Marguerite de Navarre and the androgynous portrait of Francois Ier.

Du Roy Vers Alexandrins Celluy qui dit ta grace, eloquence & scavoir Ne estre plus grands que humains, de pres ne t'a peu veoir Et a qui ton parler ne sent divinite De termes et propos n'entend la gravite. De l'Empire du Monde est ta presence digne, Et ta voix ne dit chose humaine, mais divine. Combien doncques diray l'Ame pleine de grace, Si outre les Mortelz tu as parolle et Face?

Clement Marot, Epigramme 14(1)

A poem bestowing upon Francois Ier the essence of divinity was not a flattering aberration but an example of imagery that became emblematic of his long reign. As Anne-Marie Lecoq has shown in her incisive analyses of many laudatory illuminated treatises and poems and extravagant royal entries with theatrical enactments, the king was glorified by an allegorical symbolism often intricately interwoven with Christian typology as deemed appropriate, indeed necessary, for "un roi tres chretien" who was the brave, virtuous, pious elect of God.(2) Such adulatory offerings evolved with ever-increasing complexity from the heritage of traditional accolades proffered previous kings and queens of France.(3) Not only was Francois's persona magnified both verbally and visually, so, too, was that of his mother Louise de Savoie, who played an essential role as mentor, companion, advisor, and confidant to her son.(4)

Marguerite de Navarre, two years older than her brother Francois and his only sibling, was the third member of "la trinite des Angouleme."(5) She was a gifted woman who, along with Louise, was an integral part of his life, as is evident from their letters and gifts to one another. But after Francois's death, Marguerite recalled not a tripartite familial unity but hers with him: "Mais, helas, mon corps est banny/Du sien, auquel il feut uny/Depuis le temps de nostre enfance!"(6) "Qui pleurera Francois que Margueritte,/Qui fit liee par enfance en son bers?/Las! qui me dict le contraire, m'irrite."(7) These sentiments could possibly underlie the conception of an enigmatic portrait of the king that, I believe, was commissioned by Marguerite as a personal reflection of love for her brother.

On 15 June 1765, in the year of his death, Anne-Claude-Philippe de Levis, comte de Caylus, gave a small miniature showing Francois Ier standing above a prose dedication to the cabinet des Estampes, Bibliotheque du Roi [ILLUSTRATION FOR FIGURE 1 OMITTED].(8) The prior provenance is unknown although a fragmentary note written and signed by Caylus and once accompanying the work read: "Peint d'apres nature et dans le temps de la ... ier" with the date and statement of donation.(9)

The Parisian engraver Pierre Chenu, who frequently worked for Charles Nicolas Cochin the Younger, a friend of Caylus, copied the miniature in 1768 and accorded it to Nicolo dell'Abbate, an Italian artist who arrived at Fontainebleau in 1552 [ILLUSTRATION FOR FIGURE 2 OMITTED].(10) Nicolas Thomas Le Prince saw Chenu's engraving in the cabinet des Estampes; his description of "le Pere des Lettres & des Arts," published anonymously in 1782, repeated dell'Abbate's name and noted that the verse was by Pierre Ronsard.(11) In 1850 Leon de Laborde questioned the attribution of the portrait made, he said, by Le Prince, for Francois Ier had died on 31 March 1547.(12) He reconciled the timing by assuming it was posthumous, although the dedication was in the present tense and Le Prince's description was later than the Chenu engraving.

The miniature was in the exposition L'Europe Humaniste at the Palais des Beaux-Arts, Brussels, 1954-55. Unsupported by documentation or stylistic analysis, the catalogue named Nicolas da Modena (Nicolo Belin) as artist with a date of 1545.(13) As a painter at Fontainebleau during Francois's lifetime, he was a convenient substitute for dell'Abbate, who was also from Modena.(14)

The portrait was next displayed at the Grand Palais, Paris, 1972-73. The Ecole de Fontainebleau catalogue noted both attributions and repeated 1545 as the date of execution.(15) The most recent appearance of the miniature was at the Musee national de la Renaissance, chateau d'Ecouen, 1993, in Livres d'heures royaux. The traditional date of 1545 was restated, but no attribution was given.(16)

The miniature portrait of Francois Ier in the Reserve, cabinet des Estampes, Bibliotheque nationale, Paris, is on vellum affixed to a thin oak panel and measures 234 mm x 134 mm. It is inset in a velvet mat and covered with a glass held in place by a narrow frame. The full surface of the leaf is thus visible.

The king stands in slight contrapposto. On his head is a parade helmet with a greyish-purple head piece, a gold crest inset with white plumes, and a scalloped and pierced, raised, gold visor painted to resemble a damascened finish.(17) The thin drapery swirling about his torso and hanging in vertical pleats over his thighs is red in color. It is partially gathered on his right shoulder under a gold lion mask pauldron while short pleats fall on both sides of a gold apotropaic head of Medusa, the Gorgoneion, centered on his chest. The upper portion of the robe, which has a turned-back gold band at the top, billows out below the abdomen, its underside a pale blue. Here it is caught up in a greenish-yellow sash from which a curved, gold-rimmed, blue hunting horn is suspended.(18) The sash crosses the chest diagonally under the Gorgoneion and over a fold of cloth and the bare left shoulder to support a long grey quiver embossed with an intricate, gold spiral pattern; a sheath of gold arrows protrudes from its top behind the left arm. The lower red pleats are trimmed with gold fringe. Underneath, reaching to mid-calf, is a skirt which is faded blue over the right leg, pale blue-green over the left and edged with a complex gold design. The tip of a tall, unstrung, gold bow rests against the king's left hip while a gold caduceus with entwined snakes in gold, purple, and grey is held in front of his bare left arm. His right arm, bent slightly and encased in grey vambrances and cowter, holds a weapon that resembles a northern Italian thrusting sword with a short purple blade edged in gold, gold quillions terminating in upturned volutes, and a grey hilt with a pointed gold pommel.(19) On his feet are brown sandals with large gold wings at the heels. Each leg from mid-calf to ankle has a brown greave-like covering with a bow attached at the top from which ribbons are vertically linked to the sandals. The index finger of the king's left hand points down to the dedication. Its letters, in Roman book hand, are brownish-gold on a pale ground that seems suspended as if it were a carved plaque in front of a gold cartouche with profile grotesque masks inset at each side and a frontal, winged, bald head on the bottom.

Francois's mannered posture is artificial and self-conscious, quite unlike poses in other contemporary full figure portraits in which he wears royal robes or armor while standing, enthroned, or on horseback in an appropriate narrative context.(20) The king's meticulously painted face does not resemble his youthful unbearded appearance seen in early depictions by Jean Clouet, fils, such as the frequently-copied portrait in the Musee Conde, Chantilly, but does bring to mind Clouet's drawings of the 1540s.(21) It lacks as well the pathos of the priant and transi portraits on his tomb that reveal the trauma of his long and eventually fatal illness.(22) The fact that he seems to be mature but not in failing health cannot help to determine the date of the miniature, for the features could have been idealized.

The palette was not harmonious, nor were the colors of the same intensity; the contrasts are discordant even now. Yet care must be taken when evaluating them, for over time changes in color have occurred through fading, flaking, and repainting. The background, which has a marked craqueleur, was probably ultramarine blue originally in consonance with contemporary manuscript portraiture; there are traces of blue paint on areas of parchment once covered by a frame.(23) At some later date, the present dark grey was inexplicably overlaid. All four edges of the leaf are damaged. As the figure is slightly off-center, the left side might have been cut to remove holes caused by binding.

