Maori deserve a more generous approach: despite governmental efforts to resolve some of the Maori people's long-standing grievances, race relations remain volatile in New Zealand.

Last year, Queen Elizabeth II became the first British monarch ever to make an official apology. In the presence of the Maori Queen, Te Arikinui Dame Te Atairangikaahu, she signed into New Zealand law a bill in which the Crown apologized to the largest Maori tribe, the Tainui people of Waikato, for sending imperial forces into their land in the 1860s and for the subsequent devastation and injustice.

What was so special about the Waikato people among all who might justifiably seek a royal apology? The answer lies in history.

On 6 February, 1840, the Treaty of Waitangi was signed by Queen Victoria's representative, Governor William Hobson, and over 40 (ultimately some 500) native chiefs. It ceded sovereignty over New Zealand to the Queen. In exchange, the treaty extended the `rights and privileges of British subjects' to the natives and guaranteed them `undisturbed possession of their lands and estates, forests, fisheries, and other properties' for as long as they wanted. The Maori agreed that any lands they wished to sell would be offered first to government land agents and sold at a mutually agreed price.

But new settlers continued to arrive who had scant regard for the Treaty. In the 1860s the government tried to implement new laws which would force the Maori to sell land for settlers, railways and roads. The Maori resisted, citing the treaty. But the government interpreted the Maori's `rights and privileges as British subjects' as making them obey the laws of the land. Many died in the fighting that followed. One outcome was the New Zealand Settlement Act of 1863 under which Governor George Grey confiscated over a million acres of Waikato land. Only one quarter of this was paid for.

In 1870 the Treaty of Waitangi was declared `a simple nullity' by a judge, rendering the Maori helpless in using it in defence of their rights. The original copies of the treaty were lost for more than 50 years, though one hangs on the walls of Parliament House today.

Waikato settlement

Grievances against the Crown were raised every year from the late 1840s. Some were settled and many were ignored.

In 1975, the government set up the Waitangi Tribunal to hear claims by Maori who believed that the government was not fulfilling its treaty obligations. The tribunal had a majority of Maori members. So far, of more than 500 claims brought before the tribunal, fewer than a tenth have been successfully concluded. Some were decided in favour of the Maori. The government, which is not bound by the tribunal's recommendations, has reached settlements in only half of these.

The biggest settlement, worth about NZ$170 million ([pounds sterling]70m), has been with the Waikato people. Their land lies close to Auckland, New Zealand's largest city, and includes the best dairy country. The Queen's apology was part of this deal, which also returned 35,000 acres of land, set up a trust fund which will have the first chance to buy any Crown land which becomes available, and gave the Waikato people a permanent seat on any conservation board within the boundaries of the confiscated land. For their part, the Waikato people agreed that the Crown should keep coal, other minerals and 47,000 acres of conservation land for the benefit of all New Zealanders. Both sides agreed `that the Crown has acted honourably and reasonably, and the settlement is fair, full, final and durable'.

The vast majority of Waikato Maori subtribes signed the agreement. As a Waikato descendant myself, I voted for it. I will not benefit personally but the deal ends a long-held grievance peacefully and will benefit today's young Maori and their descendants.

There are signs that Pakeha (non-Maori) politicians see the need to deal promptly with outstanding grievances. The Treaty Negotiations Minister, Doug Graham, signing for the government, acknowledged that the wars of the 1860s were unjust and breached the Treaty of Waitangi.

Alec Neill, MP, chairman of the committee that steered the Waikato legislation through Parliament, said his great-grandfather led the troops who took over the Waikato lands. `If I am able to apologize for the actions of my grandfather... then I do so to the people of Waikato today,' he said.

Prime Minister Jim Bolger has declared his determination to put right all past grievances by the year 2000.

Yet, despite such views, John Clarke, the Maori who until recently was New Zealand's Race Relations Conciliator, says: `There have been few times this century, if any, when there has been as much tension and worry about our race relations.'

There was violence during the celebrations of last year's Waitangi Day, and a Maori spat at the Governor General. Maori activists occupied public places--most notably the Moutua Gardens in Wanganui, a situation which dominated the national news for 11 weeks. There has also been something of a Pakeha backlash. This year's Waitangi Day was comparatively peaceful, largely because the official ceremony was moved from Waitangi to Wellington.

The government's slow response to the Waitangi Tribunal's findings is not the only cause of tension. They have also set a limit of NZ$1 billion for setting all claims. Nearly all Maori have voted against this `fiscal envelope' which they see as unjust. There is also the vexed issue of sovereignty--the Maori text of the 1840 treaty appeared to promise them political sovereignty but the English text promised less.

Although I am only one sixteenth Maori, I feel in my bones a link with the tangata whenua (people of the land). In 1977, my family decided to try to find the origin of our Maori ancestor, Pourewa. It turned out to be a 12-year search, culminating in the discovery of a complete lineage through chiefs back to the captain of the Tainui canoe--the original founder of the people of the Waikato area over 600 years ago.

My researches into Maori history, culture and language have given me a great respect for the Maori people. They have survived through great difficulties, plagues, wars and losses. In 1900, a monument was erected in Auckland to the Maori describing them as `a dying race'. Today they own only one per cent of New Zealand--but they are resurgent, proud of their heritage and language, and making great efforts to keep them alive.

Need for flexibility

I believe that the government is mistaken in capping the amount of money which can be used to settle grievances. A sum of NZ$1 billion may be acceptable as a guideline but there is a need for flexibility--just as there was for the recently completed Clyde Dam. The budget of $1 billion for the hydro-electric power project was overrun by about $700 million. The government did not abandon the project when the costs escalated.

Despite the problems, most individual contacts between Maori and Pakeha are not based on prejudice. If we are to have a harmonious future we must acknowledge the good things in our past as well as the bad.

The occupation of the Moutua Gardens, was finally resolved peacefully through those on both sides who were prepared to keep their minds open and talk through their differences.

The way interracial issues are handled may be more important than the actual results. As John Clarke said, `Resolution of historical grievances like the Tainui settlement are vital to everyone's future.... Living with a resentment or with a neighbour bogged down with bitterness is in noone's interest. It is not possible to delay progress on settling grievances without further protest.'

It is important that the Maori who disagree with the government are listened to, and given as much respect as those who agree with it.

As I said in a submission to the government on issues concerning the Waitangi Tribunal, `With courage, persistence, generosity and humility, the government and Maori could now settle grievances and set New Zealand on a path of reconciliation and progress, a model for multiracial societies world-wide.' The Queen's initiative could have far-reaching consequences.