Middle-school girls' reports of peer victimization: concerns, consequences, and implications.

Recent research regarding youth victimization suggests that bullying by peers is a common experience during adolescence (Cash, 1995; Crick & Grotpeter, 1996; Hoover, Oliver, & Hazier, 1992; Olweus, 1994). Peer victimization (also referred to in the literature as bullying and teasing) has been described as an unprovoked attack that causes hurt of a psychological, social, or physical nature (Smith, 1991). These behaviors have social academic, and psychological consequences that impact the well being of both the victim and the bully (Crick & Grotpeter, 1996; Grilo, Wifley, Brownell, & Rodin, 1994; Hazier, Hoover, & Oliver, 1992; Salmivalli, Kaukiainen, Kaistaniemi, & Lagerspetz, 1999; Shapiro, Baumeister, & Kessler, 1991; Sharp, 1996). In addition, bullying has negative impact on the overall school climate (Roberts & Coursol, 1996). Most middle-school children report having experienced victimization, with attacks happening more frequently at school than elsewhere (Clarke & Kiselica, 1997). School counselors have an obligation to assess whether bullying is a problem for their students, to intervene appropriately, and to be proactive in preventing bullying behavior (Smith, 1991).

As many as 81% of school-aged males and 72% of school-aged females report having been bullied, with younger children (i.e., ages 10 to 13) experiencing greater levels of victimizing behavior (Cash, 1995; Hazier et al., 1992). Most research has focused on severe physical attacks such as threatening bodily harm or weapons, with fewer studies of nonphysical or less severe types of attacks like mocking or social isolation (Bosworth, Espelage, & Simon, 1999; Clarke & Kiselica, 1997; Crick, Bigbee, & Howe, 1996; Olweus, 1994). Boys identify being the aggressor more often than do girls, in particular for overtly aggressive behaviors such as kicking or hitting (Shapiro et al., 1991). Some authors have suggested that girls engage as frequently in aggressive behaviors as boys, but that girls use more covert forms of aggression such as telling lies about or socially isolating a peer (Bosworth et al., 1999; Clarke & Kiselica, 1997; Shapiro et al., 1991). Crick and Grotpeter (1996) found that both boys and girls report similar levels of victimization; however, boys report significantly more overt victimization than do girls, and girls report significantly more relational victimization or socially hurtful behaviors than do boys (Crick, Casas, & Ku, 1999; Crick & Grotpeter, 1995).

One developmental explanation for girls reporting higher levels of relational victimization may be the relative importance girls place on social relationships as compared to boys. Adolescent girls tend to be more relational and invest a tremendous amount of energy into social comparisons and peer acceptance (Gilligan, 1982; Harter, 1990; Steiner-Adair, 1986). Relying more heavily on peer feedback to inform their self-worth, adolescent girls may be particularly susceptible to both the impressions of others regarding physical appearance or attractiveness and to being accepted as part of a social network. Feeling marginalized for being different or not being accepted by peers may be particularly hurtful for them. Because they may be more aware of these relational vulnerabilities, adolescent girls may be more adept at strategies that target social relationships. As these strategies are somewhat covert, there is a risk that they are more difficult for outsiders to observe.

One risk is that less severe or more covert tactics found in relational aggression may go unnoticed by adults or be mistaken as "typical" adolescent behavior. One study indicated that middle-school students tended not to report bullying behaviors because they did not believe that reporting would resolve the bullying (Clarke & Kiselica, 1997). When perceived victimization goes unnoticed, students are less likely to feel safe in their schools. Making adult intervention more difficult, the negative consequences associated with being victimized, on a single occasion or repeatedly, may not be evident until long after the incident has occurred.