Gold paint defines objects through two tonalities, one bright and glistening, the other dulled for contrast. When the miniature is held diagonally to the light and then moved slightly from side to side, tiny gold specks also become apparent especially on the abdominal area of the red robe, the pleats covering the upper legs, the blue-green skirt and brown greaves. Used as highlights, they impart a startling sense of dimension to the forms they inhabit, for the color areas lack internal modeling other than a white wash muting the skirt. They are akin to gold highlights in manuscript illumination and, on occasion, panel painting, although here they are more subtle and diffused, not primarily on fold edges or arranged in tiny lines.

Le Prince understandably assumed the dedication was by Ronsard due to his renown and proclivity to compose poetry for the court adorned with effusive references to classical deities. While there is no proof of his authorship, orthographically all of the words conform to sixteenth-century spelling and usage.(24)

Christian implications notwithstanding, the dedication is a singular statement, for it asks that obeisance be paid to the named deities who share their virtues and their attributes with the anointed Catholic king of France. This was not unique, however, for a period in which poets and artists enhanced their idealizing imagery with pagan ideology. Edgar Wind briefly commented on this facet of the portrayal: "Among French humanists of the sixteenth century l'androgyne de Platon became so acceptable an image for the universal man that a painter could apply it without impropriety to an allegorical portrait of Francis I."(25)

There have been other interpretations. Francoise Bardon linked the symbolism to figures in emblem books and triumphal entries, the oration at Francois's funeral, and the florid excesses of court poetry. She contributed to an understanding of imagery prevalent during the period but did not really address the figure's androgynous nature.

Raymond B. Waddington said the portrait was "grotesque," "bizarre," "monstrously bisexual," and akin to a "joke." He gave an exaggerated description, colors taken apparently from Bardon, and suggested that it had been painted in England by "da Bellin" after Francois's death. Most of his essay meandered from discourses on the king's profligate reputation and his last mistress, Anne de Pisseleu, duchesse d'Etampes, to lengthy analyses of multi-figured, mythological, erotic drawings and engravings from the School of Fontainebleau. These works supposedly indulged in "an expression of female sexual aggression" and a "preoccupation with lesbianism" and served as commentaries on Francois's character since he condoned, even commissioned some of them. After a discussion of homosexuality and bisexuality, the essay ended with an attempt to link Francois's attitude and behavior toward women with Baldassare Castiglione's Il Libro del Cortegiano in regard to its influence on or from the king.(26) One is to extrapolate from this, assumedly, a conclusion that the portrait depicts a man who was physically courageous but morally depraved and dominated by strong women, thus an easy target of mockery after his death.

To the contrary, the miniature portrait was not intended to ridicule Francois Ier or to indicate defects in his personality and his relationships with women. Nor does it not fit into any of the thematic categories examined by Lecoq, for it was a unique exercise in allegory with three possible levels of interpretation.

The disquieting juxtaposition of Francois's bearded face with a feminine body reinforces the composite nature of the figure, but in a manner that eschews explicit sexuality. While the clinging garments do reveal the navel, there are no female breasts. Still, the Gorgoneion, the plumed helmet, and the diaphanous robe unite him unequivocally with the goddess Minerva. Partial substantiation can be gleaned from an etching executed at Fontainebleau, c. 1542 [ILLUSTRATION FOR FIGURE 3 OMITTED]. The Dispute of Minerva and Neptune is a copy, perhaps by Antonio Fantuzzi, of a lost painting by Rosso Fiorentino (Giovanni Battista di Jacopo) once located at the east end of the Grande Galerie.(27) The attire of Minerva, in reverse, closely resembles that worn by the king. The similarity merits an assumption that the miniaturist appropriated the garment in order to make the identification explicit, predicated, though, on the dating of both originals.

Francois holds or wears the attributes of three of the other deities: the bow, full quiver, and hunting horn of Diana; the caduceus and winged sandals of Mercury; the sword and armor of Mars. The only god for whom there is no attribute is Amour because he is not the Roman Cupid, infant son of Venus who symbolized the desire of physical love. Here he represents one of the manifestations of Eros, the Greek god of love, as described by Pausanias and Agathon in the Symposium.

Pausanias defined two Aphrodites: Urania was heavenly, intellectual, non-physical; she produced an Eros dedicated to the ennobling love of the soul; Pandemos was common, vulgar; she was the mother of an Eros associated with the ephemeral love of the body.(28) Agathon enumerated the personal qualities of the heavenly Eros, specifically noting his grace, the one virtue singled out in the dedication.(29) Marot had praised the king's eloquence, knowledge, and his "ame pleine de grace." Marguerite de Navarre believed that Francois possessed a multi-faceted grace, a word she used often in letters to her brother to symbolize divine assistance and virtuous aspects of his character.(30) It reflected the poignancy of remembrance after his death: "O la presence a tous yeulx agreable,/La plus parfaicte et la meilleur grace/Qui fut jamais et la plus amyable."(31)

One last motif, the lion mask pauldron, is not linked to any of the named deities in classical tradition, but lion imagery was associated with the king. The "Lion Armor," a suit of plate armor complete with tassets and decorated with repousse rinceaux and gilded, damascened bands, the Collar of the Order of St. Michel and the Cross of Savoy, was supposedly made for him [ILLUSTRATION FOR FIGURE 4 OMITTED].(32) The lion head casque is accompanied by lion masks on the pauldrons and cowter. The Unity of the State, a fresco by Rosso in the Grande Galerie at Fontainebleau, presented Francois crowned with laurel, the Gorgoneion on his cuirass, and lion masks atop his boots.(33)

The lion was a symbol of regal and martial power long before it became emblematic of the deified hero Hercules, whose legends maintained a sustained presence in art and literature from antiquity through the Renaissance.(34) On Hellenistic and Roman imperial coins and in sculpture, the skin of the Nemean lion was worn as a cloak with the head framing the wearer's face; lion heads or masks were placed on the sword and boots of armed figures but not on the shoulder defense.(35) The lion mask pauldron seemingly first appeared in art during the fourteenth century; over the next two hundred years it and variations of the lion motif proliferated.(36) Thus, the lion mask pauldron in the miniature might continue a once meaningful, then repetitive, artistic nuance.

Or, the specific relation of the lion symbolism to Francois Ier could be derived from a tradition that Hercules was not just the founder of Paris but progenitor of the French royal house, hardly an exclusive claim since Maximilian I of Habsburg, the Dukes of Burgundy, and members of the Spanish House of Navarre, among others, traced their descent from him.(37) This is at variance with a belief in royal lineage deriving from Trojan heroes such as Brut, supposed ancestor of English kings, and Francus, a son of Hector, ancestor of the royal Franks.(38) The initial lines of Ronsard's unfinished epic poem, La Franciade, dedicated to Charles IX, grandson of Francois Ier, are among the many references made by the poet to this legend: "Muse, l'honneur des sommets de Parnasse,/Guide ma langue et me chante la race/Des ROIS FRANCOIS yssus de Francion,/Enfant d'Hector, Troyen la nation."(39)

Nevertheless, at the 1549 entry of Henri II, Francois's heir, into Paris, a huge figure with features similar to the late king and the attributes of Lucian of Samosata's Gallic Hercules stood atop a triumphal arch at the Porte Saint Denis.(40) Lucian had described a painting of the Gallic Hercules who, with attributes in both hands, pulled men along behind him with gold chains attached through a hole in his tongue, thereby holding them with his words; thus, the Gauls attributed eloquence to Hercules, not Hermes.(41) Francois would have had intimate knowledge of the legend as it was elucidated with embellishments in Geofroy Tory's Champfleury, dedicated to the king and accepted by him on 5 September 1526.(42) In humanist terms, the linkage of Hercules to a reigning monarch imparted not only eloquence but also physical endurance and an assurance of conquest through the power of the will and the spirit, another elaboration of the emblematic contrivances of the period.(43)

