Missionaries, mariners, and merchants: overlooked British travelers to West Borneo in the early nineteenth century.

Introduction

At the beginning of the nineteenth century West Borneo (now West Kalimantan) was politically unstable. The rise of the sultanate of Pontianak, with Dutch support, had resulted in the takeover of Mempawah from the Bugis and the destruction of Sukadana. Pontianak and piratical Sambas competed for control of the up-river Dayaks and also the extensive Chinese colonies (kongsis). Both of the latter populations mined gold and diamonds, hut while the Dayaks were mostly subordinate to Muslim rulers ("Malay" or-in the case of Pontianak--of Arab descent), the Chinese increasingly asserted their independence. The withdrawal of the Dutch from Pontianak and Mempawah in 1791 created a vacuum in European influence in West Borneo that the British sought to exploit, even after Dutch officials returned in 1818. Treaties of friendship signed between the Dutch and the rulers of Pontianak and Sambas did not, in theory at least, affect British trading rights, and the foundation of Singapore early in 1819 increased British attempts to maintain trade with West Borneo north of the equator, i.e. north of Pontianak, the main Dutch base. In 1824, after prolonged negotiation, the British and Dutch signed a treaty designed to demarcate their territorial rights in the East Indies. Article 12 stated that the British had no territorial claims on islands "South of the Straits of Singapore." It was not at all clear whether this clause applied only to the islands in the immediate area of the Straits, or whether it included Borneo, most of which is south of this limit (Irwin 1955: 52-67). The British in the region held to the former view, and the Dutch to the latter. The treaty echoed an earlier suggestion by Stamford Raffles (1818) that the equator, which crosses the coast of West Borneo just north of Pontianak, might be the northern limit of Dutch settlements in Borneo (Irwin 1955: 54). Neither the English East India Company (EIC) nor the independent British traders maintained their earlier interests in establishing settlements in Borneo but pursued their mercantile activities from Penang, Malacca, and, increasingly, Singapore. They were not greatly hindered, at least initially, by the very limited Dutch presence in West Borneo. By 1827, after the abandonment of Dutch Assistant-Residencies at Mempawah and Landak, the only European officials were the Resident at Pontianak, the Assistant-Resident at Sambas and two customs inspectors at Tajan on the river Kapuas (Irwin 1955: 68).

In 1834 George Windsor Earl traveled from Singapore to West Borneo in command of a small schooner, the Stamford. This vessel had been chartered by a group of merchants, mainly Chinese, who hoped to establish trade through Singkawang with the Chinese who mined for gold in the area around Monterado, (1) about 25 km to the southeast of Singkawang (Jackson 1970). Earl went in the ship's boat from the coast to Singkawang and then returned to the coast and took the Stamford northwards and upriver to Sambas to get the approval of the local Dutch authorities to trade through Singkawang. Surprisingly--given the restrictive practices that had been established--permission was granted so, after returning to Singkawang, Earl proceeded overland to Monterado. Although the voyage was financially successful, further direct trade via Singkawang was prevented by the Dutch, who took stronger steps to restrict foreign traders to Pontianak and Sambas as much as possible. After returning to Britain, Earl described his travels in Borneo in his book: The Eastern Seas, or voyages and adventures in the Indian archipelago in 1832-33-34 (Earl 1837, reprinted 1971). Earl said that on arrival at Monterado he learned that "an Englishman had visited that town several years previously," but despite many enquiries afterwards, he was unable to discover "the name or calling of the individual, or any circumstances connected with the visit" (Earl 1837: 279). While researching American missionary activities in West Borneo in the mid-nineteenth century, I came across references to a visitor to West Borneo at the end of 1828 who I thought might be the one mentioned to Earl and who has, in any case, been overlooked. I then came across other British travelers earlier in the nineteenth century, some of whom are also candidates for the "unknown traveler," and who have received little attention. These individuals have in common that their presence in West Borneo resulted, directly or indirectly, from the enormous interest in Borneo shown by Raffles. (2) Fortuitously, they represent three different British interests at the time: those of missionaries, the authorities in the East Indies, and merchants. This contribution is a revised version of a paper presented at the Seventh Biennial Conference of the BRC, in Kota Kinabalu, 2002. It has gone through phases that focused on "traveler's tales," biography and straight (if narrow) history. The present contribution retains elements of all three and provides a basis for more detailed research.

Missionaries

The London Missionary Society (LMS) first sent representatives to Batavia during the short-lived British rule over the East Indies (1811-15). As Lieutenant-Governor of Java, Raffles supported missionary activities in the region, especially outside Java. His cousin, Rev. Thomas Raffles, was a Congregational minister in Liverpool and recruited missionaries to the East Indies. In 1814 Raffles wrote to his cousin: "If you will consent to leave the Javanese to their own way [his emphasis] for the present, I will commute with you a vigorous conversion on Borneo, almost the largest island in the world, and thickly peopled by a race scarcely emerged from barbarism" (Wurtzburg 1954: 351-2). An LMS missionary, Rev. John Slater, who had been recruited by Thomas Raffles, paid a two-day visit to Pontianak in 1819 on his way to Batavia (Jakarta). He intended to go to Sambas and Monterado but had insufficient time. His Chinese host introduced him to the Sultan of Pontianak, who apparently agreed to the establishment of a mission in his territories where, at the time, the Dutch exerted little control. Slater enquired particularly about Monterado and the large Chinese population, estimated variously between 30,000-50,000 (Slater 1820a, 1820b). Most of the Chinese were not in fact under the control of Pontianak. Slater did not return to Borneo; he left the LMS in disgrace in 1823 and died soon afterwards in Batavia.

Rev. Walter Henry Medhurst, another LMS missionary and originally a printer, arrived in Batavia from Penang in 1821. He was based mainly in Batavia until 1843 and eventually became an official resident (burgher). It was a very impressive length of service, given the notoriously unhealthy conditions there at the time. Medhurst worked among the Chinese, and was visited by many missionaries from Europe and the United States who needed to learn Chinese. In the beginning of August 1828, Medhurst traveled from Batavia to Singapore, intending to sail along the eastern side of the Malay peninsula to Siam with two other missionaries, Jacob Tomlin and Karl Friedrich August Gutzlaff. He missed their departure by two days, so he sailed in a Chinese vessel as far as Pattani and Songkhla, looking for them (Medhurst, 1830a). He did not find them and returned to Singapore on 1 October 1828 with a "complaint of the bowels [that was] very obstinate" (Medburst 1830a: 192). He recovered quickly enough to fulfil his ambition to visit West Borneo, with the aim of distributing Christian literature and investigating opportunities for the establishment of an LMS mission.

