Land, Power and Economics on the Frontier of Upper Canada. (Reviews).

Land, Power and Economics on the Frontier of Upper Canada. By John Clarke (Montreal and Kingston: McGill-Queen's University Press, 2001. x plus 752pp. $75.00).

"Upper Canada, from the time of its formation until the mid 19th century was a preindustrial, agrarian community in which access to land was of primary importance to settlers and residents because it was the basis [both] of life and of economic and social prestige." (p.xxxiii) In Land, Power and Economics on the Frontier of Upper Canada, John Clarke argues that British land policy and its implementation and manipulation by various individuals reflected an Upper Canadian mentality that rejected the unruly democratic impulses emanating from the new republic to the south and upheld 1-lanoverian understandings of the relationship between landed wealth and power. From the beginning, Upper Canadians were determined to create an orderly hierarchical society, one that rested on unequal access to and control of land

At the heart of this rather monumental volume is a meticulously detailed study of land holding in Essex County, one of the earliest settled areas of Upper Canada. Clarke really begins his story with the attempts of the British government to acquire title to land from the native population. As Clarke illustrates, the process was often complicated and policy sometimes compromised by the actions of those actually living and working in the region, who, wanting to acquire large tracts of land for themselves, saw their private interests as pre-eminent over the orderly settlement of the area and the needs of the local population or indeed of the Crown which they purported to serve. (p.l53) Clarke then examines the actual settlement of the region and particularly the workings of the colonial land boards. From the beginning, British policy recognized two classes of land owners. Ordinary settlers could obtain conditional grants to land, and had their title confirmed once settlement duties had been completed. Members of the power structure-magistrates, office holders-on the other hand, often received land as a reward for service and loyalty. Authorities like the first lieutenant governor, John Simcoe, and Peter Russell, administrator of the colony at the turn of the 19Lh century believed that property added to a man's dignity and influence (p.1 72) and frequently awarded large tracts of land to deserving individuals. Upper Canadians could also buy land, of course. From the formation of the colony, but particularly after 1825, when a formal sales policy was adopted, land in Essex County was relatively affordable. At the same time, the price of land did increase over the period as a consequence, Clarke concludes, of primarily local factors--the land's proximity to a market centre, its relative development and of course the assessment of particular individuals buying and selling. Some of those who bought and sold land did so not to because they wanted to farm but as an investment. Speculation was endemic in Upper Canada and Cl arke identifies 144 large land owners who used a variety of strategies to realize their investments. What is evident is that a number of these men used their political and personal influence to manipulate the system-including forcing land sales for outstanding debts or benefiting directly from grants of public lands. As Clarke concludes, such use and abuse of the system provided much of the impetus for rebellion in 1837.

What might be called the heart of Clarke's conclusions are presented in the chapter entitled "Land and Power" and in his conclusion. It was not so much, Clarke discovered, that members of the colonial administration from Essex County actually owned a significant proportion of land in the region. Rather, it was those associated with the halls of power--by marriage, by formal and informal links of business and society, and by friendship--who benefited most directly by British land policy. Interconnection was in fact how Upper Canada was governed. Land large owners at the local level had connections to those who governed in York. The family compact was an interconnected system of hierarchies (p. 463) and access to land was symbol and basis of political, social as well as economic influence.

It is impossible to discuss in any comprehensive way the intricacies and nuances of this comprehensive synthesis. As a study in historical geography, Land, Power and Economics rests on an exhaustive analysis of land and patent records, government policies and manuscript sources. Each chapter includes a discussion of the particular sources, the methodology used in the analysis and a summary and conclusion, all supported by numerous tables, graphs and maps. Clarke goes beyond how British policies and individual decisions were worked out on the ground however. For example, he includes a quite fascinating chapter detailing the physical environment of Essex County-its soils and flora and fauna-and how first settlers would have evaluated the land. Clarke also engages some of the most current economic debates about the development of the colony and confronts head on, the question of the nature of its emerging political ideology.

The strength of this work is also one of its weaknesses. The reader often loses the central line of argument-of how land and its ownership reflected what others and Clarke consider the essential conservatism of Upper Canada-and an appreciation of the personalities and contradictions of those who actually owned land-amid the masses of evidence and detailed analysis. Perhaps more significant, by viewing land holding in Upper Canada exclusively within the context of 1 8th century British social and political ideology, Clarke fails to consider how land might have been viewed by the majority of immigrants who arrived in the colony after 1791. Few would doubt that British policy rested on a desire to create a landed class and thus promote social and political stability And there is no question that both local and colonial elites used this policy to further their own particular interests. The question remains whether ordinary settlers shared this view. As Clarke himself illustrates, most wanted land on which to sett le. Their unwillingness to go into debt to purchase land and the determination of others to clear mortgages quickly suggests that many wanted to attain what Daniel Vickers has called competence. As Clarke himself notes, even with the latest computer technology to assist in analysing land records, this is not a study of settlement at the micro-scale. (p.xxxv) However, it is only by examining how and why individual settlers and their families used, disposed of and viewed land that one can conclude that they too were part of this Upper Canadian mentality.

Land, Power and Economics is nonetheless an important study. This is not a quick or an easy read. Historians and students will be hard pressed, however, to find another that so carefully sets out the methodology of approach or that brings together an understanding of land policy, land use and the changing agrarian economy in Upper Canada in such a comprehensive fashion.