Jean Bouchet, poet, historian, and friend of Marguerite de Navarre, fused both dynastic traditions in a glorification written within two years after the king's death: "Il estoit grande comme venant d'Hector..../Il estoit fort, puissant & non timide,/Comme venu d'Hercules l'intrepide."(44)

The assimilation of Francois Ier with Hercules and Hector as well as the deities in the miniature is in accord with Renaissance fascination with antiquity. As Jean Seznec and others have shown, it had long been apparent that pagan gods and heros not only survived Christianity's rise and dominance but remained a potent force allegorically underlying philosophical thought. They possessed an unrelenting hold on the imagination, fulfilling an inherent need to express certain powers and actions in anthropocentric terms through the vehicle of a long-established symbolism. The contradiction of being a devout Christian and yet evoking ancient deities was a deviation from the demanding control of doctrine and dogma. It was, as well, a portent of their continuing presence in human affairs, especially to help counteract confines beyond one's control. For the gods are free to act and react with unfettered emotions, unstifled by the constraints of societal mores and religious morality. Individuals see in themselves a narrow domain, sublimated desire, and inevitable demise, limitations that sustain an envy not just for the gods' immortality but for the freedom and spontaneity of their existence. Thus, a subliminal projection or externally imposed linkage with gods and heroes, later extended to great men of history, became a necessary adjunct to the lives of public figures, aiding the propagandistic promulgation of prestige and authority.

As early as 1512, when Francois Ier was dauphin, a bronze medal depicted him in profile wearing a laurel wreath; in commemorative portraits, such as the engraving by Jean Rabel, he would be armed, draped, and laureated like a Roman emperor [ILLUSTRATION FOR FIGURE 5 OMITTED].(45) Francois was particularly likened to Caesar, conqueror of Gaul, an association exploited in a set of three manuscripts, Les Commentaires de la guerre Gallique, commissioned by him not long after his victory at Marignano on 14 September 1515.(46) A cartouche inscription in volume 1 begins "Francoys par la grace de Dieu, Roy de France, second Caesar," and in the text beneath his profile portrait two folios later, Caesar recognizes Francois as "Roy liberal & pacificque vray heritier de ma gloire et fortu(ne)" [ILLUSTRATION FOR FIGURE 6 OMITTED].(47) This methodology might have been indebted to Plutarch's Parallel Lives, which juxtaposed the lives and achievements of famous men such as Alexander and Caesar; if so, it theoretically elevated the French king to their exalted ranks.(48)

Francois was also assimilated with a Gallic ruler who was venerated in France, for the kneeling king in The Coronation of Charles the Great, a Vatican mural designed by Raphael in 1516 for the Stanza dell'Incendio, bears his facial features.(49) The King of the Franks and first Holy Roman Emperor became the present king of the Franks who coveted the title and imperial crown given his predecessor in 800 by Pope Leo III, in vain, for his rival Charles V was to receive them both in February 1530.(50) Actually, Francois Ier had been anointed and the crown of Charlemagne placed on his head by archbishop Robert de Lenoncourt at Reims Cathedral on 25 January 1515.(51)

"La trinite des Angouleme" partook in additional symbolism removed from history and the aegis of Christianity. In Triumphes de Vertuz, dedicated to Louise de Savoie by her devotee, the monk Jean Thenaud, the king's mother was depicted as divine Lathone, fountain of all the virtues; Francois and Marguerite were Diane and Apollo.(52) An association with Apollo was continued by Ronsard: "Ace grand Roy Francoys, et a son filz Henry,/L'un du docte Apollon, l'autre de Mars chery."(53)

During his lifetime Francois Ier was also linked with Mars. At Fontainebleau in the early 1540s, Benvenuto Cellini designed a colossal bronze portrait statue of the king in the guise of Mars as the centerpiece of a fountain surrounded by four female figures representing the Arts, Letters, Liberality, and Music.(54) But like many of Cellini's other spectacular projects, this one, too, was never achieved.

A more private and less grandiose albeit symbolic association with Mars appeared in a pen and ink drawing commissioned by Pietro Aretino, Francois's artistic advisor. Mars Disarmed by Cupid and Venus Disrobed by the Graces was executed by Rosso before his arrival at Fontainebleau in 1530, after which it was given to the king, for Mars and Venus supposedly alluded to Francois and his second wife Eleonore, sister of Charles V, whose marriage, ordained by treaty, was meant to end the hostility between the two rulers.(55)

The tenet that a man of rank or power could not only be assimilated to but actually have an ancestor who was an immortal or a hero was inspired perhaps by ambition or arrogance in order to attain a measure of glory-by-association through the (irrational) assumption that the Olympians had descendants who were human. The reverse of this belief was Euhemerus's doctrine, as explained by Lactantius, "that the gods, one and all, are nothing but mortal beings who have been raised from earth to heaven through the idolatry of their contemporaries."(56) Cicero restated it thus: "Human experience moreover and general custom have made it a practice to confer the deification of renown and gratitude upon distinguished benefactors. This is the origin of Hercules, of Castor and Pollux, of Aesculapius.... And these benefactors were duly deemed divine, as being both supremely good and immortal, because their souls survived and enjoyed eternal life."(57) The portrait of Francois Ier partaking in the essence of five male and female deities might, therefore, on one level wishfully symbolize an euhemeristic apotheosis. A second level could be, as Wind proposed, the humanist ideal of the universal man projected onto an androgynous image of the king.

Androgynous beings fulfilled an elemental function in myths of creation and philosophic/religious beliefs, for they were viewed as complete, not partial like the rest of humanity.(58) While Ovid's poignant myth of the union of Aphrodite and Hermes' son Hermaph-rodius with the nymph Salamacis provided a poetic rendering,(59) the most famous ancient discourse on the androgyny as the basis for human love was Aristophanes' fable of the circle men in the Symposium. Threatened by their strength, these male and female double creatures were cut in half by Zeus: "After the division, the two parts of man, each desiring his other half, came together, and throwing their arms about one another, entwined in mutual embrace.... Each of us when separated, having one side only ... is but the indenture of a man, and he is always looking for his other half.... For the intense yearning which each of them has toward the other does not appear to be the desire of lover's intercourse, but of something else which the soul of either evidently desires.... And the reason is that human nature was originally one and we were a whole, and the desire and pursuit of the whole is called love."(60)

Plato counteracted this fantasy later in the dialogue with Socrates' discourse on Diotima, the woman who taught him the true meaning of love in which the soul's desire for Goodness and Beauty transcends physical Eros to enter the realm of pure Ideas. The religious potential inherent in an ascending progression from flesh to spirit nurtured the humanist assimilation of Platonic doctrine with Christianity; so, too, did the fable of the androgyny.