Studies of the outcomes of both relational and overt forms of aggression have revealed negative effects on academic, social, and psychological functioning. Repeated bullying has been associated with negative school outcomes like absenteeism and poor academic performance (Roberts & Coursol, 1996). Excessive teasing has also been related to depression, social anxiety, decreased self-esteem, anger, and sadness (Crick & Grotpeter, 1996; Grilo et al., 1994; Hazier et al., 1992; Salmivalli et al., 1999; Shapiro et al., 1991). These difficulties are likely to negatively affect the immediate experience of a student in the classroom as well as the student's long-term adjustment.

Several authors have recommended school-based assessments, interventions, and policies that have been found effective for reducing bullying behavior and increasing student feelings of safety (Clarke & Kiselica, 1997; Hazler et al., 1992; Nuttall & Kalesnik, 1987; Olweus, 1993; Roberts & Coursol, 1996; Smith, 1991). To assist in implementing these programs, it is critical for school counselors to understand the nature and extent of bullying in their school. School counselors need to know how youth interpret bullying experiences and how the experiences affect the way students feel about themselves and their relationships with other students.

The current study aimed to learn more about the phenomenological experience of relational victimization in a sample of adolescent girls. One aim was to better understand the relational style of aggression that has been identified as more prevalent among girls. We were particularly interested in girls because of the lack of research reports on how girls might hurt each other using certain social strategies. A second aim was to understand the extent to which peer victimization in girls may be related to changes in their self-image and in their social relationships. As part of a larger study, 20 adolescent girls were invited to share their experiences of being bullied or victimized. We elicited details of the incidents as well as girls' emotional reactions and interpretations of how these incidents influenced their feelings about themselves. The research focused on (a) the girls' reports of overt and relational victimization, (b) their emotional reactions and behavioral responses to the event(s), and (c) how the event(s) impacted the way a girl thought about herself and her relationships. It is hoped that the information presented will assist school counselors and educators in understanding girls' perspectives of these events and facilitate the development of appropriate prevention and intervention programs.

Methods

Participants

Participants were drawn from a large sample of girls in a school-based assessment of peer relationships, body image, and pubertal timing. The larger study (Gowen, Hayward, & Compian, 2000) surveyed 157 seventh-grade female students at one Northern California public middle school. The public school drew from a large area of predominantly lower to middle class families with a large representation of ethnic minority students. A subset of 26 girls was selected for a follow-up qualitative interview one year after the initial data collection. Girls participating in the follow-up interview were randomly selected on the basis of obtaining a wide distribution of scores on measures of body image. This subset was invited to participate in the follow-up study protocol reported here. Of those eligible, 20 agreed to participate. Attrition was accounted for by one refusal, two girls who agreed to participate but later were not free to schedule interviews after multiple requests, and three girls who had moved with no forwarding information. The mean age of the girls was 13.54 years (range = 13 years to 14 years, 4 months, SD = 5.25 months). Girls identified with several ethnic groups: White (n = 11), Mexican American or Latina/Hispanic (n = 4), Asian Indian (n = 2), Filipino (n = 1), Vietnamese (n = 1), and American Indian (n= 1).

Procedures

A letter sent to each girl's parent(s) or guardian(s) invited eligible girls to participate in a 45-minute follow-up interview on victimization and other issues. Subsequent phone calls to parents explained the study, obtained verbal parental consent, and scheduled an interview. Written consent of parents and adolescents was obtained during the interviews, which were conducted at each girl's home. Girls were told that they were not obligated to answer interview questions that they felt uncomfortable answering and that they could stop the interview at any time. No girls elected these options. Families were paid $30 for their participation in the follow-up interview. The Social Experience Questionnaire (SEQ; Crick & Grotpeter, 1996) was administered as part of the larger study, conducted earlier, with the procedures described elsewhere (Gowen et al., 2000). Upon completion of the interviews, SEQ data for girls participating in the follow-up interviews were collected and analyzed.

