La melodie vaudoo--voodoo art songs: the genesis of a nationalist music in the Republic of Haiti.

In 1945, the Haitian composer Werner Jaegerhuber (1900-1953) published a set of six art songs entitled Complaintes Haitiennes that is without precedent in the literature of art song. They achieve their unique status by virtue of the fact that their texts and musical material are derived entirely from the rituals of Haitian voodoo. Even within the confines of the art music produced by Haitian composers, Jaegerhuber's songs constitute a departure from a musical tradition that typically fused the popular Creole rhythms and melodies of the urban elites with the imported forms and standards of European art music. Jaegerhuber's originality rests in the manner in which his art is founded upon the largely neglected musical traditions of the rural majority of his nation, combined with his own European conservatory training. Based on a period of ethnographic research beginning in 1937 and spanning eight years (Jaegerhuber 1937-45), these songs constitute a conscious and deliberate attempt to establish a music possessing a distinctively national character founded on an indigenous source. (1)

Two factors recommended these songs as more central to the genesis of a nationalist music than the many other compositions of this composer. First, of all of Jaegerhuber's compositions that incorporate ethnographic material, the Complaintes Haitiennes retain the closest possible link, through their text and melody, to the original sources. Second, of all of Jaegerhuber's compositions, these were his only published works. The appearance of the second edition of the songs in 1950--with its garland of three adulatory essays, alternate English translations, and descriptions of the voodoo deities that are the subject of these songs--possesses the character of a manifesto. In addition, it attests to the intention of the editor to address a public beyond those residing in Haiti. This new edition of the songs would make it possible for a broader audience to encounter them. For these reasons, the Complaintes Haitiennes constitutes a public declaration of the birth of a new school.

This article will support the assertion that Jaegerhuber founded a distinct national school by investigating the cultural and political life of the Republic at the dawn of the twentieth century. It will then examine Jaegerhuber's composition of Complaintes Haitiennes in light of his own development as a composer, as well as their reception by the elite classes of Haiti. An examination of Jaegerhuber's own unpublished ethnographic research will lay the necessary foundation for a study of the compositional process of transforming the liturgical music of voodoo into art songs. A brief summary of the influence exerted by Jaegerhuber upon the next generation of Haitian composers will conclude this article.

Jaegerhuber's contribution to Haiti's musical culture may be best appreciated in the light of a substantial, 43-page essay published in Port-au-Prince in 1919 by Dr. Franck Lassegue (1892-1940), entitled "Etudes critiques sur la musiques haitienne" (A Critical Study on Haitian Music). (2) Lassegue surveys the state of Haiti's musical culture by presenting a general overview followed by a critique of four contemporary composers: Ludovic Lamothe (1882-1953), Justin Elie (1883-1931), Alain Clerie (1876-1941), and Nicolas Geffrard (1871-1930). The general theme of this essay is a search for a distinctly Haitian "voice" among, what the author contends to be, the "domination" of European musical models. For example, in speaking of Nicolas Geffrard, the composer of Haiti's national anthem, La Dessalinienne, Lassegue (1919, 41) makes the following observation:

   As he has constantly absorbed Mendelssohn and grown strong thereby,
   I have found in la Dessalinienne a bit of this warm and enthusiastic
   music which we occasionally encounter in the author of the A
   Midsummer Night's Dream. However, Mr. Geffrard told me that he found
   his inspiration in a score by Schumann to ground his laconic drama
   where one hears moaning those cries of revolt of an undefined
   nostalgia. And to this I attach the patriotic sobs of Chopin in the
   Military Polonaise. (41)

What is evident in this citation is the indebtedness of this Haitian composer to the canon of European composers (i.e., Mendelssohn, Schumann, perhaps Chopin) whom he admires and emulates in his composition. Lassegue's essay seeks to promote a more distinctly Haitian music--essentiallement haitienne. He lists two criteria to achieve this: "(1) that where, in spite of the dominance of the exotic, one can still recognize a bit of the sentiments associated with our homes or of our artists; (2) that where one clearly sees the genius of Haiti liberated from the competent frame of the quintessential capacities of our artists" (7).

The terms that Lassegue employs are broad. In his first criterion, he maintains that one can recognize a specific "Haitianness" in a composition by the sentiments that it evokes of Haitians' daily lives--nos milieux--or that are associated with their artists. In addition, this quality should be apparent in spite of the current dominance--l'ascendance--of the exotic. What is exotic, according to Lassegue, are all the non-Haitian elements. He devotes a section of his essay to this issue, entitled "La musique haitienne et la Culture des auteurs etrangers" (Haitian Music and the Culture of Foreign Authors). Here, the European parentage of much of Haiti's elite musical culture is noted. He criticizes the artists of his generation for not being the owners of their own music. In his words: "In spite of the sentiments they have slipped in there and which in part belongs to them, there is nothing else that could ascribe to them their right to ownership" (3).

Despite this censure, Lassegue exhibits a certain ambivalence toward these composers. For instance, he admires the manner in which they combine elements from a number of exotic sources, such as the presence of American ragtime as in Geffrard's Valse espagnole. In speaking of Geffrard's composition, he notes: "And I can imagine the meticulous work to combine in one exceptionally captivating stroke, with these quite personal melodies, the cadence of a Spanish waltz in the Romantic style and the waltz of American Ragtime" (38).

In his second criterion, Lassegue appears to withdraw still further from a cosmopolitan perspective to some unnameable "Haitianness," which he refers to as le genie haitien. Seemingly drawing his aesthetic inspiration from Herder's Abhandlung uber der Ursprung der Sprach (see Fubini 1987, 264), which traces the music and poetry of a people back to their primitive national character, Lassegue views the artists of Haiti as the repository of this quality, which he calls their "quintessential capacities." He contends that our perception of this "genius"--this essential Haitianness--should be unambiguous, something "one clearly sees." This genius should liberate itself (s'affranchir) from what he calls the competent frame (enveloppe), of these Haitian artists and become apparent in their musical compositions. In this, Lassegue mirrors Herder's argument for the creating of a distinctive national culture in opposition to a unitary, cosmopolitan civilization.

In seeking to diminish the foreign influence in Haiti's music, Lassegue proposes that all of Haiti's many communities be considered in the creation of Haitian elite music. Lassegue never admonishes his composers to follow only one specific path by identifying a particular constituency and its music. The advantage of this approach is that it permits him to embrace a repertoire that was largely ignored by the elite society without relinquishing any of the musical styles he admires. This repertoire is the music associated with the practice of voodoo. Lassegue holds up the music of Justin Elie as a prime example of his two criteria. He cities a work by Elie, entitled Bacchanale, as being a model composition. At the conclusion of his essay on the music of Elie, Lassegue makes the following summary of the importance and originality of Elie's writing: "In order to realize an original work and give at the same time a new impulse to Haitian music, Mr. Elie has placed his art and science at the service of Voodoo rhythms. He has solved great technical difficulties in order to have the primitive melodies of Voodoo flow in harmony" (25).

What Lassegue considered to be new and original was the utilization of voodoo rhythms and melodies (themes primitifs), which Elie harmonizes. In addition, Lassegue leads us to believe that Elie found a solution to the problem of what he calls the "great technical difficulties" inherent in trying to harmonize this music.

Lassegue's perception of Haitian folk music as being problematic to work with springs from the attitude of the urban, French-speaking elite classes, who ignored or disparaged the culture of the vast majority of their mostly rural, Creole-speaking countrymen. Haitian voodoo was recognized by the elite as a remnant of the great African diaspora that was brought to Haiti during its colonial days, when it was a possession of France called Saint Domingue. The intricate melange of West African cosmologies that constitute this religion was judged to be backward by the descendants of those who, through force of arms, created the first Black Republic modeled on the progressive values of the French Revolution. With their eyes firmly cast in the direction of Europe for guidance and acceptance, they adopted an attitude similar to that of Europeans regarding the relative importance of the cultural life and products of African civilization. Thus, the introduction of the folkloric culture, as represented by the music associated with the practice of voodoo, struck the elite minority as novel. However, some doubts arise as to the authenticity of the purported voodoo elements in this repertoire when one examines examples of the music.