Medhurst recorded his visit to West Borneo in a journal (Medhurst 1828-29) and subsequent letter (Medhurst 1829a). This material was published in the contemporary periodicals of the LMS, and references below are to the latter (Medhurst 1829b; 1830b). Dates of his itinerary and most of the details are taken from the published journal (Medhurst 1830b). (3) Medhurst left Singapore in a British schooner, bound for Pontianak, arriving there on 25 October. He met the Dutch Resident, D.J. van den Dungen Gronovius, who told Medhurst of his own travels far up the River Kapuas in 1823. According to Gronovius, the Dayaks were in a "miserable state ... would gladly change their abominable superstition for a better [sic: presumably he did not mean a better superstition!], and frequently asked him to send them instructors." However, the Dayaks were strongly opposed to conversion to Islam. Medhurst saw a good opportunity for the LMS or--if they were not interested--for Dutch missionaries, but he saw problems arising from the local Muslim rulers: there were "200 sovereign princes" in the Residency of Pontianak. From the information provided by Gronovius, Medhurst concluded that Sanggau, Sintang, and Tajan, all on the Kapuas, would be the safest places for missionaries to live (Medhurst 1829b: 554). On 3 November he left Pontianak, traveling north along the Landak River to the Chinese gold-mining center at Mandor, where he arrived on 6 November. On the way, he passed three Chinese "customs houses" or "guard-houses"--the first only about 25 km from Pontianak at the junction of the Landak and Mandor Rivers. Mandor appeared to be lower than the bed of the river and Medhurst described the lakes where once there had been gold mines. He: "beheld hills levelled, vallies [sic] filled up, rivers turned out of their course, and new channels formed, yea, the very levels of the earth ransacked and turned upside down." He visited the mines but was obliged to lower his umbrella because he was told that it offended the Chinese deities (Medhurst 1830b: 198-9). Medhurst described the gold-mining methods in some detail. He also mentioned the diamond mines further inland at Landak, said to be a very unhealthy place (Medhurst 1829b: 555) but, although encouraged to visit them, did not do so. Nor did he visit Monterado, about 60 km to the north, because the Chinese there were at war with the Dutch. However, he described the route to Monterado from Mandor. The Chinese were displeased by the taxation imposed by the Dutch on their supplies and had started growing their own rice. Those at Monterado were the "most turbulent" and had previously attacked the Dutch fort at Mempawah and the establishment at Singkawang (Medhurst 1829b: 555). Medhurst "was hindered by a man who would only speak of state affairs" and wanted him to intercede with the Dutch; however, he refused to do so (Medhurst 1830b: 200). He foresaw that there would be difficulties for missionaries who worked in the area, because sooner or later they would have to take sides between the Chinese and Dutch (Medhurst 1829b: 555).

Medhurst returned to Pontianak on 11 November and, after traveling about 10 km upriver to visit Chinese who grew sugarcane, soon left for Sambas, where he arrived on 23 November. He went among the Chinese and Malays and on 2 December he witnessed the installation of the new Sultan "Osman Amaludin." (4) He distributed literature to be sent to Chinese settlements in the region but, because of the heavy rain and his ill-health, could not travel further to the interior. Medhurst emphasized that he had wanted to go from Sambas along the track to Monterado, about 70 km to the south, and then proceed by river to Pontianak. He also described a river route from Sambas to Lara, another Chinese mining center further inland (Medhurst 1829b: 555-6). He talked of his contacts with the old piratical inhabitants of Sambas and described the Chinese there as "idle, voluptuous, and sensual, and for the most part addicted to gambling" (Medhurst 1829b: 557). The Dayaks seen at Sambas were mentioned only very briefly. For example, they practiced only primitive agriculture, using hoes. Also, they suffered greatly from elephantiasis (Medhurst 1829b: 557).

Medhurst left Sambas on 4 December. After visiting Pamangkat at the mouth of the Sambas river, he returned to Pontianak after a stormy passage in a leaky Dutch government prahu. On 17 December he embarked on a "Malay" prahu for Semarang in Java, where he arrived on 21 December. He returned to Batavia on 18 January 1829. Medhurst's verdict on the prospects for missionaries in West Borneo was written on his way to Semarang. He did not favor a mission to the Chinese because they were very scattered and their population appeared to be only about 25,000, lower than previously thought. Also, the adult population were not "tractable and teachable" but "boisterous and insolent to foreigners," having lately been at war with the Dutch. Instead, he favored sending a mission to the Dayaks, whose population in West Borneo he estimated at 240,000. This was despite their headhunting, and alliances with Malay pirates: they were becoming ashamed of these "savage habits" as a result of their contacts with Chinese and Malay settlers. Medhurst noted that their opposition to Islam was due to their liking for pork. He said that some Dayaks had "actually embraced the Chinese system of idolatry" which he believed should stir Christians to be more active in their attempts at conversion (Medhurst 1830b: 208-210). This section of his journal was published in another publication of the LMS, the Evangelical Magazine and Missionary Chronicle (Medhurst 1830c). Likewise, in the letter to the LMS written soon after returning to Batavia, Medhurst recommended the settlement of "one or two" missionaries on the west coast of Borneo, to keep up communication with the Chinese, but principally to study Dayak languages and help people "so downtrodden and demoralized, but still so willing to be reformed" (Medhurst 1829b: 558). In fact, Medhurst's tour had little impact on the activities of the LMS, although its missionaries, especially in Batavia and Singapore, continued to print and distribute large numbers of Malay-language and Chinese-language books and tracts to trading vessels from Borneo. In 1833, Rev. C.H. Thomsen, an LMS missionary in Singapore, wrote that he had listed in his visiting-book 179 rivers in West Borneo, with several settlements on each, to many of which he sent missionary literature (O'Sullivan 1984: 97).