Measures

Social Experience Questionnaire. Crick and Grotpeter's (1996) SEQ was chosen as a standardized measure to address the hypothesis that relational victimization was more prevalent than overt victimization for this sample. The SEQ consists of three subscales that measure relational victimization (four items; e.g., rumors), overt victimization (five items; e.g., threats of physical harm), and prosocial attention (five items; e.g., presence of positive interaction with peers). Responses are provided to questions about "how often" the adolescent experienced these behaviors using a 5-point Likert scale (1 = "Never"; 5 = "All the time"). Higher scores on the overt and relational victimization subscales reflected greater reported frequency of victimization. Higher scores on the prosocial support subscale reflected greater levels of peer support. All three scales (relational, overt, and prosocial attention) have been found to be highly reliable with Chronbach's alphas of .80, .78, and .77, respectively (Crick & Grotpeter, 1996).

Qualitative interview. Our interest in girls' qualitative reports of victimization led us to develop a comprehensive interview of victimization experiences, including unwelcome and harmful events. Each girl was asked the following: "We know that young people can sometimes be pretty mean to other people their age. We are wondering if there's ever been a time when someone who was your age, or a little younger or a little older, has been really mean, nasty, or rude to you." An additional set of 12 open-ended questions assessed (a) details or characteristics of the event(s) (e.g., location, duration); (b) perceptions of the relationship with the perpetrator, including perceived reasons for the aggression; and (c) emotional and behavioral coping responses. At the suggestion of interviewers with extensive experience interviewing victims (Crick et al., 1996), all interview questions used developmentally age-appropriate terms (e.g., mean was substituted in place of victimizing or harmful).

Two students in graduate counseling psychology programs used qualitative interview techniques to conduct the interviews. Two additional graduate student raters coded the interview transcriptions for the following information: logistical details of the event; type of victimization; subject matter (i.e., what prompted the bullying); and emotional, social, and behavioral responses and outcomes.

Results

SEQ Results

Because of the limited sample size and subsequent lack of generalizability, the results of the SEQ are reported as a count of victimizing behaviors and no statistical analyses were conducted. As shown (see Table), one year prior to the follow-up interviews, girls reported more relational victimization than overt victimization with many girls reporting a lack of prosocial treatment. Three girls reported never having experienced any of the behaviors on the SEQ. Most common forms of relational victimization--being excluded from a peer group, having lies told about you, and being left out. Most common for overt victimization was being yelled at or called derogatory names. Results of the prosocial treatment scale indicate that several participants endorsed "never" or "a little" having "friends that make me happy" or "tell me they care." Overt victimization was reported only along with other types of victimization, with no participants reporting only overt victimization on the SEQ.

Qualitative Reports of Overt and Relational Victimization

The majority of girls described more than one incident of victimization, with only one girl saying that she had not experienced a peer being mean or rude. Girls indicated that victimization experiences occurred regularly, with five girls indicating it happened "a lot" or "all the time." Age of victimization varied: seven girls reported current victimization, seven reported victimization in 6th and 7th grades, and five reported victimization before 5th grade. Sixteen girls described events that took place at school, two described events on the bus, and one described an event in her neighborhood. Ten participants reported both male and female peer aggressors, six reported male aggressors only, and three reported female aggressors only.

Overt victimization. All but one girl described being verbally victimized (e.g., insulted or called derogatory names). Most common were insulting comments (n = 12), such as direct and negative commentary about physical characteristics. Because these comments were so prevalent, we examined their contents. One participant described being teased about a desirable characteristic, her intelligence:

   This one kid would call us names. Like "we're dorky" or something. If
   everyone got like a bad grade and just three of us got an A, he'd say,
   "you're so stupid." He'd say we're suck-ups to the teacher.... I just like
   ignored him, but I hated him when he did that. [How did you feel when he
   did that?] Bad. It was kind of a compliment, but I still always felt bad.

Insults about undesirable physical and psychological traits were also common. Nine girls described insults about weight, race, or other characteristics. A Mexican-American girl's response was typical of weight-related teasing:

   When I was in like 6th grade and I was chubby. People would say "oh my god,
   you're huge." It made me feel bad, you know like I wanted to go on a diet
   or something.