Lassegue asserts that Elie introduced voodoo elements into music and he cites Elie's Bacchanale as an exemplary model. However, it is not clear from the text why this work could serve as a model for other Haitian composers. When, early in his essay, Lassegue mentions Elie's Bacchanale, it is in conjunction with another composition of his entitled Cleopatre. Lassegue lauds both as being "two prototypical examples of local music." Both works are credited for the manner in which "they magically intermingle in turn through evocation and invocation, Voodoo melodies, and popular songs of the street and carnival, in an accomplished arrangement without excluding either" (5). However, in another passage later in the essay, Lassegue praises Elie's Cleopatre and another composition entitled Aphrodite for their evocation of "ancient visions." Here, Lassegue notes Elie's penchant for basing his art on antiquity: "He has stirred the ashes of dead civilizations unceasingly caressed by others, and upon which sleeps a marvelous world" (25). What emerges from these descriptions is a confused image as to what this music really is. Perhaps Elie's Bacchanale does evoke the popular musical culture of Haiti. But how could it and Cleopatre be paired together when elsewhere Lassegue credits the latter for exhibiting an entirely different aesthetic? Unfortunately, we may never know the answer because all three compositions mentioned by Lassegue no longer appear to be extant.

The passage of time has not been kind to the works of Justin Elie. It is regrettable that another composition mentioned by Lassegue, Elie's Danse tropicale, is also not extant. Ballet vaudouesque, which Elie considered to be his chef d'oeuvre but which is not mentioned by Lassegue, has also disappeared. The orchestral score of this ballet, based on voodoo themes, followed a dramatic scenario, Elie chose to exile himself from Haiti in order to see this work, composed in 1921, produced in the United States the following year (Dauphin 1983). If we turn to some of his other remaining compositions, we find two songs that appear to support Lassegue's assertion, namely Elie's Deux poemes vaudouesques: I Dambala, II Chants de Hounsis (Elie n.d.). Upon closer inspection, however, these songs do not quite fulfill the promise of their titles.

The first problem that we encounter with these songs is that both texts have come down to us in English not in either French or Creole as their original titles would have led us to believe. Indeed, the title of the second song has been changed to "Vodoo [sic] Moon" presumably to make it more attractive to a U.S. audience. The obscure origin of these texts is futher deepened when we realize that neither the author nor the translator is known. Thus, the promise held out to us by their collective title, Two Voodoo Poems, seems difficult to authenticate. Perhaps sensing their cultural estrangement, another Haitian composer, Edouard J. Woolley (1916-1991), translated the texts of both to Creole at a later date.

Specific ethnographic evidence is lacking to support the assertion that the melodic material of these two songs is derived from their purported voodoo origins. Nevertheless, both share a characteristic reliance on the pentatonic scale that subsequent observers of this repertoire, including Jaegerhuber, considered an identifying trait. In addition, both songs share a distinctive melodic motive, a similarity that suggests that the paternity of these melodies lies in some repertoire of musical gestures associated with a specific liturgy. Support for this assertion comes from the detailed analysis that Jaegerhuber provides for a number of voodoo melodies. In his analysis, Jaegerhuber notes that prominent motives reappear from one melody to another and that these motives could be associated with specific deities. However, given the fact that Elie was a gifted melodist and a truly refined musician, we are at a loss to determine the degree of his fidelity to the origin of these songs. Of the remaining admirable compositions that form this artist's oeuvre, many speak of his interest in portraying the life and customs of his island nation. These include Les Chants de la montagne (for piano and various instrumental arrangements) and "Legende creole" (for violin and piano).

The above-named compositions point to Elie's proto-nationalist sentiments. However, Elie's vision was broader: although he felt a solidarity with his Cuban contemporaries Lecuona and Cervantes, who were preoccupied with founding a nationalist school, Elie based his art on a scale that was pan-Caribbean in scope (Dauphin 1979). Among his surviving compositions that attest to his interest in the Amerindian communities of the New World, we find Kiskaya: Suite aborigine (or Quisqueya) (for orchestra), "Evocation" from La Nuit dans les Andes (for orchestra), as well as the songs "La Mort de l'Indien" (text by Joseph Vilaire) and "Le Chant du barde Indien" (text by the Honduran poet Joaquin Bonilla). It is doubtful that Lassegue would have been acquainted with these compositions or even have known of Pile's artistic ambition. Indeed, they may not even have been composed when he began his critique. As noted above, we have lost some of Elie's compositions, and there are scores by him, resting in libraries, that have yet to be studied. A more complete assessment of this gifted composer is needed.

Lassegue's admiration for what he sees to be the originality of Elie's contribution to Haitian music can be better appreciated if we take into consideration the voice of an earlier critic, Stenio Vincent, a Haitian diplomat writing in 1910 on various aspects of Haitian cultural life. In his work entitled La Republique d'Haiti telle qu'elle est (The Republic of Haiti at Present) (Vincent 1910), he discusses the music of the Haitian composer Theramene Menes (1862-1911), who is also mentioned by Lassegue. Vincent gives us two examples of Menes' work, both of which are based on different Haitian dance traditions. The first of these is a meringue entitled "Magistrat Vincent," and the other, "Francine la possedee: Valse forme-vanvalou (Vaudou)." Each song is preceded by a brief essay in which Vincent, former mayor of Port-au-Prince and Charge d'Affairs in Berlin, describes in some detail the origins of the dances and the manner in which they are danced and provides, especially in the case of the meringue, numerous examples of the rhythmic patterns typically encountered. In the case of his essay on voodoo music, Vincent presents an admirable description of the types of drums and other percussion instruments employed and an outline of a typical voodoo ceremony, which, he maintains, can be seen even in the suburbs of Port-au-Prince. In addition, Vincent provides four textless musical examples--"Invocation du Vaudou," "Air de Congo," "Air de Petro a," and Air no. 4 "Air de Petro" (3)--that represent the ritual music of voodoo. Two of these include drumming patterns. Vincent even includes an example and description of how to properly beat the rhythm associated with the "Air de Petro a."

The compositions by Menes that Vincent provides to illustrate these dances do not reflect the depth of understanding of these traditions that is found in the essay and musical examples. Although the song "Magistrat Vincent" is a piquant and attractive piece, its style is similar to the parlor music of the age. More dubious still is the second example, "Francine la possedee." This song's French poem is by the famed Haitian poet Oswald Durand (1840-1906). The voice adopted by the poet is voyeuristic; he describes the possession of Francine from outside the circle of those who are practitioners of voodoo. The distance that we experience in the text of the song is matched by its melodic material. Unlike Elie's song, which resembles authentic voodoo melodies, Menes' is clearly inspired by waltz rhythms and is stylistically far from the musical examples that supplement Vincent's essay. Its broad vocal range is intended for a cultivated voice, which, again, more properly reflects the popular style of salon music than the ritual music of voodoo.

Of the two songs presented by Vincent, "Magistrat Vincent" is a more successful adaptation of a traditional Haitian dance rhythm to a cultivated style. Its sycophantic text in Creole celebrates the benefits of the political leadership of Stenio Vincent. (As in other nations, there exists a long tradition of politically motivated song in Haiti.) The notation of the syncopated quintuplets of the meringue preoccupies Vincent at some length in his essay. His concluding paragraph points out the solution adopted by Haitian composers, such as Menes, to resolve the problem of their notation: "but since the importation to Haiti of the American [two-step], we have recognized our error and we therefore have tried to adopt--to notate our meringues--the American method which is correct" (Vincent 1910, 276).

The problem encountered by Haitian composers attempting to adapt the traditional music of voodoo to a cultivated style is again experienced in "Francine la possedee." Vincent claims that the yanvalou dance, which forms part of voodoo's liturgy, is "exactly the same as that of a slow waltz" (285). If so, how are we to tell the difference between a European waltz and a composition that claims to be inspired by the tradition of voodoo? This questions brings us to the concern expressed by Lassegue nine years later. His assertion that Elie found a solution to the problem of incorporating voodoo repertoire into his cultivated style points to the fact that composers had been trying to achieve this blending of styles. Even Vincent maintains that, to the best of his knowledge, Menes was the first to attempt this fusion: "for this is the first time, we believe, that such a work has been done" (271). The difficulty faced by successive generations of Haitian composers was what they acknowledged to be the formidable rhythmic complexity of voodoo drumming: "Voodoo is a complex dance" (284). These composers also faced a melodic repertoire that varied over the geographic terrain of Haiti, as well as from cult to cult. Lassegue's admiration of Elie's accomplishment is based on what he perceives to be the greater degree of fidelity to the tradition of voodoo that one encounters in Elie's music compared with what had been achieved in previous attempts. It is evident that much that would have helped clarify this stylistic change in direction has been lost to us; Lassegue had in his ear a great deal of music that is now no longer available. Although their criticisms are separated by only nine years, the tone of these two critics of Haitian music is quite distinct: Vincent speaks in admiration for the accomplishments of Menes and another contemporary, Ludovic Lamothe, whereas Lassegue's admiration is mixed with a certain amount of disapproval.