Medhurst's accounts of his travels in West Borneo greatly influenced the American Board of Commissioners for Foreign Missions (ABCFM), which coordinated missions for several Protestant church bodies in the USA. The periodical of the ABCFM, the Missionary Herald, included in June 1830 the extract from Medhurst's journal that included his views on the suitability of Borneo as a missionary field, especially among the Dayaks (Anon. 1830: 201-2). Medhurst is also named in a lengthy article about Borneo in the Chinese Repository (1836), published by the ABCFM in Canton, that included descriptions of the Dayaks: "We are not aware that any efforts have been made to introduce Christianity, except a visit or two by Rev. Mr. Medhurst of Batavia, and the circulation of books and tracts among those inhabitants of the island who have visited Batavia, Singapore, and other European settlements" (Anon. 1836: 515). Medhurst's tour was also mentioned by representatives of the ABCFM who visited Batavia and met him while exploring opportunities for establishment of an ABCFM mission in Borneo (e.g. Abeel 1835: 310; Arms 1837: 115). (5) After the establishment of the mission in 1839, the ABCFM missionaries experienced all the problems that Medhurst had predicted, and more, but before the departure of the last missionary in 1849, they had gone on some epic journeys in West Borneo that are beyond the scope of this paper.

When compared with Earl's very informative book and earlier reports in English such as Leyden (1811) and Hunt (1812), discussed later, Medhurst provided little new information about the history of West Borneo, or the customs of its Dayak peoples. Reviewing Medhurst's journal of his tour along the eastern side of Malaya, the editor of the Chinese Repository (Anon. 1832: 228-229) commented that the value "to a general reader would have been considerably enhanced, had the author added more concerning the productions of the country, and the state of learning among the people. He has done well, we think, in publishing it." (7) The same rather ambivalent comment applies equally well to Medhurst's journal of his tour in Borneo, but it is a significant addition to the sparse early nineteenth century English-language travel writing about the region, and especially about the Chinese colonies. C.M. Turnbull's comment in his Introduction (p. x) to the 1971 reprint of Earl's book that Earl was "probably the first Englishman to visit, and certainly the first to describe, the Chinese settlements" is clearly incorrect on both counts--but whether the first British visitor was Rev. W.H. Medhurst remains to be seen. Because Medhurst did not, in fact, visit Monterado, it is not at all certain that he was the person about whom the Chinese told Earl. Perhaps Earl, who depended on a translator, was told that the visit was to other areas occupied by the Chinese that were visited by Medhurst, e.g. Mandor and Sambas, but these are not close to Monterado. However, there are other possibilities, as follows.

Mariners

In 1838, two American missionaries, Elihu Dory and William J. Pohlman, visited West Borneo on behalf of the ABCFM. At Monterado, they were shown an English magazine presented in September 1815 by "Commodore Sayes" to "his esteemed friend (name illegible), the chief commander of Montrado" (Doty and Pohlman 1839a: 305). (This sentence was one of many edited out of the account published in the Missionary Herald: Doty and Pohlman 1839b.) Captain George Sayer (not Sayes) RN was a prominent naval officer during the short period of British rule. In 1813 he commanded from his ship, the frigate HMS Leda, the naval squadron despatched by Raffles that took part in a successful campaign against Sambas, and, in particular, a notorious pirate chief, Pangeran Anom, the "young Prince," who was a half-brother of the Sultan. The attack--like its unsuccessful predecessor in late 1812--was prompted by a series of piratical raids, including the plundering and burning in 1812 of a British trading vessel, the Coromandel, that had become stranded on a reef in the Karimata Islands. "The enormities of Pangeran Annam have out-heroded Herod; these are too recent to require recapitulation. Independent of his depredations on the Coromandel, a Portuguese ship, &c, nine Europeans of the Hecate have been seized and made slaves" (Hunt 1812: 24; see also S. Raffles, 1830: 198, and Veth, 1854-6, Vol. 1: 380-382).

The British naval squadron and troops destroyed Sambas and burned the pirate vessels at the beginning of June 1813, and the Sultan and Pangeran Anom fled into the interior. (The official report of the attack is given by Thorn 1815.) The Leda remained in the area until the middle of August and returned briefly to Pontianak in September after proceeding to Batavia (Leda 1813: Captain's log). Other warships of the Royal Navy and EIC also patroled the area with the aim of further reducing piracy and to show the flag. In August 1813 Raffles despatched one of his aides-de-camp, Captain R.C. Garnham, from Java to Borneo to negotiate with the rulers of the various coastal sultanates to help stamp out piracy and further strengthen British control. Raffles was well aware of the extensive Chinese population between Pontianak and Sambas, but thought that they should remain divided and under the influence of the two sultanates. He told Garnham that the Chinese should be given no "expectation of independence" but would be protected from oppression by the Sultans by the local British officials whom he hoped to establish (Java: 18 August 1813).

Doubtless the Chinese had aired their hopes for increased independence during their many contacts with the British naval vessels that had patroled the region intensively in the period leading up to the invasion of Java and subsequently. The ships obtained supplies, especially pigs and vegetables, from the Chinese and took on water from Pulau Kabung, close to Singkawang. (8) Thus, shortly before his departure, Sayer "saluted the Chief of the Chinese with 5 guns" (Leda: Captain's log, 23 July 1813). The vessels of the Royal Navy apparently left the waters off West Borneo at the beginning of the wet season at the end of 1813, though patrols by warships of the EIC maintained a blockade of Sambas and neighboring ports. Raffles had intended to mount a further naval and military expedition to Borneo in 1814, as mentioned in a letter to Vice-Admiral Sir Samuel Hood, the British naval commander at Madras (Java: 23 September 1813). However, he was prevented by instructions from the EIC that he was not to develop his plans further for Borneo (Bastin 1954). In mid-1814, on his way to Java, Hood paid a surprise courtesy call on Sultan Kassim of Pontianak; it was colorfully described by Basil Hall, then one of Hood's lieutenants on his flagship, the Minden (Hall 1833).