About race, one Asian Indian participant described problems she encountered that prompted her family to send her to a new school. She said:

   People used to, like, disrespect me. Um, People used to make fun of me,
   like racialist [sic]. At my old school like, see I'm Indian, so a lot of
   people were just teasing me, some of my friends would, right? They were
   playing around and I didn't even care 'cause we all make fun of each other,
   but- but when it was people who didn't like me, they're like, they'd say
   "Camel" and like um "Where's Aladdin?" But I was okay about that. I was
   pretty strong. But then I'd tell them things back.., just so they know how
   it feels.

Others described being teased about being new or different. One participant, who indicated on the SEQ that she was yelled at "a lot" and pushed or hit "a little" in school, said:

   I've gotten in fights with girls, like verbal fights, where names are
   called and things are thrown at you.... Like, if there were new kids that
   had come into the group, if they'd find something they didn't like about
   them, they would pick on them with that specifically ... If they found
   something that made that person insecure, they would focus on that. Find
   the weak spot, then just pick at it. Constantly. Until they broke that
   person down and the person would leave.

Name calling was also mentioned frequently by participants (n = 7), including one girl who described involving teachers and the principal:

   These guys called me "tampon" like the whole last year 'Cause this girl ...
   her initials are, like B.O. [body odor] and so they came up with this name
   tampon and it stuck for the whole year. And it was because of, they'd
   shout, "tampon." I'm all, "you know what, you're in trouble ... if you're
   gonna call me tampon, I'm gonna call you B.O." She's all "I don't like
   that. That hurts my feelings." You think tampon doesn't?

Three girls described physical attacks. One girl who came to the United States from Mexico in early elementary school indicated:

   When I used to go to [another] school, there was a boy that always picked
   [on me.] And he would all, he would hit me. And, um, he was teasing me and
   he'd laugh at me, and that's like, I didn't really like it over there. [How
   many times did he hit you or laugh at you ?] Mostly all the time.

Relational victimization. A few girls identified having rumors spread about them (n = 3) and social isolation (n = 3). Regarding rumors, one girl who in addition to being yelled, pushed, and called names "a lot" and hit "a little" at school said:

   I've gotten into verbal fights. The worst part is when like if you had a
   secret with them, if you made them mad enough they might go tell it. Or
   they'll start a rumor around school that will last for like a month and it
   will be awful because it's something so bad. And it's not true. And
   everyone believes it. You have to go around to convince people it was a
   lie, and that's pretty bad.

(The same girl described seeing peers socially isolated by others:)

I've seen it where they'd shun people from the group. They'll just flat out go up to them and say, you know, "We don't like you, you have to go, you can't be with us anymore. That's it, leave." ... It's brutal. I've seen it where girls have, you know, run off in the bathroom and cried. A guy will, he'll start a fight over it you know, to get his pride back.

Nearly half of the sample described how incidents of victimization altered peer group relationships (n = 8). One student described an incident of lying by her best friend that caused her to renegotiate their relationship:

   Me and my best friend got in a fight and she said something to this snobby
   group of girls, like that I called her and said something mean about them.
   I was kind of scared because it was a very snobby group and they didn't
   really follow the rules. So I was afraid they were going to beat me up. I
   was kind of really sad that my best friend turned on me like that. I'm not
   her best friend any more, but I'm still kind of friends with her and those
   other girls aren't friends with her. And, cause you know, the way she lied.

Emotional Reactions and Behavioral Responses

Emotional reactions. The vast majority (n = 15) indicated feeling sad, unhappy, hurt, or rejected as a reaction to peer victimization. One participant mentioned a boy who called her "fat" and "not deserving," and noted this emotional response: "It broke my heart. It was just like `Oh, my god,' and extremely painful inside and you wanted to cry because all the ... all the people would laugh at you."