Although the writings of Plato were known continuously from antiquity, there was minimal dissemination in Latin or the vernacular. Finally, in 1462 the humanist scholar Marsilio Ficino was commissioned by Cosimo de'Medici to translate the corpus of Plato into Latin, a task completed in twenty years with publication in 1485.(61) In his In Convivium Platonis Commentarium, Ficino fused definitions of love by Plato, and also Plotinus, with Christian love, extracting those ideals that alluded to love's nobility and purity in consonance with the striving of the soul toward the divine.(62) He transformed the Platonic androgyny by paraphrasing the fable of the circle men, neutralizing the emphasis on the male/male reunion; he then used it as a symbol of the hope that through contemplation of the light of divine love and the concomitant attainment of pure human love, man would once again be complete and gifted with God's grace.(63)

Ficino's translation of the Symposium and his Commentarium were the catalysts for L'Androgyne de Platon, "nouvelle traduict de Latin en Francoys, par Antoine Heroet, dict La Maison Neufve."(64) In the poem's long dedication to Francois Ier, Heroet praised the king for allowing the Greek and Hebrew languages and literature to be taught in his realm to augment Latin letters, thereby enhancing humanist learning and transforming the intellectual image of France. He was the savant who acknowledged the glory of the past and sanctified it with Christian love and piety. Ferdinand Gohin noted, however, that the poem itself was not simply a translation but an expose on the origin of Love according to the myth of the Symposium, and a commentary on that allegory which emphasized the purity and virtue of the Platonic conception of Love, sentiments allied with the Christian mysticism of Marguerite de Navarre.(65)

Antoine Heroet is listed as a "pensionnaire extraordinaire" in Marguerite's household accounts for 1524, 1529, and 1539.(66) While the initial impetus for his poem, its dedication, and the date of composition are unknown, he might have presented it to Francois Ier in Paris in 1536 although it was not published until 1542.(67) Marguerite's interest in the subject is evident by the fact that in 1545 she commissioned Jean de la Haye (Symon Silvius) to translate Ficino's Commentarium; fittingly, the poet dedicated Le Commentaire de Marsile Ficin sur le Banquet d'Amour de Platon to her.(68)

Marguerite de Navarre was well-versed in theories of love. The Christian had been instilled by her religious counselors, and the Platonic came from her extensive reading.(69) She bore as well a deep love for her brother, one sadly tainted, however, with a persistent aura of self-effacement, due possibly to Louise de Savoie who fostered it as an adjunct to her own excessive feelings for her son. Marguerite grew up worshiping Francois with an intensity enhanced by inbred loyalty when he became king at the age of twenty. Her letters are replete with professions of humility, some attributable to epistolary convention: "puisque j'ay cet honneur d'estre vostre seur"; "j'espere en celuy que m'a fait naistre vostre seur, qu'il me donnera la grace de vous faire quelque service."(70) Yet, in a few instances passages seem to transcend a normal sibling relationship although it is facile now to read more into words than they might have conveyed at the time between brother and sister. A letter of November 1525 is signed "tres humble et tres obeissant subjecte et plus que seur."(71) Marguerite perhaps explained the last phrase years later in a letter to the king from Mont-de-Marsan during the summer of 1537: "La principale occasion qui m'a fait demeurer en l'absence du roy de Navarre, c'est le desir que j'ay en route ma vie de vous pouvoir fere service, non coume seur, mais coume frere."(72) She could not provide Francois with the camraderie of a brother, an inescapable limitation to her love for him. But the letter of November 1525 underlies her devotion, for it was written when she was on her way home after an arduous journey in late August to Madrid at the risk of her freedom, even her life, to nurse Francois when he was seriously-ill while a prisoner of Charles V after his defeat and capture at Pavia on 24 February 1525.(73)

An earlier letter of February 1521 has been specifically cited as an indication that her love was more than sisterly; in it, she expressed her desire to be with Francois and ended with a plea and a poem: "Sy vous plet ensevelir mes lettres au feu et la parolle en silense aultrement vous renderyes,"

Pis que morte ma doloreuse vie Vivant en vous de la seule esperance, Dont le savoyr me couse l'assurance, Sans que james de vous me deffie. Et sy ma meyn trop foyblement suplie Votre bonte exqusera lynnorance Pis que morte Par coy a vous seul je desdie Ma voulente et route ma puyssance Resevez-la, car la perseveranse, Sera sans fin, ou tost seroye fynye Pys que morte. Vostre tres humble et tres obeyssante, plus que sugette et servante.(74)

Words of such melancholic intensity convey the frustration of unrequited love, but they should be considered within the context of the writer's probable mental state at the time. The year 1521 was decisive in Marguerite's life. In February she composed the poem above. In June she initiated a correspondence with Guillaume Briconnet, Bishop of Meaux, evangelical reformer and mystical theologian, ostensibly to seek his aid politically and with regard to her first husband Charles, duc d'Alencon, but more likely to find in him a religious mentor with whom she could explore theological issues and from whom she could gain understanding and guidance.(75) They exchanged letters for four years; his were to have a profound influence on her literary oeuvre.

Marguerite sought solace in poetry also around 1521 although her first important work, Dialogue en forme de vision nocturne, is dated 1524, the year before the duc d'Alencon died.(76) It was not until after her marriage to Henri d'Albret on 24 January 1527 that her talent was fulfilled amid her entourage of court poets to whom she provided a learned patronage at Pau, Nerac, Mont-de-Marsan, and during her travels to and from the court.

Most scholars accept Marguerite's authorship of L'Heptameron, a collection of short stories about love, the same genre as Giovanni Boccaccio's Decameron, which she knew well.(77) Although it was not published until 1559, after the majority of her poems, it shared common sources and themes with them. In the "Neufviesme Nouvelle," speaking through Parlamente, Marguerite revealed her knowledge of Ficino's philosophy, expressing her belief in a Platonic love imbued with Christian propriety and an avoidance of the danger of sin.(78) As in her poetry, she sensed the need to dwell on the power and necessity of faith required to overcome the dichotomy between the physical and the spiritual. The Platonic androgyny is mentioned in the "Huictiesme Nouvelle" where it illustrated the concept that one can be guilty of self-love in the guise of seeking one's other half, a personally revealing interpretation and admission by the author.(79)

Introspective self-analysis also underlies the methodology of Marguerite's mystical poems, which ideally should be read in their entirety to apprehend three oft repeated tenets, each of which addresses a different facet of love: a sinner's personal unworthiness and inability to overcome the power of the flesh; a believer's profound religious conviction and search for spiritual union with Christ; and a sister's inner dilemma caused by an excessive love for her brother, suffused particularly in poems written during not quite three years remaining to her after his death.(80) Yet select passages can convey the essence of these themes which are often markedly touched with Ficinian imagery.

In Le Miroir de L'Ame Pecheresse, c. 1531, Marguerite's love for Christ is stated repeatedly, often through a litany of familial associations that she seemingly craved to find in Him: "Gardez mon coeur, mon frere mort amy:/Et n'y laissez entrer vostre ennemy./O mon bon frere, enfant, pere et epoux,/Le iointes mains humblement a genoux/Graces vous rendz, mercy, gloire et louenge."(81) Another passage in Le Miroir, however, has prompted one scholar to insist, but others to refute, that her love for Christ was a manifestation in disguise of repressed feelings for Francois:

O frere doux, qui en lieu de punir Sa folle soeur, la veult a luy vnir. Et pour murmure, iniure, ou grande offense, Grace & amour luy donne en recompense. C'est trop, c'est trop, helas c'est trop, mon frere: Point ne deuez a moy sy grans biens faire. I'ay fait le mal, vous me rendez le bien: Vostre ie suis & vous vous dites mien. Vostre ie suis & vostre doublement: Et estre veux vostre eternellement.(82)

This outburst of mystical love can be interpreted as having had a dual meaning for Marguerite, but also as a catharsis for her emotions.

In her late poems, she mourned the pathos of life without Francois. Near the end of Autres Pensees, faites vn mois apres la mort du Roy, she begged:

O mort, qui le Frere as domte, Vien donc par ta grande bonte Transpercer la Soeur de ta lance. Mon dueil par toy soit surmonte; Car quand i'ay bien le tout compte, Combatre te veux a outrance.(83)

One of her Chansons spiritvelles begins with the reflection: "Ie n'ay plus ny Pere ny Mere,/Ny Seur, ny Frere,/Sinon Dieu seul, auquel i'espere."(84) Similar terminology had been used by Marguerite in a letter to Francois during the summer of 1537: "Je say bien, Monseigneur, que de si petites choses doy craindre vous fascher; mais veu queje n'ay parent ny amy ouje puisse et doive chercher conseil et parler priveement, je ne regard point que vous estes mon roy et seigneur, mais seulement que vous m'estes pere, frere et filz."(85) The consistency of her terminology over the years is always evident, but in Le Miroir it was Christ who was father, brother, and child; here it is Francois.

