American Standard Code for Information Interchange, a set of codes used to represent letters, numbers, a few symbols, and control characters. Originally designed for teletype operations, it has found wide application in computers. ] On the other hand, though infinitival relatives are identical to the relatives (see (28) below) in being characterised by preposition-stranding (cf. Allen (1980); van Kemenade (1987)), it seems to us that this must not be taken as evidence for a common origin for both types, since only the relatives are crucially marked by the occurrence of a complementiser (the itself) as the C head.
(28) Seo gesihth the we god myd geseon scylon is angyt
the sight that we God with see shall is understanding
'The sight that we shall see God with is understanding'
(Sol. 67.6) (Allen 1980: 267)
That se/seo/thaet relatives - on a par with interrogative structures - do not allow for preposition-stranding (cf. (28) above, virtually impossible with a demonstrative relative in the place of the) has been explained by van Kemenade (1987) as being due to prepositions not being proper governors. Though it is not our concern in this paper, and adopting this last claim by van Kemenade, we would like to point out that the preposition-stranding phenomenon, which is impossible in se/seo/thaet relatives, but which is found in the relatives, is due in the latter to the configuration of Old English CPs (we refer the reader to Castillo, in preparation) and that it is made possible by null operators not requiring being properly governed, which means that no E(mpty)C(ategory)P(rinciple) would apply. What actually concerns our discussion is that no ECP (Enhanced Capabilities Port) See IEEE 1284. 1. ECP - Engineering Change Proposal. 2. ECP - Enhanced Capabilities Port. 3. ECP - Extended Capabilities Port. 4. ECP - Extended Concurrent Prolog. is violated in (27) above either (that is, in an approach where the object position is pro) since, though prepositions are not proper governors (ymbe 'about' in the perti nent case), the corresponding object position is not occupied by a trace, but by pro. 3.2. Tough-sequences Certain facts about the adjectival sequences in (3), repeated below as (29), can also seem to agree with the instantiation of a no-movement-to-CP structure. Though they cannot be taken as direct evidence for an object pro configuration, they certainly welcome such structural type.
(29) a. ... he uniethe waere to gehealdenne
he difficult was to control
'he was difficult to control'
(CP 172.11) (Visser 1963-73, II: 991)
b. wundro ..., tha the nu to long to secgenne syndon
wonders which that now too long to narrate are
'wonders..., which are too long to narrate right now'
(Bede 174.22) (Visser 1963-73, II: 1012)
Tough or easy-to-please-sequences are problematic in Present-Day English given that they are ergative er·ga·tive adj. 1. Of or relating to a language, such as Georgian, in which the subject of an intransitive verb and the object of a transitive verb is expressed by one grammatical case, and the subject of a transitive verb is expressed by constructions where no movement from the subordinate into the main clause seems to apply. That is, although the external subject of the adjectival predicate is assigned no theta-role by the latter, but by the predicate in the embedded Inserted into. See embedded system. clause (see (30a) below, which shows clearly that John is not the real subject of tough, but the object of control), there should be no motivation for this DP to leave this original position given that it can check all its features on that site (against the AgrOP of control). This way, it must be contradictorily assumed that the pertinent DP is base-generated in a non-thematic subject position. As expected, an operator is in charge of moving into CF and establishing a relation of coindexation between the position in the main clause and that in the subordinate. (30) a. [e] is tough [PRO.sub.arb] to control John] b. [John.sub.i] is tough [[[blank].sub.CP][[THETA].sub.i] [[PRO.sub.arb] to control [t.sub.i]]] We would like to centre our attention on the fact that the external subject has no thematic role Thematic role is a linguistic notion, which may refer to:
What matters for our purpose is that if, in a parallel fashion to the remaining infinitival sequences in this paper (adverbial clauses, relative constructions ...), we posit an Old English structure with object pro, this move seems to agree with the fact that the DP antecedent is a thematic or quasi-thematic subject in this period, given that (non-expletive) pro should be identified by a real or thematic constituent. This thematic constituent would be he, as the subject of (waere) uniethe in (31) below. (31)... [he.sub.i] uniethe waere [[[blank].sub.CP][[THETA].sub.i][[[blank].sub.IP] [PRO.sub.arb] [pro.sub.i] to gehealdenne]] A final comment is in order in relation to the be-to-constructions illustrated in (4). As noted in section 3, they seem to provide no specific evidence for any possible advantageous occurrence of object pro (apart from the fact, common to all the structures under discussion in this paper, of a more economical derivation), though for the sake of coherence coherence, constant phase difference in two or more Waves over time. Two waves are said to be in phase if their crests and troughs meet at the same place at the same time, and the waves are out of phase if the crests of one meet the troughs of another. they should be analysed in identical fashion to all other infinitival structures with a gap in object position (with which they additionally share a purposive meaning). Let us recall that they would be very close to tough-sequences, though they need not be taken as ergative structures, that is the predicate be (to) would take a thematic subject, which would identify the object of the subordinate verb: (32) thas [thing.sub.i] sint [[[blank].sub.CP][THETA]i[[[blank].sub.IP][PRO.sub.arb] [pro.sub.i] to donne]] 4. Conclusion The aim of this paper has been to draw the interest of the reader towards certain facts concerning Old English infinitival constructions with a gap in object position. The set of pertinent structures include adverbial clauses of purpose, relative clauses, tough-sequences, and be-to-constructions, though they all seem to share a (quasi [Latin, Almost as it were; as if; analogous to.] In the legal sense, the term denotes that one subject has certain characteristics in common with another subject but that intrinsic and material differences exist between them. )-purposive meaning. It has been argued that stipulating an original structure in the