Having briefly returned to Java, Sayer paid a farewell visit to Borneo in the Leda for three weeks from the end of August 1815. (9) On 16 September, while the Leda was moored off the Selakau river, north of Singkawang, the "Chinese chief of the Montradow Mines came on board." He spent the night on board and next day Sayer "fired a salute of 5 guns on the Chief of the Chinese settled at the Montradow Mines leaving the ship" (Leda: Captain's log). It was presumably on this occasion that he was given the English magazine that led to this quest to find out more about Sayer. On 19 September the Sultan of Sambas came on board the Leda but did not spend the night there: he got a 9-gun salute on leaving. This visitor was the former Pangeran Anom, who had become Sultan late in 1814 (Irwin 1955: 31). Unfortunately, the Captain's log of the Leda includes no information about the activities of the Captain, or of his officers and crew-members, when ashore. There is no evidence from the Captain's log that Sayer visited Monterado, but clearly he had ample opportunity to do so. In a pamphlet published in 1818, after his return to Britain, Sayer said that he was "unavoidably detained for more some weeks [after the destruction of Sambas] in the interior of the State of Sambas." The Captain's log says very little about Sayer's absences from his ship, and the reference may refer to visits to the town of Sambas, which is about 70 km from the coast; nevertheless, it is intriguing. (10)

There were many opportunities for British naval personnel to explore the hinterland of Sambas during the period 1811-1815, but I have not come across any reports to this effect. However, the memoirs of Capt. David Macdonald, first published privately in 1835 and with a third undated edition, probably in 1840 (Macdonald 1840 hereafter), provide much information which throws new light on British activities in the region at the time, and especially about Pangeran Anom. Macdonald was an officer of the EIC's Indian navy, the Bombay Marine, and in 1812 commanded an EIC "cruizer," the Aurora, which was off Palembang. Early in September, a British store-ship, attacked in the Karimata straits by a ship and several prahu under the command of Pangeran Anom, brought the news that the Coromandel had gone aground on a reef in the Karimata Islands early in August, and was falling apart. Sailing to investigate, the Aurora came across a small schooner from Pontianak on its way to Java. One of its passengers was a prominent Calcutta merchant, John Palmer, who had been a passenger on the Coromandel, and who transferred to the Aurora. The vessels commanded by Pangeran Anom had plundered the stricken Coromandel and attacked the rescue vessels sent by the Sultan of Pontianak. (11) Macdonald pursued the pirate vessels towards Sambas, but the Aurora was unable to cross the shallow bar at the mouth of the Sambas river. In due course, Macdonald delivered Palmer to Penang and then sailed to Java, returning to West Borneo early in 1813, when the second attack on Sambas was launched. He again narrowly missed capturing Pangeran Anom when the latter was aboard a large Chinese junk stranded at the mouth of the Sambas river. Soon afterwards, Macdonald captured one of the Pangeran's ships "of great bulk"--presumably a junk--on its way from Amoy with supplies for the Chinese at Monterado and Landak, and with 200 Chinese migrants. Its loss greatly alarmed the local population, especially the Chinese, who offered to transfer allegiance to the British (Macdonald 1840: 222-223). Macdonald took part in the successful attack on Sambas in June 1813, and had kind words to say about Capt. Sayer RN. Falling ill with malaria, he sailed to Java with the Aurora and, after his recovery and several voyages in the Archipelago, he returned to Sambas in 1814 under very different circumstances. Pangeran Anom had decided to change his habits and Macdonald went the 70 km upriver in a small gunboat with a few marines. He received homage from the aged Sultan and "feigned humility and contrition" from the Pangeran, for whom he developed great respect despite his previous piracy. Macdonald commented that the Pangeran must have had "one redeeming point of character by which he retained so firm a hold over the affections of the Malay, Dayak, and the enormous Chinese population of the mining districts, as well as those loose and idle spirits who came to join him, into whom he instilled a portion of his own energy and courage" (Macdonald 1840: 205-206; 304-308). (12)

The Pangeran's earlier successful capture of European vessels may have been part of a determined attempt to build up a naval force to counter the rising strength of Pontianak but, despite his fearsome reputation, European traders had persisted in trading voyages to West Borneo.

Merchants (and more mariners)

The British in the East Indies soon recognized the opportunities for developing trade that arose from the defeat of the Dutch. Even before his arrival in Java, Raffles received a lengthy report that described Borneo in very optimistic terms from J. Burn, who resided in Pontianak for several years before 1811 (Burn 1811). Although by no means overlooked, Burn is a rather obscure individual who had previously commanded a trading vessel. During the preparations for the British expedition to Java, Raffles informed Lord Minto, then at Malacca, that he had despatched Capt. Greigh (or Greig) of the EIC, in the Minto, to survey the straits of Karimata as a suitable route for the fleet. Raffles recommended Lord Minto employ "the services of Captain Burn, now residing at Pontiana ... and if necessary to leave him at Matan or Succadana ..." to complete any unfinished business (S. Raffles 1830: 40). Capt. Macdonald also met him during one of his early visits to Pontianak (Macdonald 1840: 309). Burn passed on letters from Raffles to the Sultan of Sambas, concerning the piratical attacks on British shipping. The "Sketch of Borneo" by John Leyden (1811) relies heavily on information provided by Burn. He does not seem to have traveled far afield in West Borneo, but obtained much geographical information, especially about the extensive Kapuas river system, from Arab traders. His original report is very long and deserves more attention (see Heidhues 1998). John Hunt also provided a lengthy report to Raffles in which he described Borneo in glowing terms (Hunt 1812). Aspects of Hunt's activities are likewise obscure. He had been supercargo on a trading vessel in the area (Gibson-Hilt 1959: 141) and, after traveling from Bengal to Java in 1812, was Raffles's representative in Pontianak in 1813. He had twice sailed up the west coast towards Sarawak and the report suggests that he may have visited Sambas, but although Hunt gave information about gold and diamond mining, he stated that he did not see the mines (Hunt 1812: 19). His report was written after the first attack on Sambas, which he mentioned. Exactly why the report was written seems to be unknown; however, it had a great impact on Raffles.