The culminating exposition of her love is found in the most personal of her mystical poems, Le Navire ou Consolation du Roi Francois ler a Sa Soeur Marguerite.(86) It mirrors her Dialogue of 1524, for again she experiences a midnight visitation from the spirit of a deceased loved one; Marguerite, sad and inconsolable, converses with a vision that she as poet has conjured of her dead brother.

The three prevalent themes are reiterated. Marguerite speaks pathetically of her love for Francois while his responses chide her for an excessive emphasis on the flesh, reminding her that he is blessed now to be with God. Throughout, Marguerite appears trapped between spirituality and carnality, the former reflected in the responses she gives to Francois, the latter in her own words. She finally resolves this as his spectre dissipates at dawn by accepting his death and his promise that they will be together once again in heaven.

Adieu, ma seur, et retiens bien mes dictz, En t'assurant que nous nous trouverrons Dedans bref temps, lassus, en paradis, Ou nostre deuil pout tout jamais lairrons. Resjouy toy, car le temps sera bref Que tous en un ensemble nous serons.(87)

Le Navire was Marguerite de Navarre's last testament of the love she sustained for her brother throughout her life with a blind devotion that perhaps overcame reason when she stated a desire for a time when "tous en un ensemble nous serons." This is not just reunion in heaven but union - two becoming one in the Platonic sense and the biblical, for Adam and Eve became one flesh as man and wife. The miniature portrait could be an artistic realization of this union were the third level of meaning the identification of Marguerite with Minerva, the logical result of contemporary symbolism associated with her.

In celebration of the Treaty of Cambrai on 5 August 1529, Marot wrote Rondeau 57, subtitled, "De la Paix traictee a Cambray par trois Princesses":

Dessus la Terre on voyt les trois Deesses, Non pas les trois qui apres grans liesses Misrent au Monde aspre guerre & discord; Ce trois icy avec paix & accord Rompent de Mars les cruelles rudesses. Par ces trois la, entre tourbes & presses, La Pomme d'or causa grandes oppresses; Par ces trois cy l'Olive croist & sort Dessus la Terre....(88)

Although "Deesses" is generalized, the allusion was obviously to Juno, Minerva, and Venus representing, in turn, Louise de Savoie, Marguerite de Navarre, and Marguerite d'Autriche, aunt of Charles V, all of whom negotiated the peace between France and the Empire and were present at the signing of the treaty.(89)

Other poets employed the linkage. Francois Halbert d'Issoudun described Pallas through references to contemporary events and specific characteristics; the person being alluded to was the Queen of Navarre:

Nostre Pallas ne semble a l'ancienne, Car elle est plus catholique et chrestienne. Nostre Pallas ne recoit heresie, Encores moins punaise hypocrisie, Elle recoit livres parlans de Dieu, Et les publie et prononce en tout lieu. Nostre Pallas est loing d'ire et racune, Loing de desir de servente pecune, Loing de vengeance, et loing d'oppression, Pleine d'amour et de compassion. Nostre Pallas cherche au Ciel diademe Et son prochain ayme comme soymesme.(90)

Poet and publisher of Lyon, Etienne Dolet addressed an Ode to Marguerite, equating her to Minerva and acknowledging her as an author and lover of the liberal arts as well as a protector and patron of those writers who sought the same freedom of expression for which he was jailed, exiled, and eventually suffered a martyr's death.(91) And it was Dolet who went beyond implied association and united Marguerite unquestionably with Minerva. Le Second Enfer, written from exile, was a series of epistolary poems, actually poignant pleas, addressed to important court personnages beginning with the king; it included one "A La Royne de Navarre, La Seule Minerye de France."(92) After Marguerite's death, Ronsard wrote several pastoral poems in praise of the "Nymphe de Valois," but linkage with Minerva was accorded to her niece, Marguerite de France, duchesse de Savoie, sister of Henri II.(93)

My hypothesis that the assimilation of Marguerite de Navarre with Minerva in the miniature portrait of Francois Ier was purposefully intended does not advocate belief in a physical consummation. The implication does surface continually when reading her letters and oeuvre where the conflict between purity and sin seems so paramount. But one can only assume that the power of her faith would have obviated any thought of incest. The closeness of their childhood at Cognac, the pleasure both took in poetry and humanist learning, her pride in Francois as soldier and king, all generated a love that she seemingly sublimated by interchanging it with a compound mystical love for Christ. He became the brother she adored, the father she hardly knew, the son she lost in infancy, and the spouse she envisioned perhaps in terms of the allegorical interpretation of Song of Songs as the marriage of Christ and His bride, the Church, or simply in her repeatedly-stated desire for union:

Penser en la passion De Jesuchrist, C'est la consolation De mon esprit. Seigneur, quand viendra le jour Tant desire, Que je seray par amour, A vous tire, Et que l'union sera Telle entre nous Que l'espouse on nommera Comme l'espoux?(94)

The miniature would have been an ideal companion to Heroet's L'Androgyne de Platon that reflects Ficino's coalescence of Platonic androgyny and Christian love.(95) As the antithesis of the sensuous imagery of Fontainebleau, the portrait would have been an appropriate private expression of Marguerite's chaste love for her brother. If both had indeed been presented to the king in 1536, the date would coincide with the time she regained favor with him after a period of estrangement.(96)

Any attempt to identify a specific artist is automatically hampered by lack of provenance, documentation, and extant works that could serve as touchstones for comparative stylistic analysis.(97) Renaissance emblem books as well as drawings and engravings were replete with figural allegorical personifications and classical and historical personages often in a non-narrative context; but kings were shown as heroic, not androgynous.(98) Most of the attributes in the portrait reflect Italian influence as do the grotesque masks and winged head on the cartouche which resemble the same antique motifs in the ancillary stucco decoration of the inquadrature in the Grande Gallerie at Fontainebleau.(99) But the painting technique, in particular the application of the gold, could be the work of a miniaturist trained in the northern tradition. Overall, the work displays the synthesis of styles and prototypes typical of mannerist art.

Conjecturally, the portrait could have been painted between 1536 and the death of Francois Ier; based on extant evidence, it can at least be dated before 1552. Two medals were made for Henri II in 1552, probably by Marc Bechot, with the king in the same pose on the obverse of one and reverse of the other [ILLUSTRATION FOR FIGURE 7 OMITTED].(100) In spite of their small size of 56 mm in diameter, they selectively copied in remarkable detail the stance and most of the attributes in the miniature that obviously was known to Henri II and must once have been in the possession of his father. Several attributes reappeared three years later in an etching by Battista Angolo del Moro; Henri II, armed and laureated, a lion mask pauldron on his right shoulder, holds up a sword in his right hand [ILLUSTRATION FOR FIGURE 8 OMITTED].(101)

In the years that followed, there were many illustrated histories of the French monarchy. Portraits of Francois Ier invariably rejected overt linkage with pagan deities and emphasized his role as "le Pere des Lettres & des Arts." A mid-sixteenth-century work, associated with Nicolas Houel, contains drawings attributed to Antoine Caron.(102) The frontispiece, entitled Le Regne de Francois Ier, presents the enthroned king in Roman armor, a caduceus in one hand and a book in the other. A lion (or lion skin) lies in front of him on a floor strewn with objects related to the arts and sciences. There is no pretext of portraiture; a verse and two crowned salamanders serve as identification.(103)

In 1636 Jacques de Bie, a Flemish engraver, published a collection of portraits of French kings assumedly from contemporary sources.(104) He attributed the painting of Francois Ier which he had copied to Raphael; a likeness of the artist is at the lower right (fig. 9).(105) The traditional attributes are present: the crown and a salamander encompassed by flames; a caduceus, hunting horn, lion skin, and laurel wreaths; a high relief head of the Gorgoneion; a compass, book, and framing square. The fasces, a Roman magistrate's symbol of authority, completed the continuum of antique and contemporary symbols of the reign and persona of Francois Ier.

