Lockheed, Northrop top donors to key congressional campaign coffers.

Lockheed, Northrop top donors to key congressional campaign coffers

While in a heated dog fight to win the Pentagon's next-generation fighter program, two of the Southland's biggest defense contractors were also leading the nation's aerospace companies in contributions to congressional campaign war chests, federal records show.

Lockheed Corp. gave $425,129 to U.S. Senate and House candidates in the 1989-90 election cycle, giving the Calabasas-based defense giant title as the top money-giver among Pentagon contractors in the United States. Close behind in second place was Century City-based Northrop Corp., which shelled out $411,775, according to Federal Election Commission's biennial list.

Los Angeles County defense contractors gave more than twice as much money to U.S. senators from Georgia - including powerful Senate Armed Services Chairman Sam Nunn - than than they did to senators from California, the records also indicate.

Behind the giving may be long-term Pentagon budget cuts, with contractors seeking access to officials who control a shrinking defense-spending pie, some believe.

"To get the limited resources, one needs to have absolute entree into the federal congressional delegation," said H. Eric Schockman, associate director of the USC Unruh Institute of Politics. "Money is the lubricant of politics."

Oiling the congressional coffers is also important with the hemorrhaging in the L.A. aerospace business. Since 1987, Los Angeles County has lost 60,000 aerospace jobs.

Meanwhile, on the state level, the county's top weapons-makers spread around just $208,361 last year to an assortment of officials in the Assembly, Senate and business-related agencies. Then-Gov. George Deukmejian appears to have been the top recipient, getting $102,500 from six local aerospace companies, according to Legitech, a Sacramento-based firm that tracks campaign contributions.

Though small in comparison to the military contracts they attempt to land, political action committees operated by Lockheed and Northrop gave out more money to federal candidates than did many larger defense contractors in 1989 and 1990. For example, St. Louis-based McDonnell Douglas Corp., the nation's biggest defense company, gave $293,950 to congressional races.

Overall, Lockheed ranked ninth and Northrop tenth among all U.S. corporations in donations to federal candidates. They were outspent by Fortune-500 members like AT&T ($1.5 million), Federal Express Corp. ($756,950) and Union Pacific ($512,614), but surpassed others like Citicorp, U.S. West and Chevron.

Of the $2.6 million ponied up by the major Pentagon players in 1989-90, Southland-headquartered companies gave $1.9 million, or 73 percent.

Los Angeles-based Atlantic Richfield Co. ranked No. 28 among corporate givers, contributing $300,764.

While they were leading the defense industry in political contributions, Lockheed and Northrop were heading teams of contractors competing for the Air Force's Advanced Tactical Fighter contract - one of the Pentagon's biggest projects, worth an estimated $95 billion in new business over the next decade. Last April, the Lockheed team won the contract.

Robert Cannon, Lockheed manager of public affairs and the executive who oversees political contributions, said it would be incorrect to make any connection between the ATF contract and the contributions.

"We have always been one of the biggest contributors. It is very important to us and has nothing to do with any single project. If you go back and look, you will see that we are always in the top group," he said.

Northrop officials did not respond to questions about the company's political contributions. However, the company is working behind-the-scenes in Washington, D.C., to maintain federal funding of its $865-million-apiece B-2 bomber. The House recently voted to cap production at 15 while the Senate agreed to fund four more of the controversial bat-winged planes.

According to the records, big defense contractors with either headquarters or major facilities in Los Angeles County gave federal candidates, mostly sitting members of the House or Senate armed services committees, $2.48 million in 1989-90. Through the first six months of this year, the companies contributed $555,639, giving $303,057 to Democrats and $252,582 to Republicans.

In 1989-90, the contractors slightly favored Republican candidates over Democrats.

Under current federal regulations, corporations are allowed to give up to $5,000 through political action committees to a candidate for a primary election and another $5,000 for a general election. The maximum contribution is $10,000 for each election cycle.

An examination of the federal records shows the companies favored pro-defense spending candidates or incumbents. Specifically, the contractors favored members of the Senate or House armed services committees, the panels that determine Pentagon programs.

Sen. Nunn, D-Ga., chairman of the Senate Armed Services committee, and Rep. Les Aspin, D-Wis., who heads the House Armed Services committee, received contributions from most of the contractors.

Lockheed gave Nunn $10,000 in 1989-90. In the spring of 1990, Lockheed decided to close most of its facilities in Burbank and move them to Nunn's home state of Marietta, Ga., where the ATF will be built. Northrop gave Nunn $5,000 in 1989-90.

The records indicate the contractors supported U.S. senators from Georgia over senators from California.

In 1989-90 and the first six months of 1991, major Los Angeles County defense contractors gave $32,000 to Georgia Sens. Sam Nunn and Wyche Fowler Jr., who are both Democrats. Democratic Sen. Alan Cranston of California did not receive any money from the contractors but the state's junior senator, Republican John Seymour, received $15,000.

Perhaps one reason the defense companies are increasingly targeting key, non-California congressional members has to do with the ABC or All-But-California phenomenon, according to USC's Schockman.

"This state has the largest congressional delegation and there is an ungrounded feeling that California is an octopus, getting too much of the federal disbursement," he said. But by giving to non-California - especially members of the armed services committees - L.A. aerospace firms can try to dilute the ABC syndrome, he said.

Separately on the state level, Los Angeles-based Hughes Aircraft Co., builder of sophisticated electronic systems for the military and satellites, gave the most to California officials with $449,975, records show.

Though unconnected to Pentagon brass, the state heavily regulates defense companies through rules governing pollution, workers compensation and land use.

Like most defense firms, Hughes spread the money around to an array of state senators, assembly members and ranking Sacramento political figures, mostly through one of its political action committees. Assemblyman Tom Bane, D-Van Nuys, got $1,000, state Sen. Ken Maddy, D-Fresno, took in the same and Assemblyman Richard Katz, D-Sylmar, received $250. Gov. Pete Wilson, who has vowed to support California-produced defense systems, also received $5,000 while his predecessor was the recipient of $20,000.

Behind Hughes in giving within the Golden State was Lockheed ($45,722). TRW Inc. ($40,500), Rockwell International Corp. ($35,425), Douglas Aircraft Co. ($10,500) and Northrop ($10,439).

Lockheed distributed its money to more than 20 officials. Among local assemblymen, Pat Nolan got $925 and Burt Margolin pocketed $500, as did Katz. Wilson received $6,000 but Deukmejian took in more than four times that amount from Lockheed.

Cannon said Lockheed's recorded $25,000 contribution to Deukmejian actually went to fund Wilson's inauguration.

Of the seven biggest defense contractors based in the Southland, only Litton Industries Inc. failed to give Deukmejian at least $7,500 last year, records indicate.

Because of a court ruling overturning campaign limits, corporate political action committees are free from previous restrictions governing contributions.

State law prohibits officials from taking donations with them when they leave office, mandating the money go to charity, debt repayment, party organizations or political action committees.

Table : Defense contractors' political contributions Los Angeles County

                      Federal candidates   State candidates
Company                   1989-90                1990
Lockheed Corp.            $425,159               $45,722
Northrop Corp.             411,755                10,439
General Dynamics Corp.     370,930                     0
Rockwell International     365,585                35,425
McDonnell Douglas Corp.    293,950                 3,500
Hughes Aircraft Co.        272,650                49,975
Litton Industries          175,350                12,300
TRW Inc.                   169,100                40,500

Source: Federal Election Commission, Legitech

PHOTO : Lockheed's winning version of the Advanced Tactical Fighter: What role did campaign contributions play?