Notes from the editor.
That this is so seems hardly believable. My first "Notes from the Editor," in Volume 27 (1996), were a mere two pages long. The better part of one of these pages was devoted to a much-deserved tribute to my predecessor, Professor Vinson Sutlive, who, from 1975 onward, guided the BRB through no less than 20 years of its existence. As I noted at the time, I anticipated that Professor Sutlive would remain an invaluable source of advice, and so he has during these last ten years, as has also the founding editor of the BRB and the initiating spirit behind the creation of the Borneo Research Council itself, Dr. George N. Appell. Once again, I thank both these former editors for their continuing counsel.
A second milestone occurred midway through the year. At the end of June, 2005, as some of you will know, I retired from full-time teaching and returned with my wife, Louise, to the United States. To leave Finland and our many Finnish friends behind was, for us, a difficult decision. However, one of the many commendable customs of Finnish academia is that a retiring professor is allowed to give a public farewell lecture on any subject of his or her choosing. These lectures can, of course, take unexpected turns; academic life in Finland, as anywhere else, has its share of grievances. However, for me, it was a happy chance to share a few things I think I have learned in the course of a long, if somewhat itinerant career. It also, even better yet, gave me an opportunity to reflect on my first encounter with Borneo and anthropological fieldwork. Someday, perhaps, I will put the full story in writing, but these brief Notes are clearly not the place to do so.
The lecture, when it was over and the last question answered, was followed by a reception and party, which, for Louise and me proved to be an emotional and moving occasion, as colleagues and students spoke, including several graduate students whose intellectual and professional blossoming we had followed with all the pride of would-be parents. The highlight, for me, was to be made an honorary lifetime member of the Finnish Anthropological Society. As honors go, they don't come, to my mind, any better than that.
In This Issue
As in Volume 35, Dr. A. V. M. Horton opens this issue of the BRB with an extended memorial for a number of persons connected with Brunei Darussalam whose deaths occurred during the last year. These include both native Bruneians and others.
A concern with indigenous rights to land and other local resources has figured prominently in recent volumes of the BRB. Looked at from different perspectives, land rights, tenure practices, and patterns of local resource use, as well as conflicts over the recognition of these rights by, among others, state and national governments, outside commercial interests, and other often contending parties, have all been the subject of a number of recent Research Notes (see, especially, Volumes 29, 30, and 34). Fittingly, therefore, the present issue opens with a Research Note that revisits these issues as they are refracted, in this particular instance, through the complex institution of adat, itself the subject of several past research notes.
In "Resource Claims between Tradition and Modernity," Laurens Bakker notes that Indonesian law makes explicit reference to adat land claims and acknowledges their existence, but that in practice, particularly during the New Order era, this recognition was severely restricted and existed mainly in theory. Since the fall of Suharto and the beginning of political decentralization, conflicts over adat land have become widespread throughout Indonesia. The government's approach to land conflicts has tended to focus, Bakker tells us, on the extent to which such claims can be documented according to official land registration procedures. The difficulty here is that the national land agency (BPN) does not allow for the registration of communal claims to land shared by all the members of an adat community. Hence, adat groups claiming rights to land have largely ignored the BPH and its registration archives and, instead, have generally based their claims on oral history, social relations, and other unwritten sources. Unfortunately, these sources are typically difficult to verify and are often, by their nature, unknown outside the immediate adat community itself. The situation has given rise, in some quarters, to a critical discourse of "adat revivalism" that assumes that local adat has effectively disappeared over the years, and been replaced throughout Indonesia by state law, and that current adat claims represent an inauthentic invention serving personal interests. While acknowledging the likelihood that some invention has almost certainly occurred, Bakker persuasively rejects the underlying argument, pointing out that in the case of Indonesia the government deliberately chose to ignore adat land claims while, at the same time, it lacked the administrative apparatus to control land matters or to institute an effective system of land registration. As a result, adat systems of tenure, while ignored by the government, have continued to varying degrees to be used locally to regulate land-use matters by a large part of the Indonesian population.