Over the mantlepiece in a small room once on the north side of the Grande Galerie at Fontainebleau, Francesco Primaticcio had painted a fresco entitled The Love of Jupiter and Semele, but it was removed at the end of the seventeenth century and replaced in 1701 by Louis Boullongne le Jeune's oil painting Minerva, the Arts and Francois Ier [ILLUSTRATION FOR FIGURE 10 OMITTED].(106) Behind the reclining figure of Minerva is a marble bust of Francois in the guise of a venerable Roman emperor or, as Marot described him "plus grands que humains." He is crowned with laurel, and the Collar of the Order of St. Michel rests on his chest. The setting reflects the chateau that was the primary symbol of the king's generous patronage of the arts. Francois and Minerva were together once again.

1 Mayer, 1970, 107. The poem dates before 1527. For the life and poetry of Marot (1496-1544), see Guy; Smith.

2 Lecoq, 1987.

3 Ibid., describes earlier sources for royal ceremonies and practices, employing in her exegeses a chronological evolution of the thematic imagery of the period, noting when it was derivative and when it was not.

4 Louise de Savoie (1476-1531) was the daughter of Philippe, comte de Bresse and duc de Savoie, and Marguerite de Bourbon.

5 Lecoq, 1987, 393-433. Marguerite was born on 11 April 1492 and Francois on 12 September 1494 at Cognac in the Angoumois.

6 R. Thomas, 475, from the Chanson spirituelles, "Autres Pensee, faites un mois apres le mort du Roy. Sur le chant de Iouyssance vous donneray."

7 Marichal, 250, lines 286-88.

8 Leguag, col. 1520.

9 De Laborde, 2:778.

10 Chenu (1730-c. 1799) was a student of P. Le Bas. See Portalis and Beraldi, 372-77. For Nicolo dell'Abbate (c. 1512-71) at Fontainebleau, Beguin, 1973, 25, 27, 142.

11 Le Prince, 253-54; Bardon, 1, quoted a commentary on the Chenu engraving by "un certain Montulay," l'Avant Coureur, 3 October 1768, after its presentation to Louis XV by the comte de Saint-Florentin. Le Prince took his description almost verbatim from this source. See Cohen, I:xxxi-xxxiii, for the life of Pierre Ronsard (1524-85).

12 De Laborde, 2:777-80. The definitive biography of Francois Ier is by Terrasse; also Knecht.

13 Bille-de Mot and Legrand, 81, plate 7.

14 Belin (or Bellin) (c. 1490-1569) was Francois's "valet de chambre" from 1516 to 1522; he worked at Fontainebleau with Francesco Primaticcio (1504-70) on stucco and painting from 1532 to c. 1537. Comparison with his few extant drawings rules him out as artist of the miniature. See de Laborde, 1:385 and 2:758-61; de Chennievieres and de Montaiglon, 1:1-2, from P.J. Mariette's notes of 1746; Beguin, 1970, 9-14; Beguin, 1975, 202 and 226-27.

15 Johnson, 1972, 27, fig. 27.

16 Crepin-Leblond, 30-31.

17 Similar helmets were popular for parade wear during the sixteenth century. Boutell, 148-71; Blum, 9, plate 5; B. Thomas, 57-59; Boccia, 144-63, figs. 11-16, 27, 30; Reverseau, 1979, 202-19 and figs. 5 and 13.

18 The horn closely resembles one with Medici and Visconti arms once in the Medici Coll., now the Bargello, Florence, mentioned in a 1492 inventory made after the death of Lorenzo de'Medici. Scalini, 15, 22, fig. 3.

19 Hoffmeyer, 61, 65, figs. 23 and 23a, 64, figs. 33 and 36. Blum, Boccia, and Reverseau, 1979, discuss and picture types of vambraces and cowders.

20 Castelot includes the major portraits of the king. Also, Duplessis and Riat; Linzeller; Adhemar, 1946.

21 There were three Clouets: Jean Clouet, pere (1420-90), Jean Clouet, fils (1485-1541), and Francois Clouet (1510-72); the latter two were both nicknamed "Janet." Jean Clouet, fils, was the primary portrait painter of Francois Ier who was unbearded until 1519. See de Laborde, 1:18-23; Adhemar, 1970; Mellen.

22 See Castelot, 453-55, for the autopsy report of I April 1547. The tomb's architectural enframement, 1548 to 1558, is by Philibert de l'Orme (1505-70); the priants, transis, and reliefs are primarily by Pierre Bontemps (c. 1507-68). Roy, 1911; idem, 1929.

23 A three-quarter view portrait of Francois Ier against an ultramarine blue background is on a treaty commemorating peace with Henry VIII on 18 August 1527. Orth, 1980, 125-26, fig. 38 on 139. Also, see note 46 below.

24 Cotgrave; Godefroy. For an extreme example of an artistic adaptation of Ronsard's poetic adulation of Henri II at the chateau de Tanlay, see Oulmont, 183-85; Schneegans, 441-44.

25 Wind, 213-14, fig. 80.

26 Development of Cortegiano was during 1512-14; by 1516 an initial version was finished, but amended between 1518 and 1520. The final edition of 1524 was printed in 1528 in Venice. Castiglione met Francois Ier in Bologna on 13 or 14 December 1515 and at Pavia on 26 December 1524; the king's inclusion in the work does not necessarily give credence to an assumption of influence by him. See Gohin, xxi-xxv.

27 Rosso (1495-1540) arrived at Fontainebleau in 1530 and remained until his death. The lost painting could date c. 1536. Antonio Fantuzzi (c. 1510-56) is documented there between 1537 and 1550. Mariette described the etching but said the painting no longer existed. De Chennievieres and de Montaiglon, 19; also, Zerner, 1964; idem, 1972, 115, fig. 181; Carroll, 302-03, no. 96.

28 Jowett, 32-33; Rosen, 60-89; Dover, 95f. Plato (428-347 B.C.) wrote the dialogue between 384 and 379 B.C.

29 Jowett, 46-48; Rosen, 159-96; Dover, 122f. Also Lecoq, 1987, 85-101.

30 Genin, 1842, 27, 49, 148, 203, 247; also Jourda, 1930.

31 Marichal, 242, lines 121-23.

32 The armor, in the Musee de l'Armee, Paris, is dated 1540-45 and attributed to Giovanni Paolo Negroli, active in Milan c. 1530 to c. 1565. On each side of the visor are grotesque masks like those on the dedication cartouche. Reverseau, 1982, 124. For the Negroli workshop, see Laking, 219-21; also, Hayward, 154-57. The Order of St. Michel was instituted by Louis XI at Amboise on 1 August 1469. The collar was comprised of gold scallop shells with a medallion bearing an image of the saint, worn normally over a long cloak of blue damask with ermine trim.

33 De Tervarent, 33-34, fig. 21; Panofsky, 127-31, figs. 13 and 14. For the original fresco and its appearance after cleaning, see Binenbaum and Pressouyre, 85-88, figs. 115-18.