Lassegue's essay, the first and only one published of three proposed papers on Haitian music, documents the aspiration of Haitian composers to participate in a cosmopolitan culture at the dawn of the twentieth century. That Lassegue is proposing a shift in direction for the composers whom he clearly admires is due to political events that compelled the elite classes to reconsider their position in the world. The publication of the essay came only four years after a particularly difficult and defining moment in the history of Haiti: the invasion of the Republic by the armed forces of the United States in 1915. These American forces occupied the nation for nineteen years, finally leaving in 1934. During this period, the political liberties of Haitians were limited. Even public expressions of a nationalist cast, such as those contained in the military marches of another Haitian composer mentioned by Lassegue, Occide Jenty (1860-1936), were prevented in the capital by the occupying forces. Jenty's march, 1804 (the year that Haiti declared itself a Republic), was performed before the Presidential Palace and reportedly galvanized the attentive audience and moved them to protest their current political suppression in the streets of Port-au-Prince (Largey 1991, 106).

While it may be argued that the American occupation resulted in an improved infrastructure (i.e., roads, bridges, and so forth), a period of political stability from the usual tumult of Haitian politics (the last President of the Republic, Vilbrum Sam, was lynched by an angry mob), and the prevention of the Republic itself from being absorbed by interested European colonial powers such as Germany (an outcome, given the Monroe doctrine, that the United States distinctly wanted to prevent), the Haitian elite were compelled to endure years of openly racist attitudes best captured by the remarks of U.S. Secretary of State William Jennings Bryan, who, when he was briefed on the Haiti occupation by an officer of the National City Bank reportedly exclaimed, "Dear me, think of it, Niggers speaking French!" (Bellegarde-Smith 1990, 77).

From an openly cosmopolitan culture, the Haitian elite were compelled to think of themselves as second-class citizens in their own country. Their art and music was now seen by them as inadequate, given their newly defined social status. Lassegue's essay was not the only voice counseling a change of direction. A still more forceful expression for a distinctive cultural identity was advocated by social critic Jean Price-Mars. Beginning in 1919 with a work entitled La vocation de l'elite (The Duties of the Elite) and terminating in 1928 with his book Ainsi Parla l'Oncle (This is How the Uncle Speaks), Jean Price-Mars articulated what the role of Haiti's deposed elite classes should be in the face of the American occupying forces. As Haiti's most forceful voice of opposition, Price-Mars essentially confronted the American presence by counseling Haitians to become more distinctively Haitian rather than attempting to acquiesce. The force of his words was not confined exclusively to the arts but, to this day, carries a resonance over a broad range of activities that define Haitian national consciousness.

Lassegue's ambition to direct Haitian composers to write an essentially Haitian music is more fully satisfied by the compositions of Werner Jaegerhuber than by his talented predecessors. Jaegerhuber's success is due to his compositions having a transparent foundation on an indigenous source. In many respects, Jaegerhuber was the best-trained Haitian musician of his generation and thus probably the most capable of undertaking this task. His Creole ancestry may be traced to his German-American father, Anton Jaegerhuber, and his Haitian mother, Maria Trippenhauer. While his musical talent was recognized early in life, resulting in his being sent from Port-au-Prince at the age of fifteen (the same year of the American invasion) to the Voigt Academy in Hamburg, this European conservatory training was not his sole musical influence. Both his mother and his Haitian grandmother, Betsy Fouche, are credited with introducing him to Haitian folklore. Jaegerhuber's appreciation of this national heritage only grew deeper with time.

Nineteen thirty-seven was a significant year in the life of Jaegerhuber, for he was compelled to leave Germany as war approached. While he had returned to visit Haiti in 1921, his definitive departure from Germany ended the foundations of his career there. These consisted of the Chair of Counterpoint at the Conservatory of Von Bernuth; his directorship of the music faculty of the schools at Salem and Spetzgar; his association with the Philharmonic Orchestra of Hamburg, and the Hamburg Gesangverein and Euthymia as conductor; his recital tours, in which he accompanied artists and presented his own compositions throughout Germany; and his distinction as an active member of the Reichsmusik-Kammer (Savain 1950). His return to Haiti necessitated an important reappraisal of his own career. It is significant that it was in that year that he began his first efforts as an ethnographic researcher of Haitian voodoo music.

Jaegerhuber returned only three years after the departure of the occupying forces of the United States. The nineteen years of American occupation left Haiti a very different place from that of his youth. Less concerned with having to establish or maintain his cosmopolitan credentials, Jaegerhuber plunged into the world of Haitian folklore. Upon his return, he developed a long association with Dr. Louis Maximilien (1905-63), the foremost folklorist of Haiti. Dr. Maximilien, who was to perish in the prisons of Papa Doc, began the foundations of an important collection of anthropological artifacts and stories of the African diaspora and pre-Columbian/Amerindian culture that formed the basic collection of the Musee d'ethnologie d'Haiti. He was also the author of La Vaudou haitien, rite Rada-Canzo, which was published in 1945 and was a groundbreaking work with regard to its clinical observation of possession (Dauphin 2000b). These two men began a productive and lifelong artistic collaboration: Maximilien provided Jaegerhuber with the librettos for his secular cantata Trois scenes historiques and the opera Naissa, both rooted in Haitian folklore.

By 1945 (the last year for which we have attributable data), Jaegerhuber produced a document containing twenty-four voodoo melodies and their texts in Haitian Creole, for which he also provided individual musical analyses. Considerable care is evident in the production of this document, for the source of each melody is dated and attributed to a particular individual (see Table 1). In addition, several of these melodies were verified by a second individual on a given date noted in the manuscript. Little is known about the majority of Jaegerhuber's sources. One of these, Lina Mathon Blanchet (1950, 1), claims, in one of the introductory essays that accompany the second edition of the songs, that "Professor Jaegerhuber lives in the mountains where he collects folksongs from the mouth of our peasants." This statement is not entirely correct. Among the list of sources who each contributed one song to the collection are the following identifiable individuals: the above-mentioned Dr. Louis Maximilien; Dr. Louis Mars, the son of the previously mentioned influential Dr. Price-Mars; and Lina Mathon, who was listed as Lina Fussmann Mathon in the collection and who was also the directrice of the Choeur Folklorique National of Haiti.

Of special interest is the connection of Monsieur and Madame Canez to this enterprise. While their contribution of four songs, two each, to the collection is important, it was to her, a soprano, that the published collection was dedicated by her husband, Valerio Canez. Monsieur Canez was a violinist and important businessman in Port-au-Prince who co-edited and published the first edition of the Complaintes Haitiennes (C. H.) (Dauphin 1999).

Although Lina Mathon Blanchet asserted that Jaegerhuber trusted the competence of the "peasants" as a source for these melodies, his reliance upon these above-mentioned people, who clearly were part of the elite, educated class of Haitians, does not necessarily cast doubt on the authenticity of the melodies that they contributed. It is sufficient to note, however, that the originality of Jaegerhuber's research means that there is no prior study by which one could challenge these claims. In addition, the sixty years that separate us from the time in which these melodies formed part of the popular expression of the rituals of voodoo have seen them supplanted by other music or mutated into other melodic shapes. One must conclude that the sources of these melodies, if not derived from those most closely associated with the living traditions of voodoo rituals (the "peasants"), were at least the product of people who, like Jaegerhuber, shared an interest in collecting and preserving their musical patrimony as they found it in their time. Only one contributor, Libera Bordereaux, appears to have originated from a priestly, voodoo family (4) and thus from a stratum of Haitian society for which the voodoo religion was a living faith. She contributed seven melodies to the collection (nos. 1, 2, 3, 13, 14, 15, and 20).

The ethnographic research (E.R.) that Jaegerhuber produced between the years 1937 and 1945 spans the ritual music of a number of lwa (or loa), deities associated with controlling forces of nature. The lwa that is the subject of the majority of these songs is the goddess Erzulie (also spelled Erzili and Herzuli). (5) She is the deity associated simultaneously with luxury and abundance, and with deprivation and famine. These two contrasting images of this goddess of fecundity prompts her devotees to observe rituals that include the offering of luxury goods such as expensive perfumes in the hope of propitiating their own prosperous state. She is popularly depicted as an upper-middle-class woman of considerable means. In the course of a voodoo ceremony, those possessed by her frequently behave in an overtly flirtatious manner; but her iconographic presentation is often disguised in the more conventionally pious image of the Virgin Mary. In the past, this image afforded her devotees the hope of escaping the censure of the Catholic Church and the state who disapproved and sought to extirpate the practice of voodoo. This animosity directed against voodoo was active even in Jaegerhuber's lifetime. In 1941, Operation Nettoyage (Operation Cleanup) was organized by the Catholic Church as one of its series of antisuperstition campaigns (Desmangles 1992, 52-53). (6) As part of these campaigns and with the support of the state, voodoo temples called ounfo (also, Hounfors) (7) were burned, along with a quantity of paraphernalia associated with the rituals themselves.