The special virtue of Laurens Bakker's essay is that he relates his argument to a close reading of two fascinating case studies, both involving conflicts over resource claims by the villagers of Mului, an Orang Paser community near Gunung Lumut in the Pasir regency of East Kalimantan. The way the villagers deal with these conflicts shows, as Bakker argues, "an imaginative and continuing interpretation of adat that is both fluid and adaptive." More than simply tradition, adat goes beyond past cases and takes the details of current circumstances and individuals into account. By leaving a consideration of the specific conditions of each case and the judgments to be made up to the community to decide, adat affords, he tells us, "both a starting point and a frame of reference in deciding social matters," and, as a "living, evolving body of agreements, rights and rules," it allows the villagers to bring new developments, including those of foreign origin, into the context of village life.
An important point that Bakker makes is that, by being valid for a relatively small community, adat is able to encompass a degree of socially-specific detail that is impossible for a larger system, such as that of national law, to match. The small size of the community also makes possible the direct influence of individuals in the decision-making process and allows for rapid change. To confine the concept of adat, moreover, wholly to the field of law, "does not do it justice," Bakker tells us, for it also encompasses the preferable and because of its communal character is open to continual negotiation. For these and other reasons, when an adat community is confronted with a national system of law, it is not, by any means, a given that national law will necessarily replace adat, owing to the fact that a national system of law "lacks the autonomy, detail, and practicality of local adat." However, there may be times when aspects of national law may offer solutions to new or unfamiliar problems for which a local system of adat has no answer. At such times, national law may enrich, or sometimes even replace elements of local adat. There are limits, however, and, as Bakker notes, it is unlikely that national law can ever entirely supplant adat because its purposes are less specific. Thus, from a village perspective, daily life in Mului is governed overwhelmingly by adat and by public discussions and the need for state law is minimal and, as a rule, only comes to the fore when adat conflicts with state law or disputes arise that involve persons from outside the adat area.
In the first case study he relates, Bakker describes how the villagers have instituted a ban on logging in their adat forest, having witnessed the disastrous consequences of logging elsewhere, and have been able, at least for the time being, to prevent the violation of this ban by outsiders. In this case, the Mului people have, he notes, benefited from state law, which considers part of the territory involved to be 'protected forest' (hutan lindung). The second case study involves claims to the sale of scrap metal left behind on village land by previous logging operators. An interesting aspect of this case is that it brings the villagers into conflict not only with the police, scrap dealers, and local government authorities, but also with the representative of an NGO claiming to represent the community's interests. While from the perspective of state law, ownership of the scrap metal was legally granted to the NGO, the villagers demand, and, indeed, receive, recognition of the priority of local adat rules and procedural practices, even overriding in this case their own kepala adat by insisting upon open negotiations and a decision-making process that involves the whole community. The case persuasively makes Bakker's point that adat is as much about social process as it is about specific rules and past tradition.
In the second Research Note, Andrew Smith, using an array of sources, both historical and cartographic, follows up a line of inquiry begun, almost thirty years ago, by the late Anthony Richards. Taking his cue from Iban oral poetry, Richards had sought to establish the whereabouts and historical status of a west Borneo state known variously as "Lawai," that is mentioned fleetingly in early historical sources, as well as hinted at in oral poetic traditions, but which, after the mid-sixteenth century, disappears from the historical record.