A few girls noted that they cried as a result of the teasing (n = 4), while other girls made it clear that they avoided crying so as "not to give them more reasons to laugh at me" (n = 3). Still other girls indicated fear of an emotional reaction "because then they might do it more" and very few girls indicated no particular reaction (n = 2).

Behavioral responses. While some girls indicated that they ignored the act itself or the perpetrator (n = 5), several indicated that they responded with either a verbal or physical retort (n = 10). One girl talked about feeling badly after she responded to someone who insulted her by insulting him back. As this comment suggests, she was relieved that the situation was resolved, but did not feel good about the outcome:

   One guy came to me and said "you know what, you're fat, you don't deserve
   to be here, and you need to go home, just don't be around me, in my sight,
   you fat little something." I was like "Excuse me? Don't ever say that to me
   because I don't appreciate that you're saying this to me." And I go "you
   know what, you're ugly ... and I don't like you. How do you like me talking
   about you? How do you think I feel now?" Paybacks. [How do you feel about
   the way you handled it?] I kind of feel, really kind of bad. The good part
   is I got back at him, but the bad part is I shouldn't have said that. He
   shouldn't have said that either.

Another girl seemed more satisfied with her behavior and the outcome of her response to a peer:

   There's this one boy, like last week, he would dodge in front of me and not
   let me pass into the classroom, so I just said "Move? very sternly, and he
   just looked in my face, and he just moved. If there's nothing else you can
   do by saying "please stop," then you actually have to do something to get
   them to stop.

Other girls responded with physical aggression, like slapping or pushing (n = 5). One girl indicated the following response:

   There's one guy who called me that [tampon]. I have shoes, like, like this
   thick. I kicked him. He stopped. He didn't do it again ... If he pushes me;
   I'll push him back. I've scared him. I stood up to my peer.

Frequently girls described "holding themselves back" from retaliating or not reacting in order to avoid being punished themselves. A participant who described having rumors started about her said:

   I told my friends "I really don't like this girl and I think I'll end up
   fighting her" ... They were like "don't go over there." And I'd be tempted
   to and they'd pull me back. They'd talk me out of it. And then if nobody
   was around I'd just have to leave it to myself to control my self to not go
   over there. Because I don't want to start anything. And if I heard somebody
   wanted to start a fight with me, I'd do the same thing ... because I don't
   want to get in trouble.

Many girls acknowledged that fighting back was an inappropriate response, because it was both ineffective and uncomfortable to be involved in such negative interactions. One girl stated:

   When you shoot back with something equally bad it just makes the situation
   worse. And that's happened to me, 'cause you just get so angry and you say
   something nasty and then that boils into a war of like trying to make each
   other's lives miserable. It's just really not worth it.

Five girls indicated that they approached a teacher or parent for help. One girl indicated that victimization did not happen often, but when it did, she went to adults:

   First, I talk to my mom and ask her advice, and then if, sometimes her
   advice doesn't fit what I think should happen, I'll go to a counselor at
   school and tell them what I think and ask them what I should do. Basically
   get it from two people and decide on my own.

In a counter example, the Mexican-American girl who reported being hit regularly indicated that after these incidents, "(I) always told my teacher and he didn't really care. He didn't really listen to me." Another student indicated that teacher interference might work immediately, but the effects of intervention were short-lived:

   People have done the silent treatment to me. People have shut me out from
   things. [How would you react when that happened?] Cry. I'd cry a lot. I'd
   try to tell older people, you know, like teachers there and that would get
   them in trouble, but the next day, the same thing would happen.

Impacts on Self-Image and Peer Relationships

Some girls acknowledged that being bullied impacted the way they felt about themselves. Often these girls internalized the insults that were directed at them, even when they knew that the insult was not true or that the insult was intended to harm them in some way. A few girls talked about weight-related teasing that impacted their body image. One said:

   They would call me fat. But it's not like I was fat, so inside I knew that
   I wasn't fat, but like outside people were saying it, and I still have that
   big thing about what other people think of me.