The significance of the actions taken by the church and state during the period of Jaegerhuber's research and the subsequent publishing of the Complaintes Haitiennnes is that neither of these writings can be seen as emerging out of a politically neutral base. The suspicion and occasional hostility directed by elements of Haiti's elite class against the religious practice of the rural majority of the nation would draw considerable attention to this unusual hybrid of the conventions associated with the intimate and refined world of European art song and the ritual melodies and texts of a suspect and persecuted pagan religion. While there were many in Haiti's elite class who actively supported and promoted the indigenous culture of the rural majority, it is, nevertheless, remarkable to note that the second edition of Jaegerhuber's songs comes with three prefatory essays. (8) The presence of this amount of verbiage before a collection of just six songs raises a suspicion that some considerable explanation was deemed necessary by those who wished to defend/promote this collection against its potential critics.

The first of the prefatory essays, by Roger E. Savain, Director of L'Agence Haitenne de Musique, is a biographical sketch of the life and works of Jaegerhuber, which effectively establishes his artistic credentials as beyond reproach. Savain relates that, upon his return to Haiti in 1937, Jaegerhuber publicly spoke twice to the Scientific Society "as to the necessity of the folk music of Haiti as the foundation for a national music" (Savain 1950). Savain records that Jaegerhuber then committed himself to fulfilling this task. The second essay is a reprint of "Hommage a Jaegerhuber" by Jean F. Briere (1950), which first appeared in the August 1947 issue of Haiti-Journal. This encomium succeeds in portraying Jaegerhuber as being at the very center of Haitian musical culture. The expressions found here are extravagant; at one point, Briere calls him "Prince of Art," and "a Negro god in a state of trance who delivers messages into the stormy night" (2). The adulatory prose of this particular journalist is in contrast to the more tempered enthusiasm to be found in the third essay, by Lina Mathon Blanchet. She celebrates the second publication of this collection and points out the centrality of Haitian folklore to the national identity. Blanchet correctly observes the manner in which Jaegerhuber has attempted to raise the status of popular music (musique populaire) to the attention of those who are acquainted with musique savante, or art music. In conclusion, she calls upon other composers to emulate the example set by Jaegerhuber. Taken together, these three essays constitute a declaration, by sympathetic members of Haiti's elite, of the direction in which they believe their nation's artistic musical culture should proceed.

Although evidence for an opposition to this particular song collection is not available, it is clear that at least members of the clergy were sensitive to the emergence of this hybrid artform. (9) Bishop Jean-Marie Paul Robert refused to allow Jaegerhuber's Messe Folklorique Haitienne (originally titled Messe sar les Themes Vaudous) to be sung in his cathedral in Les Gonaives. This mass is a remarkable setting in six movements for solo soprano, chorus, and organ accompaniment, based on the voodoo melodies found in his ethnographic research. The premiere of this work, to celebrate one hundred fifty years of Haitian independence, took place on January 1, 1954, in the auditorium of the Casernes Dessalines under the direction of Maria Etheart. The root of the Haitian Catholic Church's discomfort with accommodating elements of voodoo into its own ritual observances was the concern that such a fusion of cultural elements could be misinterpreted by the adepts of Haitian voodoo. The church's position on such a confluence of cultural practices has changed subsequent to the proceedings of the Second Vatican Council (Tanner 1990, 2:841). (10)

Between the collection of the material that constituted Jagerhuber's enthnographic research and the appearance of the six published songs, he undertook what appears to be an important intermediary step. Twenty-three of the melodies that appear in the ethnographic study formed the basis of an unpublished anthology of song settings with piano accompaniment. In this song collection, also given the title "Offrandes Vaudouesques" (O.V.), (11) we find Jaegerhuber sketching out accompaniments to these melodies and extending them through a process of elaboration. The manuscript lacks a date. However, the uniformity of the hand in which they were written suggests that they were all penned at the same time and in the format in which they are found. Since the six published songs of the Complaintes Haitiennes appear as a still more elaborate and extended development on these same melodies, one may have reason to believe that this body of twenty-four songs may indeed constitute an intermediary step between the ethnographic research and the published collection.

As mentioned above, only twenty-three of the melodies in the ethnographic research were given piano accompaniments. One song, entitled "Onimba" (O.V., no. 15) carries no ethnographic source. The absence of documentation for this particular song points to the possibility that the twenty-four melodies that constitute the ethnographic research may just be a selection from a larger collection of material that has now disappeared. "Onimba" replaced one of the documented melodies entitled "Erzuli ca" (E.R., no. 24). However, "Erzuli ca" reemerges in the Complaintes Haitiennes as "Erzulie Oh! Erzuli Sa!" (C.H., no. 5). Despite this shuffle of material among the three documents under examination, Jaegerhuber's fidelity to the contents of the ethnographic research as the basis for many of his compositions suggests that he considered these as the best and most important source for his own inspiration. Indeed, when one regards the evidence in the chamber music, operas, cantatas, and masses of this composer, the extent of his reliance upon this material is clear.

The ordering of the material in each of the three collections is different for reasons that are not entirely evident. In the ethnographic research, we may note that some of the melodies are sequenced according to their contributor. However, when one looks to his analysis, Jaegerhuber appears to have identified at least two key songs (chansons clef)--no. 1, "Erzulie," and no. 2, "Moin tande gnioun cannon"--whose motivic material is repeatedly encountered in the remaining songs. It could thus be maintained that his analysis is the basis for the presentation beginning with the most important songs, due to their motivic material, followed by groups of songs that share and vary these motives. In Table 2, one can note a considerable redistribution of the same material into a completely different order. The first song in the "Offrandes Vaudouesques" addresses Legba, a lwa known as the gatekeeper and the first lwa to be propitiated in a voodoo ceremony. However, to infer that the organization of these songs conforms to the ritual practices of voodoo due to this one concordance would be difficult to maintain, considering the number and variety of the materials in the document. The ordering of songs in the unpublished song collection, while possibly reminiscent of a voodoo ceremony, may be so organized for the artistic interest that they elicit more than for any other reason. However, because neither the ethnographic research nor the song collection was ever published, the importance of the issue rests principally on the collection entitled Complaintes Hai'tiennes, whose contents are listed in Table 3. This collection adressed five voodoo deities: Erzulie (nos. 1 and 5), Ague (no. 2), Dambala (no. 3), Papa Simbi (no. 4), and Marassa (no. 6).

According to information about the performance of these songs by Cassandra Robertson, whose mother, Suzanne McConney, studied and performed this collection under the direction of the composer and his colleague, the coach-accompanist Maria Etheart, this collection should be sung in an uninterrupted manner (Dauphin 1999). (12) Intimations of this very practice are to be found in the first song, "Erzulie Malade," which fuses two different voodoo melodies, "Erzili malade" (E R., no. 13), and "Erzili e" (E.R., no. 12). In this song, we pass from one melody to the next with no interruptions, just a shift in mood, tempo, and expression.

The importance of Jaegerhuber's ethnographic research document rests in its being the first to transcribe a portion of ritualistic music and texts associated with Haitian voodoo. (13) What is lacking in this document is the date when it was assembled. Given that the last attributable date for a melody is 1945, we must conclude that it was produced in that year or shortly thereafter. The document itself suggests that it may have been assembled at two different times, for it is clearly divided into two equal portions. Two signs point to this conclusion: the first is the absence of metronome markings after the first twelve examples; the second is the change of typewriter font used in the analysis, which occurs at the midpoint of the collection. On each of its twenty-four pages, we find written in manuscript the melody and the date when it was first transcribed. Several of these twenty-four melodies have a second source (see Table 1). Below each example is a typed paragraph in which Jaegerhuber presents his analysis. (14) Due to their brevity, these analyses highlight the principal interests of Jaegerhuber and do not address broader theoretical and cultural issues. (15) Taken together, all twenty-four analyses address a number of issues that deserve our scrutiny.