Anthony Richards was a serious student of both Iban and (Sarawak) Malay, and, as such, he was well aware of the linguistic affinities existing between Iban and Malay. Accepting the conventional view of the time that the Malayic language group generally originated in the Sumatra-Riau region, he therefore assumed that Iban most likely derived from this area as well. Consequently, he felt that the ancestors of the present-day Iban must have arrived first on the west coast of Kalimantan, perhaps from southern Sumatra, and from there moved inland, eventually reaching their traditional heartland in the upper Kapuas basin, from which they later expanded into Sarawak. In this scenario, "Lawai" represented for Richards the initial point of contact, or, more accurately, divergence, between Iban and Malay histories. Since the publication of Richards' original paper on Lawai, the work of linguists, however, particularly that of the historical linguist K. Alexander Adelaar, has completely transformed our understanding of the Malayic language family and its historical development. Today, the most probable homeland of Proto-Malayic is thought to be western Borneo, and from here, early forms of Malay are believed to have spread to Sumatra, Riau and Johor, and not the other way around. Part of the evidence for this is the continuing presence in western Bomeo of a number of Malayic languages and dialects, among them, Iban. Later history has, of course, complicated matters. With the subsequent development of Malay states and the emergence of Malay as a courtly language and lingua franca of trade, the use of Malay has, of course, spread back to coastal Borneo, and far beyond as well, becoming, in its many variant modern forms, the dominant language of Island Southeast Asia. Insofar as Iban is concerned, contrary to what Richards believed, there is no longer any reason to suppose that it (or its speakers) derived from anywhere else than western Borneo.
In this regard, Smith's paper is of special interest. While noting that there may well have been several "Lawais" in west Borneo's history, he makes a convincing case that the Lawai of early Borneo history was located, not to the west, as Richards supposed in support of his theory of Iban migration, but in the lower reaches of the Kapuas River. Ironically, from the perspective of Iban myth and other oral sources, this, too, makes far greater sense than Richards' formulation. On matters of Iban ethnohistory, our primary authority remains Benedict Sandin. While Sandin was well aware of the existence of Iban myths that traced origins beyond Borneo, and, indeed, included a number of these in his published work, the locations mentioned include not only Sumatra, but far more distant places as well, such as, for example, Mecca! In this connection Sandin, quite reasonably, suggested that these locations might better be thought of as indicating sources of cultural influence, rather than the origin points of past migrations. So far as narratives of early Iban migration are concerned, these, as Sandin amply documented, center, almost without exception, on the Kapuas Basin of what is now West Kalimantan. As Sandin put it, "The Kapuas Basin is the most important source of the various migrations mentioned in the tusuf" (The Sea Dayaks of Borneo before White Rajah Rule, 1967:3--4), the latter being the Second Division Iban genealogies that constituted the major source he used in reconstructing past Iban migrations.
While Iban oral poetry was the point of departure for Richards' original essay, Andrew Smith in his present Research Note is clearly interested in a set of quite different issues, although myth remains among the source materials he draws on. Here, his major concern is with marshaling the existing evidence for the presence and probable nature of early indigenous states in western Borneo before the beginnings of European colonial rule, and for the related networks of coastal, riverine, and overland trade that may have helped to sustain these states and their connections with one another. As he notes, much of the present evidence is fragmentary, conflicting, or incomplete, with one great lacuna being the absence of systematic modern archaeology, especially in West Kalimantan. In this connection, by bringing together this evidence, his essay makes an important contribution, going well beyond the question of Lawai's probable location, and represents a major extension of several earlier papers on the topic of possible indigenous states in West Borneo that appeared in BRB Volumes 30 (Djuweng, Sellato), 32 (Wadley and Smith), and 33 (Smith and Wadley, Bamba). Recent linguistic research, that, as noted here, points to West Borneo as the probable homeland of Proto-Malayic, and so of early Malay itself, can be said to add a further dimension of significance to the questions of early trade and state formation that Smith poses here.