language (i.e. Old English and/or before) where pro occupies the object position in these clausal-types would seem to explain such facts as: (i) the wider use of object gaps in Old English infinitival adverbial clauses of purpose as compared to Present-Day English; (ii) the non-occurrence of lexical items The lexical items in a language are both the single words (vocabulary) and sets of words organized into groups, units or "chunks". Some examples of lexical items from English are "cat", "traffic light", "take care of", "by the way", and " in the CP of infinitival relative clauses--whether these include PPs or not--and also, though to a lesser extent, (iii) the seemingly non-ergative meaning of tough-sequences in Old English. In the approach presented here, there would be no Wh-movement to CP of a null object operator; instead the null pronominal category would occupy the base-generated object position, and would be interpreted as identical to the head antecedent through coindexation with the empty complementiser. Further, arguing in favour of the existence of pro in the Old English infinitival-types under study would be supported by the independent existence of this null category in certain Old English sequences, though with a distinct flavour (jargon) flavour - (US: flavor) 1. Variety, type, kind. "DDT commands come in two flavors." "These lights come in two flavors, big red ones and small green ones." See vanilla. 2. The attribute that causes something to be flavourful. of arbitrary reference. Relative clause constructions represent a clear case for the absence of Wh-movement to COMP since it is not until the second half of the Middle English period that pied-piped phrases are instantiated in that position (cf. a place in which to live). Actually, the first instance of movement to CP in infinitival structures corresponds to indirect questions (cf. He didn't know what to say), which start being recorded in the thirteenth century. This way, infinitival relative clauses (the same as tough-sequences or be-to-constructions) should seem to respond to a grouping with purpose clauses, rather than with their finite relative-mates. (Infinitival) purpose clauses seem to incarnate in a most direct way the values of infinitives, and it is infinitives that happen to be characterised by this property of taking null objects (on a par with null subjects). An account of the pertinent infinitival structures in terms of pro is of course more economical than one in terms of an operator from the point of view of the theory, given that in the former there would be no instantiation of movement to CP. However, such analysis would not be tenable after the Old English period, because of the crucial appearance of pied-piping in infinitival relatives, which would be a clear sign of movement to the above-mentioned position. To this should be added other factors such as: (i) A change in the conditions demanded by infinitival adverbial clauses of purpose, according to according to prep. 1. As stated or indicated by; on the authority of: according to historians. 2. In keeping with: according to instructions. 3. which the gap in object position must now be linked to a lexically-filled CP, cf. the deviance Conspicuous dissimilarity with, or variation from, customarily acceptable behavior. Deviance implies a lack of compliance to societal norms, such as by engaging in activities that are frowned upon by society and frequently have legal sanctions as well, for example, the of Present-Day English * They sent their daughters there to teach as against the well-formedness of They sent their daughters there for them to teach. Such change could very well agree with a change in the null category being instantiated (i.e. a null operator instead of pro). Why the null operator of adverbial clauses of purpose should demand or prefer, at least in Present-Day English, an overtly-filled CP, we cannot answer here. (ii) The consolidation of tough-sequences as ergative structures, that is as constructions with a non-thematic subject, which would not readily admit pro. (iii) The general demise of object pro (with arbitrary reference) in the language (cf. the ungrammaticality of * This leads to conclude the following, and such extant ex·tant adj. 1. Still in existence; not destroyed, lost, or extinct: extant manuscripts. 2. Archaic Standing out; projecting. types as They said/helped to be careful with the suitcase, which would even be argued not to involve pro). (1.) Note that there are recent proposals in the literature according to which even PRO would check Case, which would be specifically null Case. (2.) The "defective" character of infinitives as regards Case-marking has been argued in the literature to respond to their nominal properties (cf. van Gelderen (1996), Fischer (1996)). (3.) Let us recall that previous to the advent of AgrOP in the theory, it was the V head that was responsible for the licensing of pro. (4.) Except for very specific cases such as help or say, cf. (14), for which nevertheless an analysis without pro can be entertained, as noted afterwards af·ter·ward also af·ter·wards adv. At a later time; subsequently. afterwards or afterward Adverb later [Old English æfterweard] Adv. 1. . 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Kageyama, Taro 1992 "AGR AGR advanced gas-cooled reactor in Old English to-infinitives", Lingua 88: 91-128. Kastovsky, Dieter (ed.) 1991 Historical English syntax. Berlin: Mouton mouton lamb pelt made to resemble seal or beaver. de Gruyter. Kemenade, Ans van 1987 Syntactic case and morphological mor·phol·o·gy n. pl. mor·phol·o·gies 1. a. The branch of biology that deals with the form and structure of organisms without consideration of function. b. case in the history of English. Dordrecht: Foris. Kemenade, Ans van -- Nigel Vincent (eds.) 1997 Parameters of morphosyntactic change. Cambridge: CUP. Lightfoot, David 1979 Principles of diachronic syntax. Cambridge: CUP. Mitchell, Bruce 1985 Old English syntax. Vols. I-II. Oxford: OUP OUP (in Northern Ireland) Official Unionist Party . Rizzi, Luigi 1986 "Null objects in Italian and the theory of pro", Linguistic Inquiry 17: 501-557. 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The other kind of modifier is the adverb. plus infinitive in Old English", in Frits Beukema -- Peter Coopmans (eds.), 233-242. 1990 "The easy-to-please construction in Old and Middle English", in Silvia Adamson -- Vivien Law -- Nigel Vincent -- Susan Wright (eds.), 519-536. 1992 "Syntactic variability, borrowing, and innovation", Diachronica 9, 1: 61-85. |
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