The first example (Ex. 1) in the collection illustrates the manner in which Jaegerhuber presented his material. He considered this first melody to be a chanson clef (key song) in the collection. Example 1 demonstrates some of the common characteristics of his approach. Each of the melodies is analyzed with the aid of graphics that divided them, according to their larger divisions by the use of Roman numerals (i.e., I, II, Ia, etc.) and in accordance with their motivic content (i.e., 1). These graphics also attest to his interest in a type of musical analysis that is concerned with organic structural issues: the motives that he identifies recur at intervals to govern the structure of the melodies themselves. His ear is particularly attuned to identifying motives that he associates principally with the gods Erzulie (no. 1) and Agoue (no. 2). The motives of these lwarecur in other melodies associated with them and in other musical contexts. Jagerhuber is quick to identify these as they occur and to attach a significance to their appearance.

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Jaegerhuber's analysis (see Ex. 1) focuses on a number of issues, the most important of which is the motivic material that he identifies with the goddess. In the first paragraph, the pitch content is observed for the manner in which the melody rests or focuses on a particular note. Jaegerhuber observes, for example, that in the motivic units labeled 1 and 3 both focus on the fifth degree of the scale. He continues and accounts for the second (6), the third (4), and the octave and first note of the scale (1, 2, 7). All these, he asserts, are associated with the goddess. In the second paragraph, he identifies a motive that he associates with the name of the goddess (1), which is an ascending triad, c-e-g: "The motif of the goddess forms a perfect accord (1)." He continues this analysis with a structural critique of the melody, which he holds to be divided into three parts: "The structure in its three parts is clearly evident." To conclude, he notes that the structure of the song is reinforced by the manner in which it is performed. The units labeled I and II are sung by a solo voice, a Mambo (a voodoo priestess) or a Houngan (a voodoo priest), while the third section, labeled III, "entirely signifies the dance, the community, the choir."

This, the first of the twenty-four melodies and their attendant analyses, is typical in its length, style, and range of concerns. There are, however, other issues that arise in the course of the following analyses. For example, Jaegerhuber discusses his observations concerning the characteristics that he associates with a particular lwa. Thus, melodies that address Agoue, the deity of the sea (nos. 2, 4, 5, etc.), he identifies as possessing a lower tessitura than those of Erzulie: "The master of the oceans, Agoue Tarroyo, has a music more or less low" (Jaegerhuber 1937-1945, no. 2); or, again, in connection with no. 4, speaking of the tendency of the musical lines to descend, as in no. 2, he remarks: "The musical forms of the key song, no. 2, are retained [in no. 4] in the tendency for the notes to descend to the depths and is evident even in the final cadence." In a similar vein, Jaegerhuber characterizes the music associated with the lwa named Simbi as "more dance-like, gay, lively" (Jaegerhuber 1937-1945, no. 3).

Jaegerhuber's discussion of performance practice appears to be a secondary concern in his analysis. I noted in the analysis of Example 1 his observations that the melody is sung in a manner that tends to reinforce its structure. Some other melodies benefit from the same observation, for example, no. 14, "Sole oh," which is for a solo voice: "The entire song is an invocation sung by a solo voice." In the analysis of no. 2, we are informed that this tripartite song is to be performed in a specific manner, with the first part sung by a soloist and the remaining two sections by the choir and community: "I is for the soloist, II and III represent the choir, the community."

At times, the issue of dancing is addressed in these analyses. In the context of discussing the lwa Simbi, Jaegerhuber uses the term dansant (dancing) for its evocative quality relative to the character of the music and not to denote a performance practice. Rarely is it suggested in Jaegerhuber's document that the melodies are danced or that any bodily motion is associated with their performance, as in the analysis of no. 1 (see Ex. 1). Brief references to dancing are found in nos. 8 and 16. However, in no. 15, Jaegerhuber provides a second version of the voodoo melody "Dambala oh" in 3/8 time, which is very much intended as a dance.

"Dambala oh" provides us with one exceptional observation concerning the performance practices of these melodies. As in all of his analyses, Jaegerhuber first addresses the motivic content, but in this case he concludes his observations with a comment that we find nowhere else. He notes that as this melody is sung drums are heard beating in a continuous roll: "During the invocation the drums beat a rhythmless roll." What is remarkable in this comment is that it is his only reference to voodoo drumming.

Occasionally, Jaegerhuber will address the issue of meter and rhythm in these melodies. In nos. 6, 19, and 22, he speaks of the stress accents in a passage in 5/8 in the following terms: "The 5/8 time is counted in such a manner that the first, third and fifth beats are stressed (no. 19). Altogether, there are eight melodies that are partly or entirely cast in this meter (nos. 6, 12, 14, 16, 17, 18, 19, 22). The significance of this asymmetrical meter rests in its association in the minds of a number of Haitian composers with its capacity to suggest voodoo drumming (Lamothe 1936, 4-6). (16) Jaegerhuber's reduction and conventionalization of this practice into a single pattern demonstrates a certain reticence before a very difficult aspect of this art. Even Lina Mathon Blanchet (1950, 1) notes that "in order to render them more accessible to all and especially to non-Haitians [etrangers], he succeeded in mastering a happy simplification of the complicated rhythms of our songs." In his "Origines de la Musique Folklorique Haitienne" (Origins of the Folkloric Music of Haiti), Jaegerhuber (1943, 53) attests to the difficulty of notating the changeable rhythms: "One easily concedes that all this music is heterophonic and, consequently, enriched with a variety of complicated rhythms."

The paucity of remarks concerning the performance practice of these melodies points to the fact that Jaegerhuber's primary concern is different from that which would normally occupy the professional ethnographer of today. Although the ethnographic research that he conducted is undeniably important, it appears that the collection of voodoo melodies was meant to serve as a resource to service his creative needs and was not intended to be judged by the standards of the scholarly study of music associated with this religion. As noted above, the analysis focuses principally on the melodic content and what he identifies as its salient motivic elements. This preoccupation with melody is further emphasized by the manner in which he scrupulously identifies its source and, in many instances, seeks verification of the melody from a second source. It appears that Jaegerhuber is intent on capturing as authentic a representation of these melodies as his craft permits. Certainly, his writing vividly attests to this concern, for he speaks at length with regard to the best manner in which to notate this music: "The greatest difficulty rests in the notation of this music. Its rhythms are so changeable and conjoined that I had to employ the ancient manner of notating. It consists in omitting the bar line and retaining only a variable degree of notes and accents. In reality, it is the ancient notion of Gregorian chant which affords superior results for achieving an excellent interpretation when applied to African music as opposed to modern notation whose lack of success is well recognized" (53). Later, he adds the following observation: "It is quite clear that if one were to omit irregular and variable rhythms and imprison the music in a strict 2/4 meter false syncopations would arise that would carry a deceptive quality in a modern context and have, in sum, no relevance with the old music of African folklore" (53).

These two statements appear to point in opposite directions. We do not encounter a notational practice that emulates Gregorian chant in the document. What we find is something closer to what is suggested in the second statement, where we vary the meters to capture the irregular flow of the music, thereby not imprisoning the musical flow in a single meter. For example, in the thirteen measures of the melody "Guede Zaregne," we are given seven meter signs (see Ex. 2). Many of the melodies display a similar sensitivity to the issue of agogic stress that adheres to the text declamation by changing the meter to accommodate these shifts.

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Apart from this nuanced attempt at reflecting the variable rhythms in the music, Jaegerhuber displays a sensitive ear to vocal inflection. Some of the melodies (e.g., nos. 7 and 23) have lines extending from the notes indicative of an apportamento or possibly a glissando. The importance of these lines is never discussed in the analysis; instead, an indication is given in the score of some vocal styling that could have served as an aide memoire (see Ex. 3).

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While the analyses of these twenty-four melodies reveal the range of Jaegerhuber's interest, his other writings contain a number of observations of a more general character. In some instances, these comments tend to be amplifications of observations already noted. Others reveal certain provacative insights.

Concerning the brevity of these melodies he writes, "the brevity of all these African and Haitian melodies may be explained by the manner of expressing emotions in a dense and comtemplative way" (Jaegerhuber 1943, 53). He goes on to assert that the short refrain of the melody, not the melody itself, acts as a platform that is isolated from the outside world and through which the soul of the singer, after a violent contest, is liberated from emotional excess and delivered into an ecstatic trance. Such an assertion clearly recognizes the sacerdotal nature of the music and its place in a trancendental religion. At the base of all these melodies is the presumption on the part of the singer that, in his singing, he is invoking a god and that this song will prove efficacious. Jaegerhuber's writing constantly evinces a respect for the basic function of these melodies within the context of voodoo.