The next paper concerns more recent Borneo history. In "From British Military Intelligence to Financial Secretary of Sarawak," historian Vernon Porritt reviews the career of one of the last-serving senior expatriate officers in Sarawak, Dato John Pike, from his first arrival in Sarawak in 1945, until his summary departure in 1966 at the height of a political crisis that marked the fall from power of Sarawak's first elected post-colonial Chief Minister, Datuk Stephen Kalong Ningkan. In last year's BRB, Dr. Porritt explored the complex events and far-reaching political consequences of this crisis ("Turbulent Times in Sarawak," 35:70-82). At the end of that paper he appended three brief biographical sketches, among them, that of John Pike. Here, Porritt draws on personal interviews, as well as more conventional sources, to present a compelling account of Dato Pike's Sarawak career. Arriving first as a military intelligence officer charged with interrogating and arranging for the repatriation of Japanese troops, Pike was soon attracted to Sarawak, as he tells us, by the close ties that appeared to exist between its expatriate administrative officers and the local population. He began duties as a Sarawak Administrative Officer in late 1948. The times were far from tranquil and within a year, he found himself serving as defense counsel to the conspirators charged with the murder of the British Governor, Duncan Stewart. As Porritt makes clear, Pike's career in Sarawak spanned a period of enormous change, marked not only by the transition from a colonial to a post-colonial administration, but also by comprehensive governmental and fiscal reforms in which, in various roles, including that of Assistant Secretary of Finance, Secretary of Local Government, Under-Secretary of Finance and Planning, and finally as State Financial Secretary, Pike played a major and at times decisive part.
In passing, Porritt notes that in several of Pike's earlier postings as a District Officer he was immediately preceded by another notable Sarawak Administrative Officer, Alastair Morrison, who had entered the Sarawak administrative service a year earlier, late in 1947.
In the Research Note that follows, Matthew Amster makes use of Alastair Morrison's unpublished travel notebooks, written in 1953 during an extended, month-long tour of the Kelabit Highlands, to gain a better understanding of the nature of life in the Highlands at the time and, more especially, of the growing significance of the international border that, in the colonial era, had come to divide the Sarawak Highlands from the neighboring Kerayan region of East Kalimantan. Despite numerous cross-border ties, and even some lingering uncertainties about the border's exact location, economic and political differences, as Amster notes, were already beginning to separate those living on opposite sides of this frontier.
The focus of Amster's paper reflects a growing interest among contemporary anthropologists in international borders and borderland societies. As we will have occasion to note presently, a second Research Note in this same volume looks at still another Borneo border area, exploring the consequences of Indonesian national schooling for a community of borderland Iban living in West Kalimantan. In addition, in Volume 32, Poline Bala, also writing on the Kelabit Highlands, described interethnic relations across the international border between the Kelabit and Lun Berian of East Kalimantan, while in the last issue of the BRB (Volume 35), I Ketut Ardhana, Jayl Langub, and Daniel Chew wrote in a similar vein about cross-border social, cultural, and economic ties between the closely related peoples of the Kelalan Valley of Sarawak and the nearby Bawan Valley of East Kalimantan.
Alastair Morrison's unpublished travel notebooks, together with a collection of other Borneo-related manuscripts and his late wife Hedda Morrison's superb Borneo photographs, are now housed, as Dr. Amster informs us, in the Rare Book and Manuscript Collections of the Cornell University Library in Ithaca, New York. In his paper, Amster appends a valuable note on the contents of this important archival source. He also includes with his paper six previously unpublished photographs taken by Hedda Morrison during the 1953 Kelabit Highlands tour. Here, we wish to thank Matthew Amster, not only for drawing our attention to the significance of the Morrison archives but also for obtaining copies of these photographs and annotating them. We thank, too, the Division of Rare Books and Manuscript Collections, Cornell University, for granting the BRB permission to publish them.
Alastair Morrison, who lives in Canberra, Australia, celebrated his ninetieth birthday in August 2005. In a recent note (dated 1 December, 2005), he expressed his pleasure in Dr. Amster's use of his travel diaries. He also reminded your Editor that the Cornell archives include a great deal more material, and also photographs, from other parts of Sarawak. This, too, Dr. Amster notes. In particular, he reminded me, as he has for some 15 years now, that someone, inspired by Amster's example, should revisit his 1951/52 travel diaries of Kanowit in which he visited and took notes on every Iban longhouse in the district. Now, more than 50 years later, this material would undoubtedly provide an invaluable base-point for a survey of long-term change in a major Iban area.
