Oil, Islam, & terror: Saudi Arabia is, in some ways, an example of the contradictions of the Islamic world. That makes its friendship with the U.S. both very important and very complicated. (International).

Sitting Arab-style on the floor eating a dinner of lamb, rice, and salad, Sheik Salman al-Awdah admitted he felt ambivalent about Sept. 11. On the one hand, said the prominent Saudi Arabian cleric, the hijackers were wrong to kill so many Americans, because they had no grievance with their victims. But at the same time, he said, the United States got what it deserved, because as a country, it is anything but innocent.

"In one way or another," said the bearded 44-year-old sheik, "America does have responsibility for what happened," because U.S. policies in the Middle East, such as its support of Israel, have left even moderate Muslims "more likely to accept deviant ideas."

Al-Awdah's words were contradictory, like so much else in Saudi Arabia. It is a country tugged between modernity and an ancient tribal culture, between its place on the global stage and nationalism, and between a longstanding cooperation with the West and a rigid religious faith.

Saudi Arabia is home to just 22 million people, but perhaps more than any other country in the Islamic world, its attitudes and policies matter far beyond its own borders. As home to Mecca and Medina, Islam's two holiest sites, Saudi Arabia functions as a kind of religious guardian. And the discovery of vast oil deposits in the 1930s has put Saudi Arabia in an unusual position for an Islamic country: It is a donor rather than a recipient of aid. Its economic clout as the world's biggest oil producer has translated into great influence in the global economy and in regional political issues like the Israeli-Palestinian conflict.

OPULENT PALACES, FALLING INCOME LEVELS

There is a huge gulf between the kingdom's ruling elite and ordinary citizens. Power is firmly in the hands of the ruling al-Saud family. The opulent royal palaces in the capital, Riyadh, and in the port city of Jidda make Saudi Arabia seem like a land of almost limitless wealth. In fact, Saudi Arabia's wealth has peaked. The population is rising quickly, but oil revenues have been mostly stagnant. Since 1980, the average per capita income has fallen by half, to about the level of Mexico. About 15 percent of Saudis are unemployed, and opportunity for the average person is limited, partly drained away by longstanding corruption.

Saudi Arabia's strict interpretation of Islam means that personal freedoms are few. Islamic law imposes severe restrictions on women, who are not permitted to drive or to appear in public without a figure-shrouding cloak. It bans movie theaters and most forms of public entertainment. And it imposes harsh penalties for violations of the law: Those found guilty of thievery have a hand cut off, and murderers are beheaded.

A COMPLICATED RELATIONSHIP

The contradictions within Saudi Arabia are echoed in the country's unusual relationship with the U.S. For more than half a century, each has described the other as a close friend. Saudi Arabia has at least one quarter of the World's oil reserves, and the U.S. is one of its biggest customers and a longtime ally. But in some ways, Saudi Arabia could not be more different than America. While the U.S. is the world's leading democracy, Saudi Arabia is an autocratic desert kingdom with a poor human-rights record.

Patrick Clawson, an expert on Saudi Arabia at the Brookings Institution, a Washington think tank, said the underlying strains of the Saudi-American partnership are likely to increase. "The longer it goes on, the more it's going to chafe," he says.

These tensions are nothing new. American resentment dates to the 1970s, when Saudi Arabia orchestrated an Arab oil embargo that caused gasoline shortages in the U.S. and made prices soar. But when Iraq's dictator, Saddam Hussein, invaded Kuwait in 1990 and threatened neighboring Saudi Arabia, the U.S. sent more than 500,000 troops to protect the Saudis and free Kuwait in the Persian Gulf war. While Americans think they came to the rescue, many Saudis believe the U.S. was motivated only by self-interest, hoping to protect oil fields and the interests of Israel.

15 HIJACKERS WERE SAUDI

Those tensions have gotten worse since Sept. 11, as Saudis try to come to terms with their role in the attacks. Fifteen of the 19 hijackers were Saudi, and Osama bin Laden, who is widely believed to have masterminded them, is also from Saudi Arabia.

"We look at ourselves and say, my goodness, these are people who grew up here, who went to school here, who have families here, and look what they have done," Prince Turki al-Faisal says, a former intelligence minister, speaking of the hijackers.

But at the same time, even Saudis who are apologetic about the attacks on innocent Americans make clear that they see the United States as an appropriate target, at least for resentment. One reason is that it seems to many that Americans don't care about the deaths of Muslim civilians, including Iraqis, Afghans, and the Palestinians killed in conflict with Israel. A second reason is a sense that the United States cares more about selling weapons to the Saudi government and preserving its ties to the royal family than about the interests of ordinary Saudi citizens.

To insulate themselves from such anger, Saudi leaders in recent years have tried to distance themselves from the West. While Saudi leaders continue to allow the U.S. to station warplanes at military bases in their nation, the Saudis have barred their use in combat operations, including the war in Afghanistan. And to burnish their Islamic credentials, the Saudis have channeled tens of millions of dollars to Islamic causes worldwide, particularly those that promote a strict and intolerant brand of Islam known as wahabbism. Much of that money has gone to religious schools in Pakistan and Afghanistan that have helped to spread a more extreme version of Islam that is militant and anti-Western.