John Palmer's short visit to West Borneo in 1812 has been largely overlooked. Known as "the Prince of Merchants," Palmer ran an important agency (trading) house based in Calcutta and had mercantile interests and influence that were widespread in Southeast Asia and beyond (Bastin 1981; Webster 1998: 55-58). Palmer wrote an enormous number of letters that are preserved in his private letter-books, now in the Bodleian Library, Oxford. His literary speciality lay in making acerbic comments to the recipients of his letters about others. Thus, on 8 July 1813 he wrote to Raffles thanking him for his support for Pontianak, and criticizing the attitude of their "Penang friends [who were] irreconcileably angry with your efforts even to extirpate piracy." This was presumably a reference to adverse effects on trade produced by the blockade of the west coast of Borneo north of Pontianak. He then said that he would "continue to revere the motive and the object of your [Raffles's] undertaking" (Palmer to Raffles, Letter-books c83: 15). In fact, Palmer had developed a strong dislike of Raffles and many of his policies, as shown by some of the cutting comments that he made in his letters. For example, on 10 February 1814 he wrote to his friend William Petrie, Governor of Penang: "I am sick of Raffles--his Impudence, Baseness and Profligacy. Spurn the wretch from your Dominion and disperse his mushroom usurpation or encroachment" (Palmer Letter-books c83. See also Wurtzburg 1949; 1954, passim). Nevertheless, he and Raffles shared interests in the development of trade and political links with West Borneo (Tarling 1964; Webster 1998: 58). Palmer stayed in Pontianak with Sultan Kassim for about 3 weeks in 1812 after the Coromandel was stranded. The cargo included opium belonging to Palmer (Palmer to Sultan, 6 January 1813; Letter-books c81: 47). After leaving Capt. Macdonald and the Aurora at Penang, Palmer returned to Calcutta on 20 December 1812. He had traveled on the Tay, a trading vessel that was owned by James Carnegy of Penang and commanded by Capt. Daniel Smith. (13) Soon afterwards, Palmer and the Sultan exchanged letters and gifts. Captain Smith carried those from Palmer, which were delivered via Palmer's agent in Pontianak, Mahumud or Mohomud. "When the Malays leave off wearing Creeses I will pay another visit to Pontiano and when roads are opened 20 feet wide from one town to another, and through every town, I will send the Sultan a carriage to ride in" (Palmer to Mahumud, 9 January 1813; Letter-books c81: 64-65). Palmer was not pleased when some of the Sultan's gifts turned out not to be made of gold but of base metal "that made the hand stink." Tactfully, he warned the Sultan of the duplicity of the goldsmith and typically also took the opportunity to warn him that Raffles was prejudiced against him--"he accuses you of ambition" (Palmer to Sultan, 19 December 1813; Letter-books c83: 249-251). The shrewd Sultan Kassim obviously valued his connection with Palmer who, according to Macdonald (1840: 361-3) became the Sultan's commercial agent in Bengal. When Hood unexpectedly arrived in 1814, the Sultan produced a letter from Lord Minto thanking him for his friendship with the British and in particular with Palmer, who had sent him "beautiful mirrors and chandeliers" (Hall 1833: 251).

Daniel Smith was one of the British mercantile sea-captains who had particularly close connections with West Borneo. He bad been suspected by Macdonald of trading arms with the Chinese kongsis and hence indirectly with Sambas, but he was warned off by Palmer, who disapproved of Carnegy, Smith's "principal" in Penang, during the voyage back to Calcutta (Macdonald 1840: 341-2). Afterwards, Smith tried unsuccessfully to get Palmer to go into business with him (Palmer to Capt. Smith, 29 August 1813; Letter-books c83: 60). Many of Smith's voyages in the East Indies in this period, like those of other trading vessels, can be traced from the records of ships' arrivals and departures in the Prince of Wales Island Gazette and Java Government Gazette (1812-1815). At the end of 1812 Smith transfered from the Tay to the Gloucester and sailed to Pontianak, no doubt carrying Palmer's letters and gifts. In March 1813, during the preparations for the second attack on Sambas, he carried despatches from Capt. Macdonald from Pontianak to the Government of Java (Macdonald, c. 1840: 365) and then made two return visits in the Gloucester to Pontianak. In 1814, he commanded L'Adele, and again visited Pontianak. It would be interesting to know who employed him. (14)

It is not clear what links Palmer maintained with West Borneo after 1813. In 1818, after a long gap in their private correspondence, Palmer provided a letter of introduction to the Sultan for Mr. Morgan, another British merchant who intended to visit Pontianak. Palmer asked Kassim to remember him to Kassim's "wife and children and brother the Pangeran," probably Osman, who succeeded Kassim as Sultan in 1819 (Palmer to Sultan, 18 June 1818; Letter-books c86: 306). By 1818 Palmer had recognized that, following the return of the Dutch, there was virtue in Raffles's advocacy of the development of a strategically located British trading base in the archipelago (Tarling 1964). Palmer wrote from Calcutta in December 1818 to William Farquhar, the Governor of Malacca, saying that it "would be nice to procure our friends in Borneo some mitigation of their Dependence" (on the Dutch), and that if his suggestions "thrown out about Pontiana, years ago, had been listened to Mynheer would never have thrust his nose among that People. I should like to know how my Samba friend will fare, though I think he would not suffer a Dutch man even to save his life" (Letter-books c87: 254; see also Tarling 1964; Wurtzburg 1954: 466-8). Unfortunately, the "Samba friend" was not named and this comment is presumably a sarcastic reference to ex-Pangeran Anom, and to Palmer's misfortunes when he was stranded. (15)