Jaegerhuber also asserts that there are three categories of songs, which he claims closely reflect, in their melodic shapes, the characteristics associated with the localities in which they are sung. There are songs of the sea that possess wave-like shapes and the poise associated with the regular beating of oars. There are songs from the mountains, which are full of irregular meters and phrase lengths. Finally, there are songs from the plains, notable for their sustained tones and ribbon-like melodies that turn about the dominant. In addition, there are a host of songs of an improvised nature that are associated with all manner of secular tasks related to work and play (Jaegerhuber 1943). Although these categories may appear fanciful, for the most part, they are nevertheless important in understanding a manner in which this musical heritage was being appreciated at this time.

Despite the respect for this music and the sensitive attention to detail that he displays in its notation, analysis, and commentaries, Jaegerhuber's research reveals his struggle to come to terms with a music that, in its strangeness, proves at once to evanesce when committed to paper and yet compels him to try again to achieve a greater understanding. In reading the commentaries, we become aware that by invoking his knowledge of the Greek modal system and the heritage of the Gregorian chant, he reveals the few theoretical models at his disposal for understanding this alien culture just outside his door. His speculations are in some cases penetrating in their depth or are merely imaginative flights. His musical analysis is necessarily alien to the culture that inspired the melodies he admires, and thus it reveals more about his musical education in turn-of-the-century Germany than it does about the attitudes of the practitioners of voodoo. His interest in knowing more is forever evident as he cites numerous works by various scholars of his and earlier generations who also took an active interest in the musical culture of Africa. In sum, we have an eager student standing before a field that had long been ignored and denigrated by the bourgeois society of which he was a part. The ethnographic research that he undertook was a bold step in the creation of an art that was to be rooted in this soil. As he expressed it, "It is good, in order to learn the soul of a people, to return to its origins, to take the streetcar that leads us up to the present. I nourish the hope that there will soon be a Haitian Art born of the same roots of the old tree which, deriving sustenance itself from the same good soil, will bear its fruits in the future" (Jaegerhuber 1943, 55).

It is to this art, his voodoo songs, that we now turn. It was noted that the transformation of the ethnographic material into art songs was undertaken in steps. With one exception ("Onimba"), these songs were based entirely on the ethnographic material carefully gathered and analyzed. It is evident that for this ethnographic material to serve as the basis for a collection of art songs, it would have to undergo a process of development whereby Jaegerhuber's conservatory training would be applied. What must now be assessed is the degree to which Jaegerhuber is faithful to his source, given his ambition to fashion works of comparable merit and interest to the great tradition of art songs. A measure must be taken to judge the distance between his source material and the path in which his imagination compelled him to move to achieve his artistic goal.

Of fundamental concern is the pitch in which these songs are written. In Table 4, the original range of the ethnographic melody is compared to that in the "Offrandes Vaudouesques." The chart reveals that the majority of the melodies retain their original pitch when they reappear in the song collection. Only six songs have changed pitch, with an even split between higher and lower pitched songs. Generally, the most common range for a melody is an octave. At their broadest, the melodies notated by Jaegerhuber extend for an octave and fifth (nos. 16 and 24). The pitch content of the melodies is mostly consistent with the Ionian, Dorian, or Aeolian modes. Jaegerhuber asserts the importance of pentatonic scales in some cases. Table 4 also demonstrates that, in this first attempt at converting the ethnographic material into art songs, he largely retains all of his material as he notated it.

Table 5 compares the original pitch of seven melodies in the ethnographic research to the pitch of the six songs that were published in the Complaintes Hai'tiennes. Here we recognize that Jaegerhuber conceived these songs for a much higher voice, since approximately half of the melodies are pitched a fourth above their original notation. However, even in a song such as "Erzulie Malade," which presents the melody at the same pitch, Jaegerhuber's elaboration of the melody extends the vocal part upward to [g.sup.1]. A similar extension to [g.sup.1] also occurs in "Erzili e" (E.R., no. 12), the second melody of this first song, belying the fact that "Erzili e" is presented in a lowered transposition. In raising the pitch of these melodies, Jaegerhuber is placing them into the tessitura of a cultivated soprano voice. This particular accommodation is the first of many that moves these melodies out of their original context in voodoo ceremonies and into the concert halls, wherein Jaegerhuber intended them to be performed.

In the text setting of his art song versions of these melodies, Jaegerhuber retains all the sensitivity to the shifting agogic stress displayed in his ethnographic study. It is not uncommon that the meter will change one or more times in any given song. The syllabic text setting found in the ethnographic melodies is also retained in his song settings. What is absent is any reference to glissandi or apportamenti that Jaegerhuber noted in some of the melodies. He does, however, take advantage of the higher-pitched voice intended for the Complaintes Hai'tiennes by sustaining the voice on longer note values and introducing a brief melismatic flourish in the first song, "Erzulie Malades." The Complaintes Hai'tiennes promotes a more varied use of the voice, ranging in style from a lyrical cantabile to forceful declamation. In general, these songs display musical characteristics that are aesthetically closer to the world of European art songs, even though they are rooted in the tradition of voodoo.

Given Jaegerhuber's evident interest in assembling a collection of authentic melodies and the length of time he labored in doing so, his settings of these melodies may at first seem a contradiction because he does not strictly adhere to them. Their transposition to a higher pitch is only the first transformation that they undergo. Destined to be sung by a trained soprano voice, these melodies also undergo elaborations through repetition and motivic development.

The very first melody of the ethnographic research, identified by Jaegerhuber as a chanson clef, presents an interesting example of how he retains all of his researched material but creates his own song out of a skillful rearrangement of the elements that constitute the melody. "Erzulie" is eight measures in length if we ignore, for the moment, the direction to repeat the final two measures many times (see Ex. 1). From this eight-measure strand, Jaegerhuber creates a song of twenty-one measures. Table 6 illustrates the contents of the song version, O.V., no. 19, by reference to the measure numbers that designate the contents of the melody in the ethnographic research E.R., no. 1. It reveals the presence of a tripartite song, ABB' in form. Jaegerhuber provides a single chord in the piano accompaniment to serve as an introduction to section A. The opening three measures of the melody are presented in the song version. However, in measure four of the song, he retains the first two beats of measure three of the melody but ends the measure with the last two beats of measure six. This fusion of measures three and six of the melody comes at the expense of its fourth and fifth measures, which Jaegerhuber has avoided. He then proceeds to measures seven and eight of the melody to end section A of the song. Section B presents the material of the first seven measures of the melody in the correct order; however, in measure eight of the song, Jaegerhuber fuses the material of measures two and three of the melody, extracting elements of both and condensing them into one measure. Section B', measures thirteen and fourteen, contains the only original material contributed by Jaegerhuber, a modest five-note phrase that takes the place of measures one and two of the melody. Following this elliptical insertion, we hear again the remaining material of the melody in the correct order for the second time. To end the song, Jaegerhuber does not repeat the final two measures of the melody as found in the ethnographic research but repeats measure eight, the final measure, three times.

The considerable reworking of the melody described in the analysis of "Erzulie" (O.V., no. 19) is in contrast to the simpler arrangements of the two song settings of "Marassa' (E.R., no. 20). In the first of these settings (O.V., no. 24), the melody is presented in much the same manner as the ethnographic version (see Table 7). What first distinguishes this song version is its six-measure piano introduction (section A), which consists of all the melody except its third measure. In addition, Jaegerhuber begins the first measure of the song by providing new material on beats one and two, which he then links to the pick-up to the first measure of the melody on the second measure of the piano introduction. Following the introduction, measures 1-6 of the melody is heard (section B). Section C presents one further alteration. It too is six measures long, as in the ethnographic source; however, Jaegerhuber chooses to begin the repetition from measure 7 rather than measure 3 of the melody. With these two alterations, Jaegerhuber has crafted a balanced and symmetrical structure in his song version, where the twelve measures of the combined introduction and opening of the song (sections A and B)are balanced by the twelve measures of the repeated refrain (section C).