Other girls indicated victimization reinforced negative feelings that they already had of themselves. One girl reported both physical and relational aggression and stated:

   I guess you'd say I have low self-esteem about myself because of the way I
   feel about myself, and like my weight and stuff. And for somebody else to
   recognize that, it hurts. For you to feel one way about yourself and for
   somebody else to feel that same way about you and then tell you that:
   that's just kind of bad ... It just like makes you feel like, so low.

Girls also identified that they had lost significant relationships as a result of the victimization. One girl invited her closest male friend in her neighborhood to the movies and was rejected. She explained:

   (His) letter said, "I hope you don't blow like a cannon, but I am sorry, I
   don't like you. I think you're ugly, but not dog ugly" ... Like, I don't
   talk to him any more that much after that happened. But, he used to be my
   really good friend. Now he's only like an acquaintance.

She went on to describe how she became "very angry" and retaliated by throwing rocks at his bedroom window.

Current Responses to Victimization

Approximately half of the participants indicated that they would have a different response to victimization if it were to reoccur. Several indicated that they would ignore the perpetrator or the behavior and "just carry on," a reaction they may not have had before. One participant described that her new reactions were less conflictual and more comfortable. She said:

   It got to the point where I started reading books like snappy comebacks, so
   they'd tease me and I'd dish it right back out. But I was like that's not
   the way to go. [How do you do it now?] I cope with it. And I just think,
   "Okay. Well, don't be low, really low and stoop and do that." And then I'm
   not the one who is making fun of people, so that puts me in a whole better
   place.

Discussion

Consistent with the literature, these results suggest that both relational and overt victimization is common for many girls and the details of the event and associated feelings remain salient over time (Crick et al., 1999; Crick & Grotpeter, 1995; Hazler et al., 1992; Hoover et al., 1992). Overall, participants reported more verbal and relational aggression with less frequent reports of overt physical aggression, which was reported only in conjunction with other forms of relational aggression (Crick & Grotpeter, 1996). As described by these students, the outcome of most forms of aggression, whether physical or not, often served a socially isolating purpose.

While emotional and behavioral responses varied, participant descriptions support the findings that victimization is hurtful and damaging (Hazier et al., 1992; Sharp, 1996). Many girls reported negative feelings, such as sadness, hurt, or anger, in reaction to victimization. Behavioral responses included retaliation, ignoring or minimizing the incident as well as approaching an adult for help. While many girls acknowledged that retaliation was an inappropriate and ineffective response, it was often mentioned as bringing about change in the bully. This outcome is disconcerting, as students are learning that bullying in return is an effective, if inappropriate, response. Fortunately, this was not the case for many girls who identified growing out of this overtly aggressive response into more appropriate assertive responses. These girls altered their reactions in ways that were more sensitive to the consequences of their actions, seeking to "stay out of trouble" or "not sink to that level." It is interesting that, at least for this sample, telling a teacher or other adult was not consistently mentioned, and girls sometimes perceived the consequences as negative. The fact that victimization was common yet few participants identified involving an adult speaks to the need for accessible resources and support for students feeling victimized.

Victimization frequently impacted how the girls thought about themselves. This seemed particularly the case when (a) girls were insulted about characteristics of themselves that they could not change (e.g., ethnicity), (b) when aspects of themselves they disliked were confirmed by others, and (c) when the bully projected an unrealistic characteristic on them (e.g., saying "you're fat" when the girl recognizes she is "not fat"). These experiences accompanied a devaluation of girls' appraisals of themselves based on these negative comments. In addition to a negative impact on self-image, girls reported losing friendships and feeling socially isolated from the group, with two girls choosing to change schools to escape from aggressors. The long-term consequences of these effects deserve to be examined, as it is yet to be understood how these associations may affect subsequent development. It should be noted that not all girls reported these negative outcomes and that likely many girls are resilient to such attacks. However, the more severe hurt and social discomfort expressed by even a few girls strengthens the argument for accessible support to reduce the occurrence of bullying and minimize distressing outcomes.