The next two papers, that of Isabell Herrmans and myself, are reprinted here, with some comparatively minor changes, from the Journal of the Finnish Anthropological Society (Suomen Antropologi), Vol. 30, number 2, 2005. Both essays appeared as part of a "Special Issue on Shamanism" of which I was the editor. The two papers make, I think, complementary arguments and both are similarly concerned with understanding features of ritual curing in Borneo.
Isabell Herrmans, in her essay, "Making Tactile," explores the significance of material objects used in the curing rituals performed by Luangan Dayak belian in Central and Eastern Kalimantan. She opens her paper with a Luangan myth in which the Creator God produces human-like figures that only become true human beings when they are turned around, or rotated, by the goddess Itak Silu Malik. By being turned around, copies thereby become what they were intended to represent. As Herrmans tells us, today Luangan belian, or shamans, repeatedly call upon Itak Silu Malik to help them 'turn around' (malik), or 'transform,' ritual figures fashioned of wood, leaves, or other materials, making them into ritual representations that are said to have magical power over what they represent. Luangan belian, by chanting and whisking these representations, turn them into ganti diri ('substitutes for the self') that, in differing forms, represent the patient, the spirits, or offerings, but which, Herrmans tells us, all, in one way or another, stand for the patient. Together, these objects constitute gifts given to the spirits in exchange for the patient's soul. As such, they are part of a system of what she calls "pictorial exchange" that evokes and brings to bear relations of reciprocity between spirits and human beings. In ritual healing, Herrmans concludes, it is neither words nor material objects by themselves, but their combination, that produces an effective performance, linking in a persuasive way, as she shows, embodied experience and imagination.
My own paper concerns the use of language in Saribas Iban rites of curing, stressing, in particular, the sensuous, aesthetic quality of words, and how through the use of poetry, rhyme, musicality, alliteration and onomatopoetics, Iban manang ('shamans') conjoin words, objects and action in such a way as to seemingly disclose to their audiences and so make momentarily intelligible the workings of forces and agencies that cannot otherwise be seen or directly apprehended. Referring to dimensions of both language and experience, the Iban distinguish between "shallow" and "deep," and between "clear" and "hidden." By playing upon the acoustic, aesthetic qualities of speech, Iban manang, I argue, exploit these distinctions, heightening their audiences' awareness of experiential, non-referential aspects of language, and so opening them to experiences wider than those permitted by the overt meaning of words, hence to the possibilities of "deep" or "hidden" meanings. The ritual speech of Saribas Iban shamans is not, it is vital to note, composed entirely in a deep or hidden idiom. On the contrary, its effectiveness depends upon the shaman's ability to move repeatedly across language depth, from shallow to deep and back again. Language tends to be transparent in moments of revelation, when hidden realities are disclosed or acted upon, deep in moments of evocation or poetic description. By manipulating language, shamans are thus able to signal shifts between seen and unseen realities, between what is immediately apparent to the senses and what is hidden, thereby drawing their audiences directly into a collaborative, open-ended exploration aimed at bringing to light and therapeutically addressing the unseen causes of their clients' affliction, fears, or grief.
The paper that follows by Michael Eilenberg, "Paradoxical Outcomes of National Schooling in the Borderland of West Kalimantan, Indonesia," also concerns the Iban, but, in this case, examines the effects of national schooling on Iban youngsters living in the Leboyan River area of Kapuas Hulu, close to the West Kalimantan-Sarawak border. Mass education in Indonesia consciously aims at instilling in students a sense of national belonging. Yet, as Eilenberg nicely shows, the actual consequences of national schooling are more complex and rarely turn out as intended by national policy-makers. For a variety of reasons, this is particularly so in a borderland region that is both physically and culturally closer to neighboring Sarawak than it is to even the local provincial capital, Pontianak, let alone, it would seem, to the rest of Indonesia.