"WE LOVE AMERICANS, BUT ..."

Although the Saudi-American relationship remains too vital for either side to let it collapse, the friendship has been badly frayed by recent events. Many Saudis believe that Arabs have been treated harshly in the U.S. since Sept. 11. Even young people like Sahim al-Shalaan, a 24-year-old who has studied in Florida, say the U.S. reaction to Sept. 11 has added to their doubts that America is really a friend.

"We like Americans, we love Americans, we want to be like Americans," al-Shalaan says. "But after what happened, we don't want to be there, because of the way they treat us-the government and the people."

Roots of U.S.-Saudi Tensions: Oil, Terrorism, Islam, and Resentment

DISCUSSION QUESTIONS

* What did you know about Saudi Arabia before reading this article?

* What did you learn from reading this article that most surprised you?

* What evidence does the article provide showing that Saudi Arabia is between modern times and an ancient tribal culture?

* Suppose you had an opportunity to meet Sahim al-Shalaan. What would you tell him about the U.S. that might persuade him to soften his view of the U.S.? Should the U.S. address his concerns?

TEACHING OBJECTIVES

To help students understand the roots of tension between the U.S. and Saudi Arabia, perhaps America's closest ally in the Muslim world.

CLASSROOM STRATEGIES

BEFORE READING/BACKGROUND: Students should understand that "Arab" and "Muslim" are not synonymous. Arabs, like the Irish or Germans, are members of an ethnic group--and many Arabs are Christian. Muslims, like Baptists or Catholics, are adherents of a particular religion and may belong to any ethnic group. (More Muslims live in Indonesia, in the southwestern Pacific, than in any other country.)

ANALYSIS: Ask students to evaluate the two principal complaints Saudis have against the U.S.--that Americans don't care about the deaths of Muslims, and that the U.S. cares more about oil, Israel, and its ties to the repressive royal family than about ordinary Saudis.

Ask students to do some easy Web or newspaper research on Afghanistan, Palestine, and Iraq. Is the U.S. linked to deaths of Muslims in these places? (The circumstances include the anti-terror war in Afghanistan, the Israeli-Palestinian conflict, and deaths from economic sanctions imposed after Iraq invaded Kuwait and threatened Saudi Arabia.) Does the fact that Muslims are dying in these places allow some Saudis to conclude that the U.S. doesn't care about the deaths of Muslims?

Next, tell students that a perennial foreign-policy question is how the U.S. should deal with repressive regimes. Students can debate the question of whether the U.S. should retain friendly relations with the al-Saud family. Must the U.S. deal with whatever government is in power? What are the pros and cons of cutting ties to the al-Saud family?

WEB WATCH: For more information on Saudi Arabia, see the CIA Web site at www.cia.gov. Look for World Factbook.

Upfront QUIZ 3

MULTIPLE CHOICE

DIRECTIONS: Circle the letter next to the correct answer.

1. Saudi Arabia functions as a kind of guardian of the Islamic religion because

a more Muslims live there than in any other country.

b its interpretation of Islam is the most enlightened.

c it is home to Islam's two holiest sites.

d the Koran, Islam's holy book, is the Saudi constitution.

2. Saudi Arabia's influence in regional political issues and in the world economy results from its

a victory in the 1991 Gulf War against Iraq.

b commanding position in the United Nations.

c quickly expanding population.

d great oil resources.

3. Which of the following best describes Saudi Arabia's form of government?

a monarchy.

b religious democracy.

c military, dictatorship.

d free association of independent states.

4. U.S.-Saudi tensions go back to the 1970s, when

a Saudi Arabia invaded Israel.

b a Saudi-sponsored oil embargo caused gasoline shortages and price increases in the U.S.

c the U.S. enacted an arms embargo against the Saudis.

d a U.S. spy was captured by the Saudi military.

5. Many Saudi Arabians dispute the motivation of the U.S. during the

a Persian Gulf war.

b the post-Sept. 11 war on terrorism.

c recent disagreement over oil prices.

d negotiations to sell U.S. arms to Saudi Arabia.

6. Saudi Arabia allows the U.S. to base warplanes at Saudi military fields but

a charges exorbitant rates for the base rentals.

b bars their use in combat.

c requires that Saudi pilots fly the planes.

d restricts their use to flights over Afghanistan.

ANSWER KEY

1. (c) it is home to Islam's two holiest sites.

2. (d) great oil resources.

3. (a) monarchy.

4. (b) a Saudi-sponsored oil embargo caused gasoline shortages and price increases in the U.S.

5. (a) Persian Gulf war.

6. (b) bars their use in combat.

DOUGLAS JEHL is a reporter for The New York Times. He often covers the Mideast.