The second setting of this melody, "Marassa e iou" (C.H., no. 6) is a considerable augmentation of the same material, creating a song of forty-three measures as compared to the thirteen measures of the original melody (E.R., no. 20) and the twenty-four measures of the first setting (O.V., no. 24). In this second version of the song, Jaegerhuber retains the first seven measures of the melody (mm. 1-8) as part of his piano introduction. To this, he adds a two-measure extension consisting of a sung portion of a variation based on the melody's refrain (mm. 9-10) before he begins the twelve measures of the melody proper (mm. 11-22). From measures twenty-three to thirty, he invents a further elaboration of the refrain that acts as a bridge leading to the repetition of the twelve-measure melody beginning in measure thirty-one. In all, Jaegerhuber has achieved another well-balanced structure: sections A (10 m.) and C (8 m.) of the song are approximately the same length. These sections frame the appearance of the original melody (B), presented here as a twelve-measure unit.

A third important element that completes the transformation of these folk melodies into art songs is the piano accompaniments. Their most common characteristic is the modest technical means required to play them, which has the effect of placing the voice in relief. A prominent feature of the accompaniments is the use of ostinatos in either the right or left hand. Ten of the songs' accompaniments in the "Offrandes Vaudouesques" (nos. 1, 4, 6, 9, 10, 15, 16, 18, 20, and 23) rely on this feature. Some examples of ostinatos are in the songs "Vevelo" and "Vling sou vling." The first of these two examples features a very attractive, right-hand ostinato figure consisting of parallel fourths (see Ex. 4). In other instances, a propulsive left-hand ostinato is suggestive of a drumming pattern. In Example 5, Jaegerhuber seems to be writing two drumming patterns, indicated by the stem positions. The lower pattern, consisting of two quarter notes and an eighth note, is overlaid by a second, faster pattern consisting of five eighth notes. What Jaegerhuber is pointing out with this notation of the bass ostinato is the necessity to stress the first, third, and fifth beats of the measure.

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In the Complaintes Hai'tiennes, only two songs employ ostinato figures, "Erzuli Malade" and "Gros Loa Moin." It is interesting to note, however, that while we encounter ostinato figures in the previous settings of the melodies in the "Offrandes Voudouesques," here, in the Complaintes Hai'tiennes, Jaegerhuber invents a new ostinato figure for each. Example 6 demonstrates this by showing the two settings of "Erzulie malade" (E.R., no. 13) where the ostinato for its setting as O.V., no. 22, differs from its setting as C.H., no. 1.

With the exception of just two songs--"Vling sou vling" (no. 9) and "Marassa" (no. 24)--the remaining songs in the "Offrandes Vaudouesques" have only the briefest of introductions, consisting of one or two measures. A similar situation is found in the Complaintes Haitiennes, where only "Marassa e iou" (no. 6) and "M'Ague ta Royo" (no. 2) benefit from lengthy introductions. In the latter case, Jaegerhuber himself did not provide an introduction; rather, the artists who interpreted this song devised an introduction, possibly with the consent of the composer, made up of the first twelve measures of the accompaniment. The point that must be emphasized is the restraint that is evident in the use of the piano. It is the voice that bears the burden of revealing the melody, while the piano accompaniment withdraws to a supporting function.

An exception to this observation is the remarkable accompaniment to the song "Onimba," where the voice and piano have a great equality (see Ex. 7). The song begins with a five-measure introduction, in which we hear an ostinato figure in the left hand. In the right hand, Jaegerhuber has placed the melody, which he has rhythmically displaced by one quarter note. When the voice is heard, beginning in measure five, it and the right hand of the piano begin a canonic dialogue with a free rhythmic displacement of the melody in the piano.

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The restraint that characterizes the setting of these songs is complemented by their harmonization. This aspect of his art is signaled to us by the fact that Jaegerhuber avoids the use of key signatures in all twenty-four melodies of the ethnographic research, in all but three of the twenty-four song settings (O.V., nos. 5, 9, and 11), and in all but one of the Complaintes Haitiennes (no. 6). This common feature of his music seems to suggest a diminished importance of tonal harmony; however, this conclusion would be incorrect, for even when, as in his string quartets or the opera Naissa, we experience a composer fully engaged in a rich chromatic idiom, we are always aware of his adherence to a conventional and accessible tonal language.

Given the modal nature of the melodies, we find Jaegerhuber responding in a number of ways to complement them. At one extreme, we encounter a static drone bass, as in the setting of the melody "Barre," where the perfect fifth, [D.sup.1]-[A.sup.1], presented to us in the form of an ostinato pattern, supports a right-hand accompaniment that either supplies D-minor chords or duplicates the vocal part (see Ex. 8).

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Many of the other songs in the collection feature a limited use of harmonic stasis such as "Gros loa moin" (O.V., no. 18). Some, like "Erzili oh" (O.V., no. 8) and "A Legba" (O.V., no. 1), employ a rhythmic ostinato that outlines a series of seventh chords that succeed each other. "A Legba" is a particularly striking example because Jaegerhuber principally relies on two chords to harmonize the song: a-c-e-g and f-a-c-e. While triadic harmony enriched with seventh and ninth chords is a feature of these songs, in "Missiye Ouezan" (O.V., no. 14) we encounter a song whose harmonic rhythm is among the most rapid and conventional in the collection (see Ex. 9).

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Jaegerhuber's use of a chromatic idiom to harmonize these songs is mostly limited to passing notes that act as an ornament to the harmonization. An exceptional occurrence of a chromatic approach to harmonization is to be found in the "Offrandes Vaudouesques" setting of "Dambala oh!" The melody that Jaegerhuber records in measures six and seven in the ethnographic research is elaborated through repetition and then enhanced by the ascending, chromatic bass line and interesting harmonies that begin in measure 9 of the song setting (see Ex. 10).

[ILLUSTRATION OMITTED]

Jaegerhuber's transformation of his ethnographic material into art songs, what I have termed his melodie vaudoo, marks an important turn in the musical culture of Haiti; they are the foundation of a nationalist school. In addition to this repertoire and other compositions that he based on his ethnographic material, Jaegerhuber contributed to the development of a nationalist school in Haiti by founding performing organizations and the training of musicians. His success in these areas was compromised by his failing health and unforseen incidents that arose during the turbulent times in which he lived. The Haitian composer Robert Durand (1919-1995) was a witness to these events and provided a written account of these years (Durand 1977).

Durand came from a family of string players who played chamber music under the direction of their instructor, Charles Miot. When Jaegerhuber returned to Haiti in 1937, he found that Miot's quartet was the only performing ensemble available to play his chamber music. Two years of working with this ensemble of moderately talented players produced less-than-satisfying results. In 1939, there arrived some German refugees who could play string instruments. Remarkably enough, among them was Richard Einstein, the cousin of Albert Einstein, who played both viola and violin. The infusion of new talent motivated Jaegerhuber to found a musical society called Pro-Arte. Durand lists the executive committee members of the organization as follows.

Werner Jaegerhuber   President             Piano, Organ,
                                             Conductor, Composer

Richard Einstein     Vice-President        Violin, Viola
Valerio Canez        Vice-President        Violin
Weber Turnier        Secretary             Violin
Robert Durand        Treasurer-Archivist   Cello

The remaining members of the society were as follows.

Madame Valerio Canez        Soprano
Madame Werner Jaegerhuber   Violin
Gaston Durand               Violin
Elvire Roth                 Violin
Auguste Durand              Viola
Marie-Therese Bastien       Cello
Madame Jeanne Decastro      Piano
Lionel Roth                 Piano
Amilcar Cauvin              Flute

In addition to these, a number of honorary members were included for their financial support.

Durand (1977, 2) recounts how their ambition took flight upon the founding of the society. Among the projects that formed part of their grand design was the proposition to the Department of Education for the founding of a National Conservatory of Music. According to Durand, in the composition classes "the students will be encouraged to conduct research into folklore and to utilize the material in the production of an artistic national music."

The period from the end of 1938 to the beginning of 1940 was a richly creative period for Jaegerhuber, during which he produced a number of chamber works. The list assembled by Durand and presented in Appendix A does not purport to be complete; it is indicative of the creative burst that followed the founding of the Pro-Arte and the promise that this society held for the future cultural life of Haiti. (Durand [1977, 1-6] includes vignettes depicting theory classes during which Jaegerhuber is busily composing a piece for him or his brother.) The climax of this activity was the concert given by the Pro-Arte society on November 30, 1939. The concert was such a great success that plans were quickly made for a second concert. Two unfortunate events occurred in rapid succession to derail these ambitions: Jaegerhuber was stricken with a sudden, incapacitating malady and Richard Einstein, Elvire Roth, and Lionel Roth all departed from Haiti. These occurences effectively brought the plans of the Pro-Arte society to a halt.