Limitations

One benefit of using qualitative interviews includes a better description of the context of victimization experiences and a better understanding of each girl's interpretations of the experience (Smith, 1991). On the other hand, the retrospective and subjective natures of these data point to the importance of corroboration with quantitative measures. The self-selection of details to share in the interview represents a threat to the internal validity of this study. However, we were encouraged by the relative consistency between the SEQ and the interview, suggesting that bullying is indeed occurring with some frequency for a number of these girls. The results presented here are not generalizeable to all adolescent girls, as these results reflect the unique experience of this middle school sample. We believe, however, that these stories are thought provoking and invite additional exploration of the relationship between victimizing behavior and girls' psychological and social adjustment, in particular as it relates to self-image, and same and cross-sex peer involvement.

Implications for School Counselors

Based upon the literature in this area, it is clear that school counselors can serve as advocates for students and catalysts for improvement to policies regarding victimization assessment, intervention, and prevention (Clarke & Kiselica, 1997). Working individually, counselors assist bullied students by addressing the causes and consequences of these behaviors (Nuttall & Kalesnik, 1987). Through trusting and supportive relationships, counselors empower students to increase their sense of control over the experience and improve their sense of belonging in the community. Counselors can use their familiarity with students' experiences to work with teachers and administration to respond appropriately and structure classroom experiences that promote kindness, cooperation, and communication (Olweus, 1993).

Several authors have recommended how counselors and schools might best respond (Clarke & Kiselica, 1997; Hazier et al., 1992; Nuttall & Kalesnik, 1987; Roberts & Coursol, 1996; Smith, 1993). Based on these recommendations, school counselors have the opportunity to assist students on many different levels. These include (a) assessment of the nature and extent of bullying and victimization, (b) intervention that assists both the victim and the bully when conflict arises, and (c) the establishment of a program of education and policy to promote appropriate social interaction and prevent victimizing behavior.

Assessment

The results of this study and other research (Clarke & Kiselica, 1997; Smith, 1991) have suggested that adolescents may be reluctant to report bullying behavior for fear that reporting may not stop the bullying and may lead to additional victimization. Our results speak to the importance of counselors working individually with students to assess whether they are being isolated or hurt by peers. This includes doing assessment through observation, by taking notice of student interactions and being aware of students who may be marginalized by these behaviors. Counselors might also consider conducting a student survey and needs assessment. Such an assessment could identify the extent of the problem, justify and provide guidance for interventions, and serve as a baseline for future assessments (Olweus, 1993; Roberts & Coursol, 1996). The survey might assess types of victimization, levels of distress related to these behaviors, and students' judgment of respect among their peers (Ray & Berg, 2000; Roberts & Coursol, 1996). Based on the results, we would advocate for detailed assessment of the full spectrum of victimizing behaviors including insulting comments, name calling, and other forms of aggression that are not physical. It is also important to assess how safe it is for students to discuss these issues with teachers, parents, and other peers. A survey might identify students' understanding of school policy, including staff responses, consequences following victimization, and availability of resources. The results of this study point to the importance of letting students know that reporting victimizing behavior is safe and effective. Involving students in the assessment process could be educational and might contribute to enriching relationships between students.