34 For example, Lebegue, 301-06; Ettinger, 119-42; Cox-Rearick, 145-52; and note 37 below.

35 Toynbee, 136-38; Carson, 61, plate 16, no. 216; Hayward, 144-63, fig. 24; van Driel-Murray; Boutell, 80.

36 Van Marle, 2:307, fig. 202, and 3:476, fig. 282; Crossley, 242.

37 Seznac, 25ff; Hallowell, 242-55; MacDonald, 139-54.

38 Seznac, 19-20, 24-26; Poujol, 900-14.

39 For the first four books of Le Franciade, see Cohen, 1:651-780, also 1:355-57, 469-90; Laumonier, 1932.

40 Saulnier, 42-53, fig. 6; Huon, 25-27.

41 Fowler and Fowler, 256-59. Lucian (c. 125-c. 200) wrote the work after 180. Also Bolgar, 299, 441, 480-81, 518-19.

42 Ives, 4-8. Geofroy Tory (c. 1480-1533) from Bourges was a printer, engraver, author, and professor at the University of Paris, named printer of the king by Francois Ier in 1530.

43 Fanciful emulation of the Gallic Hercules could have begun as early as 1521 among Francois's courtiers and continued at the court of Henri II. See Blanchemain, 150-51. For the political theory of the Gallic Hercules see Vivanti; Hallowell, 255. For the Mercury association with Francois Ier see Lecoq, 1987, 421-27.

44 Bouchet, chap. 15, "Description du tresillustre & tresredoubte Prince des Gauls," fol. 26-26v. Bouchet (1476-1550) included a note to Marguerite de Navarre in the dedication to Henri II explaining that the poem to her brother was "pour lui donner la gloire." Thus, it was written after Francois died, but before her death on 21 December 1549. Also, Lecoq, 1987, 363-65; Cohen, 2:306-07.

45 The medal, in the style of Giovanni Candida (c. 1450-c. 1504), is in the cabinet des Medailles, Bibliotheque nationale, Paris. Goldscheider, 13, plate 59. Jean Rabel, pere (c. 1545-1603) was a portrait painter, engraver, writer, and editor at the French court.

46 The battle took place southeast of Milan against Francesco Sforza, Maximilian d'Autriche, Charles de Luxembourg (Charles V), and the 20,000 Swiss allies of Sforza. Vol. 1, ms. Harley 6205, 1518, British Library, London; vol. 2, ms. fr. 13429, 1519, Bibliotheque nationale, Paris; vol. 3, ms. 1139, 1520, Musee Conde, Chantilly. The script is Roman book hand. De Laborde, 2:891-908, described the manuscripts, provided detailed provenance, and attributed the portraits and battle vignettes in the first two volumes to Godefroy le Batave (active 1517-1ate 1530s). The portraits were accorded to Jean Clouet, fils, by Mellen, 37-42, 71, plates 2-11, 55-56; those of Francois, Caesar, and the "Preux de Marignan" all have ultramarine blue backgrounds. Also, Orth, 1983, 181-86; Lecoq, 1987, 229-44; Holban, 33-34.

47 De Laborde, 2:896-97.

48 Bolgar, 485-87, 522-23. The earliest translation of all the Vitae into Italian was by B. Jacinello da Rieta in 1482; individual lives were published in French in 1530 by L. Baif.

49 Freedberg, 1:295, 298 and 2:fig. 380. The mural, designed by Raphael (1483-1520) after 28 February 1516, was executed by Gianfranco Penni (c. 1488-c. 1528) and perhaps Giulio Romano (1499-1546).

50 Charles V (1500-58) was elected emperor on 28 June 1519, crowned at Aix-la-Chapelle on 23 October 1520, named King of the Lombards in Bologna on 22 February 1530, and received the imperial crown there two days later from Clement VII.

51 The direct Valois line from Charles V (1338-80) ended with Charles VIII (1470-98). The Valois-Orleans line descended from Louis d'Orleans (1372-1407) whose grandson, Louis XII (1462-1515), had two daughters by Anne de Bretagne (1477-1514); the oldest, Claude de France (1499-1524), married Francois d'Angouleme, great-grandson of Louis d'Orleans, on 18 May 1514.

52 Triumphes de Vertuz, ms. fr. 144, B.N., Paris, is dated 1517-24; the illumination is in vol. 2, f. B. See Lecoq, 1987, 336-40, fig. 157; Holban, 29-32.

53 Cohen, 2:932, also 2:485.

54 Maier, 433-34. Cellini (1500-71) worked in France from 1540 to c. 1544.

55 Adhemar, 1954, 311-18. The drawing is in the cabinet des Dessins, Musee du Louvre, Paris, Inv. 1575. See Kustenberg, 49-71, pl. 27 (a copy by Gian Giacomo Caraglio (1500-65); Beguin, 1972, 102-05, fig. 146; Cox-Rearick, 170, note 37; Carroll, 170-75, no. 57. Francois married Eleonore d'Autriche (1498-1558) on 4 July 1530.

56 Quoted in Seznac, 12-13. Only fragments remain of the writings of Euhemerus (c. 325-275 B.C.) as translated from the Greek by the poet Quintus Ennius (239-170 B.C.).

57 Rackham, 182-83. The quote from Cicero (106-43 B.C.) is in book 2, section 24.

58 See Vernant. There are differing opinions whether Adam was androgynous before the creation of Eve according to Genesis 2:21-24, the pre-exilic Yahwist account of c. 950 B.C. See Kohler, 129-35; von Rad, 24-28, 57-60. For the androgyny in Gnostic thought, see Meeks, 165-208.

59 Gregory, 100-03. Ovid (43 B.C.-A.D. 17) wrote the poems after A.D. 1 while in exile.

60 Jowett, 3-22, 40-44; also Rosen, 120-58; Dover, 112-21.

61 The earliest vernacular translations of Plato were: Phaedo into Spanish, fifteenth century; Lysis into French, 1544; Symposium into Italian in 1544, Bolgar, 520-21. Marsilio Ficino (1433-99) was head of the Platonic Academy in Florence where his Divini Platonis Opera Omnia Quae Exstant was first published. For translations and sources, see Walker, 10-14. Discussions of Ficinian Platonism and particularly the Symposium are in Walker; also Festugiere, 34-36; Allen, 184-203.

62 Jayne gives the second version - the first was lost - written between October 1474 and March 1475 and translated into Italian by Ficino not long afterwards. The commentary is analyzed by Jayne, 20-26. In his Third Ennead, book 5, on "Love, or Eros," Plotinus (205-70) reiterated the Platonic concept of the two Venuses and defined love. Guthrie, 1122-41.

63 "The Myth of Plato on the Ancient Nature of Man is Explained," Jayne, 154-55; "Plato's Opinion on the Original Form of Man," Jayne, 156.

64 Gohin, biography, viii-xlvii, poem, 71-89. Heroet (Herquet or Herouet), born in Paris c. 1492, was Bishop of Digne from 1551 until his death in 1568. See Festugiere, 113-24, for comparisons between his poetry and Ficino's Commentarium; also, Lefranc, 1914, 84-94; Schmidt, 23-26.

65 Gohin, xiii.

66 Lefrance and Boulenger, 80, 96.

67 Gohin, xii, 71. The king was in Paris from 29 December I536 to 25 January 1536 for the marriage of James V of Scotland and Madeleine de France. Jourda, [1930.sup.1], 1:209, agrees with the December 1536 presentation date.

68 See Festugiere, 82-85, for Jean de la Haye, whose dates are unknown; he was "valet de chambre" of Marguerite de Navarre and editor of her Marguerites de la Marguerite des Princesses, Lyon, 1547. Also, Lefranc, 1914, 115f; R. Thomas, ix-x.