Transnational borders, Eilenherg tells us, afford individuals special opportunities to assume multiple identities. For the Iban of Kapuas Hulu, particularly important in most everyday contexts are ties to kin and to a shared sense of Ibanness. However, in a school setting and when dealing with government officials, ethnic affiliation is regularly downplayed while national identity as an Indonesian citizen is emphasized. This, Eilenberg illustrates in a number of ways. Certainly, one of the most arresting of these is his description of the transformation of Iban schoolchildren, as they travel daily from their longhouse homes to school, washing their faces and changing their clothes along the way, donning red-and-white school uniforms, the colors of the national flag, and so becoming, as it were, the living emblems of the Indonesian nation-state. In numerous other symbolic ways, it is made clear to these youngsters, from the moment they enter the school grounds, that they have entered "Indonesian territory." Yet paradoxes abound. Modernity, school lessons teach, is the goal of nationhood. Yet, for borderland Iban, the readiest representations of modernity are to be found not within Indonesia but, across the border, in Malaysia. Moreover, in Sarawak, the Iban as an ethnic group are far more numerous, visible, and prosperous than they are in West Kalimantan, adding further to the sense of ambivalence. Internalizing the classroom message that longhouses are backward and incompatible with modern life, the modern urban utopia, as imagined by borderland Iban youngsters, is located in the larger cities of Malaysia, of which Kuching some at least have seen while visiting kin or accompanying their parents on labor migration. Eilenberg notes other paradoxes as well. While, for example, education is genuinely valued by Iban parents, the reality of rural schooling is one of impoverished schools, poorly paid and often ill-motivated teachers, ineffective instruction, and uncertain rewards, certainly, in the latter case, when measured against the rewards of timber exporting and cross-border wage migration.
The final Research Note in this volume takes us beyond Borneo proper to Iligan City in southern Mindanao, the Philippines, and describes the work of an international NGO, Hope for Change Inc., in addressing the health, social and economic needs of a displaced population of Sama Dilaut. The author, Professor Nimfa L. Bracamonte, originally presented her paper, together with a brief video presentation, at the International Sama/Bajau Communities Conference held in Kota Kinabalu, Sabah, in 2004 (see BRB 34:197-99). Here, we are grateful to Professor Bracamonte for permitting the BRB to publish a revised version of her Sabah paper.
Beginning in the early 1970s, sectarian and military violence in the southern Philippines, together with increasing economic and political chaos, produced an enormous outflow of mainly Sama/Bajau-speaking refugees, many of whom fled from their homes in the Sulu Archipelago to Sabah or to other parts of the Philippines. Not surprisingly, perhaps, the Sama Dilaut, given their already precarious position in the region as a semi-pariah community of former sea nomads were among the most adversely affected. In the southeastern Semporna District of Sabah, the Sama Dilaut have fared reasonably well, owing to better economic opportunities and the support they receive from an already-existing Sama Dilaut community. In the Philippines, the Sama Dilaut have experienced much greater difficulty and small refugee groups have now dispersed over a vast area, mainly to coastal urban centers as far north as Manila. Here, as Professor Bracamonte makes clear, they have little access to jobs or healthcare and are rarely welcomed by others, many of whom are also struggling to survive.
Continuing a format initiated with Volume 34, the present issue includes two Review Articles. In the first of these, Dr. Menno Schilthuizen reviews 150 years of evolutionary biology in Borneo. He begins, fittingly enough, with the publication of Alfred Russell Wallace's classic essay, "On the Law which has Regulated the Introduction of New Species," which was written in 1855 while Wallace was staying in the First Rajah's bungalow at Santubong, Sarawak. While the essay is a foundation work in evolutionary biology and the source of the so-called "Sarawak Law," it has little directly to do with Borneo. Surprisingly, although written in a pre-internet era of sailing ships, Wallace's essay, completed in February, appeared in print in England seven months later, in September of the same year, a publishing feat which few, if any, scientific journals today could match. In his essay, Dr. Schilthuizen outlines some special features of Borneo that make the island in his view an ideal setting for research in tropical evolutionary biology. In terms of the quantity and impact of such research, he compares Borneo to other areas of the humid tropics of roughly equal size. On this basis, he concludes that, despite a promising beginning, "the progress of evolutionary biology in Borneo has been somewhat disappointing and [that] full use of the potential of the island has not [yet] been made." He sees indications, however, that the situation may be changing for the better. Among the most important factors he singles out has been the creation, over the last decade, of several universities in Borneo with state-of-the-art facilities, opening new possibilities, as he sees it, for both local research as well as collaborative studies involving overseas and local evolutionary biologists.