Intervention

Intervention efforts should include being supportive of the victim and responding in a consistent way to both victims and perpetrators. Roberts and Coursol (1996) reminded us that "victims must be heard and given a chance to tell their stories" (p. 208) so that supporting adults may understand fully the student's point of view. Based upon the interviews, it is clear that inattention to victimization provokes negative feelings and fear of informing adults. The counselor-student relationship can comfort and reassure victims after an incident of bullying. This includes offering an emotionally safe place to discuss both physical and social forms of victimization (Brand, 1998). In addition, counselors can support students in becoming better equipped in social interactions, more assertive in dealing with aggressive students, and better able to cope when problems do arise (Clarke & Kiselica, 1997; Roberts & Coursol, 1996). Because several students believed that retaliation or responding with similar negative behaviors was appropriate or an effective way to stop the bullying, it is critical that students be taught alternative ways to respond. While adult support should never be forced upon a student, all students deserve to be protected within the school environment and to have equal access to adult support.

At the school level, several alternatives for improving the safety of the environment have been recommended. Olweus (1993) stressed the importance of increased supervision of classrooms and other student areas by adults (e.g., counselors, teachers, and parents) who can act quickly and have the authority to respond.

Prevention

Prevention programs in the schools have been designed to reduce the occurrence of bullying using multiple techniques, including involving students in policymaking and altering the school environment to advocate for respectful behavior between students (Olweus, 1993; Smith & Sharp, 1994.) Clarke & Kiselica (1997) advocated that schools should establish codes of conduct that send a clear message that "no bullying will be tolerated, ever" (p. 318). Rules should include those that prohibit bullying and identify consequences for such behaviors (Clarke & Kiselica, 1997; Olweus, 1993). It might also be important to identify rules that promote positive social interactions and reward inclusive behavior. Allowing students to be part of the process of developing rules may empower students and offer outlets for further discussion and interaction around these topics.

Very few of the students in our study mentioned involving parents during or after incidents of bullying. One possible consideration is to involve parents as assistants in promoting good relationships between their adolescent children and friends. This could include educating parents about appropriate student responses after a bullying incident as well as advising parents on how to notify the school of the problem and ways that the problem will be handled. Nuttall and Kalesnik (1987) described a structured learning group and interpersonal problem-solving program that includes modeling, role playing, and student-to-student feedback around social skills. These programs have been found to be effective for reducing the frequency of aggressive and violent behaviors and improving student perceptions of the school climate.

School counselors have the unique opportunity to explore the nature and frequency of bullying in school and to translate student needs and experiences into programs for change. Our findings suggest that the psychological well being and social relationships, of at least a contingent of students, are compromised when students are victimized. It is clear from the empirically tested victimization-reduction programs that reducing these negative behaviors is possible. As our results suggest, students benefit a great deal from school counselors' support and action around improving the physical, social, and emotional safety of schools.

Percent of Students Who Reported Experiencing
Victimizing Behaviors

Type of Victimization                         Percent

Relational Victimization
  1. Excluded from peer group                   30
  2. Lies told about you                        25
  3. Left out of activity on purpose            25
  4. Told friends won't like you unless you
     conform                                     0

Overt Victimization
  1. Yelled at/called mean names                25
  2. Pushed/shoved mean way                     10
  3. Hit by another kid at school                5
  4. Kicked/having hair pulled                   5
  5. Beat up for not obeying demands             0

Lack of Prosocial Treatment
  1. Lack friends make me happy                 30
  2. Lack friends tell me they care             25
  3. Lack kids cheering me up                   15
  4. Lack receiving help from others            15
  5. Lack someone says nice things to me        15

Note. N = 20

Percents were determined by the number of students
endorsing "Sometimes," "A lot," or "Always" on the
measures of Relational and Overt Victimization and
endorsing "Never" or "A Little" on the measure of
Prosocial Treatment.

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Shannon Casey-Cannon is a pre-doctoral fellow and Chris Hayward, MD, MPH, is an associate director and associate professor of Psychiatry, Stanford University. Both are with the Stanford Center on Adolescence, Stanford, CA. Kris Gowen is a senior research associate, Foundation for Accountability, Portland, OR.

Research was made possible by funding grants from the Stanford Center on Adolescence and the W. T. Grant Foundation Faculty Scholars Award (Chris Hayward).