After Singapore was established, Palmer tried to influence events there and Raffles shows in his own letters that he was well aware of what Palmer was up to in Calcutta (e.g. Bastin 1981: 21). Palmer continued to lobby his influential friends during the 1820s to support British trade in the East Indies, though his influence declined when Lord Amherst replaced the Marquess of Hastings as Governor-General in India in 1823. Echoing the earlier suggestion by Raffles, Palmer thought that the British and Dutch spheres of influence in Borneo could be defined by the equator. Otherwise, "the contempt of the Feelings of the Natives and our Engagements with them will deservedly load us with obloquy everywhere" (Palmer to Prime, 10 May 1825; in Tarling 1964: 40). This comment referred to Sumatra but equally applies to West Borneo. (16) Not surprisingly, similar views were held by the British traders in the area, despite the displeasure of the Dutch, and sporadic attempts were made to re-establish the trade that had been inhibited by the return of the Dutch to West Borneo. Singapore's first newspaper, the Singapore Chronicle, published between September and November 1827 an anonymous and quite lengthy description of West Borneo by someone who "during a trading voyage, made a short stay at Sambas, Mampawa, and Pontianak" (Singapore Chronicle nos. 92-94, 1827; see Anon. 1827, reprinted by Moore 1837: 5-12). According to Gibson-Hill (1959), the author was F.J. Bernard, the first proprietor of the Singapore Chronicle (see Bastin 1981: 55) and a rather unsettled character. He soon gave up his interest in the newspaper and in 1827 traveled as supercargo, with T. Thomas of Calcutta, on the Meridian, which had been chartered by Singapore merchants including Hugh Syme. The departure on 17 March 1827 "for the eastward" was reported in the Singapore Chronicle, no. 79, 29 March 1827. Bernard's return was not reported in later issues that I have examined (issue no. 90 for 30 August 1827 was missing from the collection) and the Meridian returned from Macassar much later in the year. Bernard may have returned on the Dree Mareas (or Dree Marias). This was a Dutch brig, but its captain was P. Williams, a name which sounds more British than Dutch. The Dree Mareas made at least two voyages to Pontianak in 1827, and was there (or in the waters of West Borneo) for most of July (Singapore Chronicle June-August 1827, nos. 85, 86 and 89). Bernard gave no indication that he visited the Chinese districts. His information was obtained "from the most intelligent natives with whom he had intercourse, and afterwards submitted to the inspection of European gentlemen intimately acquainted with the coasts" (Anon. 1827, in Moore 1837: 5). There was a shorter note: "Trade with the West Coast of Borneo" in the Singapore Chronicle no. 147, 5 November 1829 (see Anon. 1829, reprinted by Moore 1837: 13-14). This gave few details and fulminated against restrictions by the Dutch, especially with regard to the opium trade. Lastly, in the context of trading activities, the British vessel in which Medhurst traveled to Pontianak at the end of 1828 should also be borne in mind. This was the schooner Commerce, commanded by N. Cormac, according to the Singapore Chronicle no. 120, 23 October 1828.

Earl's book revisited

Earl (1837: 201) commented that "an English ship had visited this part of the coast in 1827, but I could meet with no one who possessed information concerning her proceedings." This was presumably the voyage in which Bernard was involved. Given the extensive British activities not long before his visit, it really is surprising that Earl had (or claimed to have had) no information about previous trading voyages or travels to the area. The fact that Medhurst did not return to Singapore on his way back to Batavia helps explain the fact that Earl did not know of his travels in West Borneo. However, Earl seemed to know little even about those missionaries who were based in Singapore (where there were fewer than 100 Europeans at the time). He commented that there were "two or three dissenting [i.e. Nonconformist] missionaries at Singapore, but they do not appear to have had much success in the conversion of the natives" (which was true, but their main activity was printing), "the effects of their labours being rarely heard of in the settlement, except through the medium of missionary publications brought out from England" (Earl 1837: 393). (17) Medhurst aside, there remains a possibility that the "unknown Englishman" (Earl 1837: 279) was a British trader from Singapore, Malacca, or Penang who visited Monterado in the 1820s, when the Dutch had only a very limited presence in the area.

Conclusion

Dutch control over West Borneo increased progressively after the 1830s, influenced in part by the activities of James Brooke to the north. The Chinese kongsis soon lost their independence (Jackson 1970), the Muslim ruling families became clients of the Dutch, and the Dayaks remained (in the words of Medhurst) "downtrodden and demoralized"-as they do to this day. The British maintained trade with West Borneo, particularly from Singapore. A vessel called the Stamford was still involved in trade with Pontianak and Sambas in 1838. She was mentioned in the Singapore Free Press, vol. 3 no. 8, 22 February 1838, described as a 65 ton brig. However, the main British mercantile interests widened far beyond to China. The Royal Navy maintained a significant presence in the East Indies, paying particular attention to suppression of piracy as well as giving support to the British imperialistic ventures, again including China. The missionaries also turned most of their attention to China as foreign influence increased there.

Of the various travelers mentioned in this paper, it was Earl himself who may have had a tangible impact on the future of Borneo. Earl was a strong admirer of Raffles, who had died in 1826, and many of Earl's views follow those of Raffles. "Raffles and Earl represented neither official policy, narrow commercial ambitions nor conventional Christian proselytizing. They advocated rather a civilizing mission, which aimed to combine altruistic humanitarianism with practical economic benefits" (Turnbull, Introduction to reprint of Earl 1837, p. viii). This comment seems rather "over the top," but Earl's book was very successful. It greatly impressed James Brooke, who was also an admirer of Raffles and his writings (Brooke 1838; Runciman 1970: 48-54). Brooke's arrival in 1839 did have a lasting impact on the future of Borneo, and particularly on what became Sarawak, thanks in part to input from new generations of British missionaries, mariners and merchants. In this way, the hopes of Raffles that Britain would retain influence over Borneo "north of the equator" became--though not in the places or manner advocated by him--reality for many years.

Acknowledgments

I am very grateful to the Council for World Mission for permission to consult the LMS archives, and to Lisa Cole, Archives Assistant at the Library of the School of Oriental and African Studies, for her help. I also thank Mary Somers Heidhues for advice about J. Burn's report, Mike Phillips for information about Capt. George Sayer additional to that on his excellent website (Phillips, 2000), Harry Sayer for providing me with unpublished Sayer family papers, Tony Webster (especially) for information about John Palmer and references to relevant letters, John Walker for encouragement to "keep searching" and Wilfrid Prest for helpful comments on a draft of the paper. This project could not have been done without access to Adelaide University's e-mail and Internet resources, and the efficient Inter-library loan scheme.

(1) "Montradok" in the original--the final "k" in many place-names in West Borneo was optional at the time. In this paper I mainly use present-day spelling, except where quoting original text, but retain some Anglicized place-names, such as Malacca, Penang, and Batavia.

(2) Raffles lost 1000 pages of a detailed account of the "former history, present state, population and resources" of Borneo when the Fame, on which he was a passenger, burned shortly after his final departure from Benkulen in 1824 (Wurtzburg 1954: 685).

(3) Much of the information is given both in the journal and the subsequent letter from Batavia, and I only cite specific pages where this is not the case, or I give direct quotations.

(4) Othman Kamaloe'ddin, according to de Hollander (1871). This was the brother and successor to Sultan Mohammed Ali Tsafioe'ddin, previously known as Pangeran Anom--of whom much more later.

(5) It was these references to Medhurst that first made me aware of his tour in West Borneo.

(6) Medhurst moved to China in 1843. He left Shanghai in poor health in September 1856 and died, aged 60, in London on 24 January 1857, only three days after his arrival in England (Wylie 1867: 25-27).

(7) The version reviewed was the pamphlet published by the Mission Press, Singapore, at the end of 1828.