In the second Review Article, Professor Nicholas Tarling reviews recent historical writings on Brunei, Sabah, and Sarawak. He takes as his point of departure a similar essay he wrote almost 30 years ago, "Some Notes on the Historiography of British Borneo," and surveys the changes that have occurred since in terms of the documentary materials available to historians, new interpretations, and the flow of historical events. As he notes, growth in the historical profession concerned with Southeast Asia, apparent in the 1960s and early 1970s, has clearly waned in the West, but continues in the region itself, partly for the reasons noted by Dr. Schilthuizen in regard to biology, namely, the creation and growth of local and regional universities. By way of summary, he notes that, of the three areas, the volume of historical research in Sabah continues to lag behind that of Sarawak, due in part to the abiding fascination exercised by the Brooke raj, while "the most striking feature" of recent developments in Borneo historiography he sees as "the growth of published material on the history of Brunei." As a longtime contributor to the historical literature on Borneo, Professor Tarling ends his essay with a timely reflection on the present-day value of historiography itself.
Once again, from Sarawak, Otto Steinmayer sends us, as a Brief Communication, another "Letter from Lundu." In this one he describes the long-awaited completion of the Lundu Bridge, which local wags, he tells us, in a Sarawak version of the seemingly universal "lame joke," had called (in terms of building time) "Sarawak's longest bridge." Noting the changes brought about by the bridge's opening, he reflects on Lundu's past and the likely consequences of the area's new-found accessibility for its future.
In a final Brief Communication, Dato John Pike offers some comments on the paper by I Ketut Ardhana, Jayl Langub, and Daniel Chew, "Borders of Kinship and Ethnicity: Cross-border Relations between the Kelalan Valley, Sarawak, and the Bawan Valley, East Kalimantan," that appeared in Volume 35 of the BRB (2004:144-79). Tracing some of his own experiences with "cross-border relations" that occurred while he was District Officer of Lawas, some 50 years ago, Dato Pike describes his temporary arrest, on his first visit to his opposite number, the Kiai, or District Head, at Long Bawan, East Kalimantan, and contrasts this with his reception during his final official visit, when he was treated to a friendly rendition of the British national anthem played by a local school band on bamboo pipes.
It is simply impossible to put together a journal like the BRB without the help of a great many people. I would like to thank all of those who assisted me during the year with article reviews, news items, announcements, comments, suggestions, and technical and editorial help. As always, the list is a long one, but here I would like to mention, in particular, Sander Adelaar, Matthew Amster, George Appell, Dee Baer, Martin Baier, James Chin, Traude Gavin, Wim Giesen, Mattiebelle Gittinger, Christine Helliwell, A. V. M. Horton, Jayl Langub, Heidi Munan, Dimbab Ngidang, Vic Porritt, John Postill, Bob Reece, Bernard Sellato, Kenneth Sillander, Andrew Smith, Vinson Sutlive, and Reed Wadley. I am deeply grateful, too, to Mrs. Joan Bubier for the work she did as Production Editor in preparing the present volume for publication and to the BRC staff in Phillips, Maine, for overseeing its printing, distribution, and mailing. In his role as Book Review Editor and compiler of our annual bibliography section, I am especially indebted to A. V. M. Horton, who has also been a regular correspondent throughout the year and has assisted me with news items, memorials, and in many other ways as well. Finally, a special thanks goes once again to my wife, Louise Klemperer Sather, who, as our Assistant Editor, carefully read through all of the papers, reviews, and brief communications that appear in this volume. As always, her editorial skills, patience, and close attention to detail have been an invaluable help.
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|Publication:||Borneo Research Bulletin|
|Date:||Jan 1, 2005|
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