69 Jourda, [1930.sup.1]. Vol. 1 is a biography of Marguerite de Navarre, vol. 2 a chronology and discussion of her oeuvre. For her education, 1:2-27.

70 Genin, 1842, 81-82, 110. 38, from Alencon, 1526; Genin, 1841, 146, no. 88, 1537?

71 Idem, 1842, 50, no. 18, to the king at Madrid.

72 Ibid., 148, no. 90.

73 Marguerite sailed from Aigues-Mortes on 27 August 1525 and arrived in Madrid about 18 September. She left on 27 November and reached Narbonne, after several stops, on 23 December 1525.

74 Genin, 1842, 25-27, no. 1, addressed "Au Roi, Mon Souverain Seigneur" written from Argentan or Alencon.

75 The relationship of Marguerite and Bishop Briconnet (1470-1534), his influence, and their correspondence from June 1521 through 1524, are examined and interpreted by Cottrell, particularly 3-33. Marguerite had married the duc d'Alencon on 9 October 1509.

76 The Dialogue, dedicated to Francois's daughter Charlotte (1516-24) who died of rubella was not published until 1533. Jourda, 1926, 1-49; also, Cottrell, 35-36.

77 Editions differ due to variations in surviving manuscripts. I used Francois, who followed ms. fr. 1512, Bibliotheque nationale, Paris. The association with Boccaccio (1313-75) is analyzed by Gelernt, 51-54. Also, Chilton, 11, who noted, "The first French translation of the Decameron, by Laurent Premierfait, appeared in 1414.... A new translation of Boccaccio is referred to in the Heptameron's Prologue. It was commissioned by Marguerite herself, was undertaken by one of Francois I's royal councillors, Antoine Le Macon, and came out in 1545"; also Cooper, 33-42.

78 Francois, 151-52. See Gelernt, 57-65, for Neo-Platonic influence on L'Heptameron; Jourda, [1930.sup.1], 2:686-723, 754-59, 887-903, for the Italian and Platonic aspects.

79 Francois, 48. Marguerite also mentioned the androgyny in Les Prisons, written just after Francois's death. Lefranc, 1896, 216-17; Wade, 54-55; Cottrell, 243-310.

80 Marguerite was at the monastery of Tusson in the Poitou when Francois died at Rambouillet. She died at the chateau d'Odos-en-Biggore and was buried in the church at Lescar.

81 R. Thomas, 29.

82 Ibid., 36-37. Genin, 1842, 20-22, associated this passage with the letter and poem of February 1521. Cottrell, 95-130, did not include these verses in his intricate analysis of Le Miroir but stated, 8-9, n. 5, that Genin "distorts Marguerite's rather confused and linguistically awkward first letter to Francois." Jourda, [1930.sup.1], 1:64, flatly stated there was no incestuous love between brother and sister; also Cooper, 48-49.

83 R. Thomas, 476; also, Cottrell, 197-201.

84 R. Thomas, 502; Jourda, [1930.sup.1], 2:1120-21.

85 Genin, 1842, 151, no. 91.

86 The poem was probably written during the second half of 1547. Marichal, 103-234, gives an extensive analysis of the orthography; also, Jourda, [1930.sup.1], 2:1118-19; Cottrell, 203-19.

87 Marichal, 309, lines 426-31.

88 Mayer, 1966, 126.

89 The treaty was called "La Paix des Dames." See Terrasse, 2:12of. Marguerite d'Autriche (1480-1530) was a celebrated beauty. There was linkage of Louise with Juno and Marguerite with Minerva in a lost relief at Fontainebleau. Pere Dan, 43, noted, "Au dessus de la porte, ce Roy (Francois Ier) est en figure de relief a demy-corps accompagne de quelque Architecture & de deux autres figures entieres, l'une representant Pallas & l'autre Iunon." See Beguin, 1973, 113, cat. no. 501, fig. 18.

90 Bourciez, 188-90, from Exposition Morale de la fable des trois deesses, Lyon, 1545, 52. Halbert died in 1562.

91 The Ode by Dolet (1509-46) is from his Carminum libri quatuor, 2, Lyon, 1538, no. 4, 101, in Genin, 1841, 143-44. Also Christie; Jourda, [1930.sup.1], 1:209, n. 53.

92 Longeon, 116-18. The poems date from January through May of 1544.

93 Cohen, 1:605 and 2:480-91, 1085. Marguerite (1523-74) married Emmanuel-Philibert de Savoie in 1559. Of Francois's seven children, only she and Henri survived him. Ronsard mourned her death in "Le Tombeau de Marguerite de France," Cohen, 2:489, and equated her birth to that of Minerva: "Je dirois que Pallas, nasquit de la cervelle/Du PereJupiter, qu'elle, Pallas nouvelle,/Sortit hors du cerveau de son pere Francois,/Le pere des vertus, des armes et des lois."

94 Frank, 172, the Chanson spirituelles "Trop penser m'y font amours"; also Kerr and Kerr, Jr., 91-148.

95 The location of the presentation manuscript, if it exists, is unknown. See Gohin, xlix-lxviii, for Heroet bibliography. Gohin, 89, feels that ms. fr. 523, Musee Conde, Chantilly, contains the most authentic of the rare, contemporary, extant copies of the poem.

96 In 1532 the Sorbonne condemned the re-edition of Marguerite's Miroir. At the same time, her chaplain, Gerard Roussel, was accused of heresy. In mid-October 1534, after the "affaires des Placards" with its anti-Catholic literature, Francois banned his sister from the court for her well-known sympathy with the Reformist Movement. She was apparently back in his good graces by late 1535. See Jourda, [1930.sup.1], xii.

97 See Orth, 1993, 8-14, for a discussion of illuminators at the courts of Francois Ier and Henri II.

98 See Praz; Cartari;Joost-Gaugier, 184-95, figs. 1, 2, 5; Panofsky, 9, 129, 135-36, figs. 17, 24 and 25.

99 See Dacos. For grotesque masks and winged heads in the Grande Gallerie, Binen-baum and Pressouyre, 51, fig. 68; 55, fig. 73; 71, fig. 94; 75, fig. 101; 79, fig. 107; 95, fig. 129; also Orth, 1993, 14-18.

100 The medals are in the cabinet des Medailles, Bibliotheque nationale, Paris. Mazerolle, 24, nos. 89 and 90; also, Johnson, 1968, 123-53, figs. 23a and b, 24a and b.

101 Reed and Wallace, 32-35, fig. 17. Del Moro (1515-73) was from Verona.

102 Guiffrey, 20, fig. 4. The 27 extant red chalk on tan prepared paper drawings by Caron (c. 1527-99) are dated after 1561-62, a benchmark for the undated volume. Ehrmann, 34-36.

103 For the salamander, see Lecoq, 1956, 93-104; Chastel, 1972, 150-52, figs. 235-47; Erlande-Brandenburg, 5.

104 De Bie, 308-15.

105 The king owned several works by Raphael, but a portrait was not mentioned in descriptions of paintings at Fontainebleau or in inventories of the royal collection. See Pere Dan, 134-35; Herbet, 94-95; Engerand, 12-28, 547, 594-600.

106 Louis de Boullongne le Jeune (1654-1733) worked initially at Versailles. See Blunt, 187, 236, 285; also, Engerand, 446. Pressouyre, 16, fig. 12 and 23, n. 32, states that in 1528 Gilles Le Breton built not only the passageway but small rooms "en saillie" in the middle of the north and south facades. The painting was removed in 1784, two years before the rooms were destroyed. For Maitre L.D.'s engraving of Primaticcio's 'Semele,' see Zerner, 1972, 116, fig. 174.

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