(8) As pointed out by Veth (1854-1856; Vol 1: 108-109) this island was "re-discovered" by Earl (1837: 302-304). He called it "Palo Batublat," claimed that the Malays were not aware of the water to be found there, and commented on the feral pig population.

(9) He was based in India in 1814 and the first part of 1815, having taken command of all Royal Naval ships in the interim period between the sudden death of Sir Samuel Hood in December 1814 and the arrival of his successor in India.

(10) Sayer and the Leda returned to Britain at the end of 1816, after an absence of very nearly seven years. He wrote the pamphlet (Sayer 1818) as a defense against accusations in another pamphlet by Captain R. O'Brien, who was court-martialed by Sayer in India. His active naval career ended and he died aged 57 in July 1831, less than one year after his seniority resulted in promotion to Rear-Admiral (Obituary: Anon. 1831).

(11) The Java Government Gazette, vol 1/35 (24 October, 1812) gives another detailed account of these events.

(12) Macdonald also spent time with the Sultan of Pontianak. He returned to Britain in 1820, and soon left the service of the EIC because of a wound to his arm that he received when the captured pirate fleet was burned.

(13) Palmer arrived in Penang on the Aurora on 22 October 1812 and departed for Calcutta in the week ending 14 November on the Tay, which had arrived "from the eastward and Malacca" about a week earlier (Prince of Wales Island Gazette 7/347; 24 October 1812, 7/349, 7 November 1812 & 7/350, 14 November 1812). "The eastward" was often used to refer to Borneo.

(14) I have not attempted to trace Smith's later activities. In 1814 the Tay was under the command of James Carnegy of Penang, who must have retained links with the Chinese in West Borneo: on 3 September 1815 the Leda encountered the "British brig TAT," traveling from Selakau to Pontianak (Leda: Captain's log). Like the personnel from the Royal Navy and EIC Bombay Marine, the traders are obvious candidates for the "unknown Englishman" who visited Monterado, though the period under consideration here may be stretching the "several years" before Earl's visit a long way.

(15) The possibility that this comment referred to a visit to Sambas by Palmer led to my reading through the letter-books for 1811-1818, and subsequently led me to Captains Macdonald and Smith.

(16) Palmer's agency house collapsed in 1830 and he later became bankrupt, at least in part because of his generosity in making loans to his friends. He died in 1836, greatly respected in Calcutta (Wurtzburg 1949). Anthony Webster is writing Palmer's biography (Anon. 2001, and helpful personal communications).

(17) There was an LMS mission in Singapore from the time of its foundation (1819) and the small LMS press was soon used to print official papers for the Singapore authorities. Raffles was instrumental in the purchase of a larger press by writing to his contacts in

References [Comments are in square brackets]

Abeel, D.

1835 Journal of a Residence in China and the Neighbouring Countries from 1830-1833. London: James Nisbet & Co [This is the British edition of a book published originally in the USA].

Anonymous

1827 Memoir on the Residency of the North-West coast of Borneo. In: Moor, J. H. 1837, ed. Notices of the Indian Archipelago and Adjacent Countries pp. 5-12 (reprinted by Frank Cass & Co. Ltd, London, 1968).

Anonymous

1829 Trade with the West Coast of Borneo. In: Moor, J.H. 1837, ed. Notices of the Indian Archipelago and Adjacent Countries pp. 13-14 (reprinted by Frank Cass & Co. Ltd, London, 1968).

Anonymous

1830 Mission of the London Missionary Society in the Malayan Archipelago. Observations on Borneo as a missionary field. Missionary Herald, Boston, Mass. 26: 201-202.

Anonymous

1831 Rear-Admiral Sayer, C.B. [Obituary]. Gentleman's Magazine, London. 101, May 1831: 468-469.

Anonymous

1832 Journal of a tour through the settlements on the eastern side of the peninsula of Malacca in 1828. Printed in Singapore. Chinese Repository: 1, 224-234.

Anonymous

1836 The island of Borneo: its situation, extent, history, and divisions, with notices of its principal inhabitants, the Malays, Chinese, Bugis, and Dayaks. Chinese Repository 4:498-518.

Anonymous

2001 Researching the Prince of Merchants. http://www.edgehill.ac.uk/ newsevents/edgeways/pdf/prince/pdf

Arms, W.

1837 Letter from Mr Arms [from Pontianak], dated July 13. 1836. Missionary Herald, Boston, Mass. 33:114-115.

Bastin, J.

1954 Raffles and British policy in the Indian Archipelago, 1811-1816. Journal of the Malayan Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society 28/1:84-119.

1981 The letters of Sir Stamford Raffles to Nathaniel Wallich 1819-1824. Journal of the Malayan Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society 54/2: 1-73.

Brooke, J.

1838 Proposed exploring expedition to the Asiatic Archipelago. Journal of the Royal Geographical Society 8/3: 443-448.

Burn, J.

1811 Mr Burn's account of Pontianak, 12 February and 12 March 1811 (Manuscript). Private Papers, Raffles Collection. European Manuscripts El 09, pp. 1-151. London: India Office Records, British Library.

Doty, E. and W.J. Pohlman

1839a Tour in Borneo, from Sambas through Montrado to Pontianak, and the adjacent settlements of Chinese and Dayaks, during the autumn of 1838. Chinese Repository 8:283-310.

1839b Borneo: Journal of Messrs. Dory and Pohlman, from Sambas to Pontianak. Missionary Herald, Boston, Mass. 35:415-424.

Earl, G.W.

1836 The Eastern Seas, or Voyages and Adventures in the Indian Archipelago in the years 1832-1833-1843 (reprinted, with Introduction by C.M. Turnbull. Oxford University Press, Singapore & Kuala Lumpur, 1971).

Gibson-Hill, C.A.

1959 George Samuel Windsor Earl. Journal of the Malayan Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society 32/1 : 105-153.

Hall, B.

1833 Fragments of Voyages and Travels. Third Series, Vol. 2. Visit to the Sultan of Pontianak, in Borneo--Sir Samuel Hood. Edinburgh: Robert Cadell, pp. 270-297.

Heidhues, M.S.

1998 The first two Sultans of Pontianak. Archipel, 56: 273-294.

Hollander, J.J. de.

1871 Geslachtregister der vorsten van Sambas. Bijdragen tot de Taal-, Land- en Volkenkunde van Nederlandsch-lndie, 18:185-203.

Hunt, J.

1812 Sketch of Borneo or Pulo Kalamantan, communicated by J. Hunt Esq. in 1812, to the Honorable Sir T.S. Raffles, late Lieut. Governor of Java. In: Moor, J.H. 1837, ed. Notices of the Indian Archipelago and Adjacent Countries, Appendix, pp. 12-30 (reprinted by Frank Cass & Co. Ltd, London, 1968).

Irwin, G.

1955 Nineteenth-Century Borneo: a Study in Diplomatic Rivalry. Verhandelingen van het Koninklijk lnstituut voor Taal-, Land- en Volkenkunde, Deel XV. Martinus Nijhoff: s'Gravenhage.

Jackson, J.C.

1970 Chinese in the West Borneo Goldfields: a Study in Cultural Geography. Occasional Papers in Geography, No. 19. Hull: University of Hull Publications.

Java Government Gazette, Batavia

1811-1815 [Some early issues were missing from the set examined]

Java. Separate Consultations

1813 East India Company Factory Records, G/21/37. London: India Office Records, British Library.

Leda: Captain's log

1809-1816 (Manuscript) 20 Nov 1809--16 Nov 1816. ADM 51/2519. Kew: Public Records Office.

Leyden, J.

1811 Sketch of Borneo. In: Moor, J.H. 1837, ed. Notices of the Indian Archipelago and Adjacent Countries, Appendix, pp. 93-109 (reprinted by Frank Cass & Co. Ltd, London, 1968).

Macdonald, Capt. D.

1840 Captain Macdonald's narrative of his early life and services, embracing an unbroken period of twenty-two years. Extracted from his Journals & other official documents. Third edition. Cheltenham: Thomas Willey.

Medhurst, W.H.

1828-29 To the West Coast of Borneo, 14 October 1828-18 January 1829 (Manuscript). Council for World Mission Archives, School of Oriental and African Studies, University of London: CWM, Ultra Ganges Journals, Box 1: 1813-41.

1829a Description of places visited--East coast of Malaya and Borneo, 24 January 1829 (Manuscript). Council for World Mission Archives, School of Oriental and African Studies, University of London: CWM, Incoming Letters, Ultra Ganges: Batavia, Folder 3.

1829b Ultra Ganges. Extracts of a letter from Mr W.H. Medhurst, missionary, dated Batavia, January 24 1829. Evangelical Magazine and Missionary Chronicle, 2"d Series 7: 465-7; 512-515; 553-8.

1830a Journal of a voyage up the east coast of the Malay peninsula. Quarterly chronicle of Transactions of the London Missionary Society 4:145-156; 171-192.

1830b Extracts from a journal by Mr. W.H. Medhurst, Missionary at Batavia, during a tour along the West coast of Borneo, undertaken with a view to ascertain how far it might be practicable to establish a mission, either among the Chinese settlers, or the Dayakkers, the native population of the island, comprehending a period from 14th October, 1828, to 18th January, 1829. Quarterly chronicle of Transactions of the London Missionary Society 4: 193-210.

1830c An extract from the journal of Mr. W.H. Medhurst, missionary, Batavia, containing the result of observations respecting Borneo as a missionary station, made during a tour along the West coast of that Island, performed between October 1828 and January 1829. Evangelical Magazine and Missionary Chronicle, 2nd Series 8:317-8.

O'Sullivan, L.

1984 The London Missionary Society: a written record of missionaries and printing presses in the Straits Settlements, 1815-1847. Journal of the Malayan Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society 57:61-104.

Palmer, J.

1811-1818 Private Letter-books, c81-c86 (Manuscript). Oxford: Bodleian Library.

Phillips, M.

2000 Ships of the Old Navy: a history of the sailing ships of the Royal Navy. http ://www. cronab.demon.co.uk.

Prince of Wales Island Government Gazette

1812 Vol. 7 (Microfilm: British Library, London).

Raffles, Lady S.

1830 Memoir of the life and public services of Sir Thomas Stamford Raffles, F.R.S., etc. London: Murray.

Runciman, S.

1960 The White Rajahs. London: Cambridge University Press.

Sayer, G.

1818 Explanation of the circumstances which led to the trial of Captain Robert O'Brien, R.N., by a Court Martial in the East Indies, together with the charges against the Officer Commanding the Squadron upon that Station, and the decision of the Lords of the Admiralty on the Conduct of these Officers. London: Wright and Murphy.

Singapore Chronicle

1827-1832 (Microfilm: Micro Methods Ltd., Wakefield, U.K.) [Issues examined were those from 4 Jan. 1827-26 July 1832, with a few omissions.]

Singapore Free Press

1838-1842 (Microfilm: Kodak, Ltd., Melbourne, Australia.) [Issues examined were those from 22 Feb. 1838-1 May 1842].

Slater, J.

1820a Batavia. Extract from a letter from Rev. J. Slater, dated Batavia,

July 29, 1819. Evangelical Magazine and Missionary Chronicle 28:170-171.

1820b Java. Quarterly chronicle of Transactions of the London Missionary Society 1 : 438-439.

Tarling, N.

1964 The Prince of Merchants and the lion city. Journal of the Malayan Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society 37/I: 20-40.

Thorn, Major W.

1815 The Conquest of Java. London: T. Egerton. (reprinted by Periplus Editions & Antiques of the Orient, Singapore, 1993).

Veth, P.J.

1854-56 Borneo "s Westerafdeeling. Zaltbommel: J. Norman. 2 Vols.

Webster, A.

1998 Gentlemen Capitalists: British Imperialism in South East Asia 1770-1890. London & New York: Tauris Academic Studies.

Wurtzburg, C.E.

1949 The private letter books of John Palmer. Journal of the Malayan Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society 22/1 : 182-183.

Wurtzburg, C.E.

1954 Raffles of the Eastern Isles (ed. C. Witting). London: Hodder and Stoughton.

Wylie, A.

1867 Memorials of the Protestant Missionaries to the Chinese. Shanghae [sic]: American Mission Press.

Calcutta, including John Palmer (O'Sullivan 1984). The LMS press was also used to print the Singapore Chronicle until it went out of business in 1837.

F. Andrew Smith 

Department of Soil and Water

The University of Adelaide 

SA 5005, Australia

E-mail: [e-mail]