Partially paralyzed and, for a period, blind, Jaegerhuber had to accommodate for the fact that on his left side he could move only three fingers. When his malady subsided, Jaegerhuber began his last creative period, from 1951 to 1953. During this time, Jaegerhuber undertook the task, given him by the government of Haiti, of producing a concert to celebrate the one hundred fiftieth anniversary of the founding of the Republic, and he composed Messe Folklorique Haitienne, a work he would not hear performed. On May 4, 1953, he conducted the newly founded Pro-Musica orchestra in concert at the Pavillion Americain, where he also presented his students. Once again, according to Durand (1977, 3) hopes were raised that with this new musical organization a foundation was being laid for the long-awaited National Conservatory. But, struck with another embolism, Jaegerhuber died on May 20, 1953, in Petionville. At the time of his death, he was preparing an anthology of folksongs for the schools of Haiti.

Reactions to Jaegerhuber's death varied. Durand (1977, 5) was undeterred and continued to insist upon the creation of the conservatory until the President of the Republic promulgated a law establishing the institution on July 16, 1954. According to this law, the conservatory was to open its doors in January of 1955, thereby fulfilling an ambition sparked by Jaegerhuber. In New York, a remarkable concert dedicated to the works of Jaegerhuber was presented and broadcast in June of 1954. This Musical Salute from the Voice of the Republic of Haiti in New York to Haiti was performed by the National Orchestra Association under the direction of the American maestro Leon Barzin (Dumerve 1959). While these events took place some time after his death, Jaegerhuber's longtime collaborator, Dr. Maximilien, composed a long appreciative notice three days following his passing. Among his many observations is the following passage concerning the destiny of Jaegerhuber's works.

   Time and silence will at least repay the works of Jaegerhuber. It
   is by this that he is great, and it is by this that he merits the
   eternal remembrance of the Haitian people. For he has embellished
   the popular melodies of Haiti with all the necessary attributes for
   life and universality by having rendered them accessible to western
   ears and having offered them as an inspiration to the artists of the
   planet. He has achieved his deep musical education by his skill
   in serving the laws of harmony and counterpoint and also by his
   ethnographic understanding. Due to him works of classic dimensions
   were born from the popular songs of Haitians. (Maximilien 1953, 9)

These tributes indicate that the elite classes of Haiti had not relinquished their ambition to participate in a cosmopolitan culture. The founding of the conservatory held the promise of competent musical instruction on par with similar institutions in the West. The concert in New York attests to the confidence of the small artistic community of the Republic: Dumerve speaks approvingly when it is a foreign maestro and a foreign orchestra that produces the largest musical tribute for the composer at the behest of expatriate Haitians. Similarly, Maximilien looks well beyond the shores of his nation when he speaks of the destiny of Jaegerhuber's music. In his estimation, the merit of Jaegerhuber lies in his giving the popular melodies of Haiti "all the necessary attributes for life and universality." He applauds Jaegerhuber for "having rendered them as an inspiration to the artists of the planet." Furthermore, when Maximilien employs the word "classic" in his description of Jaegerhuber's works, he is evoking the cosmopolitan culture from which Lassegue, at the beginning of the century, attempted to retreat. The shock of the American occupation from 1915 to 1934 that had caused the Haitian elite to withdraw from their long-held cosmopolitan perspective also forced them into a stupendous act of creativity. It is perhaps a paradox that the national school that Jaegerhuber promoted with the creation of the Complaintes Haitiennes became the model by which Haitian composers subsequently participated in cosmopolitan culture once again. With these songs, Jaegerhuber provided an example of a distinctive voice of which Lassegue would have approved, given its technical competence and ambition.

An echo of that voice is heard in the tribute offered by Haitian poet Roussan Camille on the passing of Jaegerhuber. It captures extraordinary pairings of images that are surely unique to Haiti. In it, all is confluence: Jaegerhuber is eulogized in a French poem celebrating his hands that combine the flames of Africa with the power of Germany. The piano that he plays merges with the image of the conic drum of voodoo. Although he plays on a quiet Sunday, miraculous worlds are evoked that flow from love to war. In his "Simple chant pour un tres grand homme" ("Simple Song for a Very Great Man"), Camille gives witness to a rejuvenated art, a legacy attributed to the composer.

   Te souvient-il des dimanches
   ou ta main decorait le silence
   du profil miraculeux des mondes enclos dans le piano,
   et de la courbe des siecles d'amour,
   et du feu des jours de priere et de guerre
   qui veillent dans le tambour conique?
   Te souvient-il, o mon ami Werner?
   Vieux camarade aux doigts de flamme d'Afrique
   et de puissance d'Allemagne.

   Do you remember those Sundays
   where your hand ornamented the silence
   with the miraculous profile of worlds locked in the piano,
   and the shape of centuries of love,
   and the fire of the days of prayer and wars
   watched over by the conic drum?
   Do you remember, oh my friend Werner?
   Old comrade with the fiery fingers of Africa
   and the power of Germany. (Quoted in Dauphin 1983, 17)

Jaegerhuber's influence as a composer is already apparent in the list of interpretive artists mentioned above. A generation of musicians acquired their standards of excellence from his example and instruction (see App. B). His efforts as an educator bore fruit in the likes of such composers as Frantz Casseus (1916-93), Ferere Laguerre (1935-83), Robert Durand, and Edouard J. Wooley. In 1954, Laguerre founded a choral group called the Choeur Simidor, which he directed until 1959. Two other composers directly inspired by Jaegerhuber, Michel Dejean (1932-) and Electo Silva also founded separate performing organizations. Dejean founded the Choeur Michel Dejean in the 1950s and the Choeur Voix et Harmonies in the 1980s. All these groups performed harmonized versions of the musique populaire of Haiti. Silva is the choir director of the Universidad de Oriente in Cuba. This group is of a professional caliber and tours in Latin America and Europe. It has also produced recordings of choral arrangements of Jaegerhuber, Dejean, Laguerre, and also of its choral director, Silva. Other Haitian composers who were not his students but were touched by his example include Carmen Brouard (1909-), Claude Dauphin (1949-), and Amos Coulanges (1955-).

A return to a more cosmopolitan musical expression is found in the work of one of the last of Jaegerhuber's students, Serge Villedrouin (1940-). In his song "M'sie New York," Villedrouin has explored another aspect of the Haitian experience, which is centered in the large community of Haitians in diaspora. Born in Port-au-Prince, Villedrouin also studied at the Paris Conservatory and the Manhattan School of Music. He presently teaches at the Ecole Ste. Trinite in Port-au-Prince, which has the largest music school in the Republic, with a student body that approaches one thousand musicians at all stages of their development.

Throughout his career as a teacher and composer, Jaegerhuber had recourse to a source of inspiration that informed many of his most ambitious compositions. Until his death in 1953, he essentially spoke the musical language of his nation in the accents derived from both a French and German cultural heritage. In his own words, he regarded the cultural patrimony of Haitian voodoo melodies as deeply significant and linked to their African origins: "It plunges deeply into old symbolism, in magic and religion" (Jaegerhuber 1943, 53).

APPENDIX A

List of Compositions by Werner Jaegerhuber (Durand 1977, 1-6)

Crab O, Souffle vent       Female voice and string orchestra
Suite folklorique          String quartet in four movements:
                             1. Erzulie
                             2. Damballa
                             3. Interlude
                             4. Papa Simbi
Trio                       Two violins and cello (for Miot and the
                             Durand family)
Trio in C major            Two violins and cello (for the Durand
                             family)
Trio in D major            Two violins and cello (for the Durand
                             family)
An-nanse Oh                Voice and string quartet (based on a story
                             from Martinique)
Picola Sonatina [sic]      Violin, cello, and piano
Fugue for two voices       Viola and cello (based on Bach's "Wachet
                             auf, ruft uns die Stimme")
Phantasie, Pasacaille et   Piano and chamber orchestra
  Andante
Prelude                    Solo violin (for Valerio Canez)
Huits nocturnes            String quartet
Adagietto pur la           Two violins, viola, and two cellos
  mort d'une ami
Trio                       For strings in five movements
                             1. Moderato: A la fille d'Europe
                             2. Tempo di merengue [sic]: A la creole
                             3. Moderato: A la Negresse paysanne
                             4. Allegretto (avec coquetterie): A la
                             Negresse de la ville
                             5. Tempo di valse: Reminiscences
Trois Scenes Historiques   Cantata for four solo voices, SATB chorus,
                               string orchestra, winds, and percussion:
                             Scene 1: L'Arrive
                             Scene 2: L'Esclave
                             Scene 3: L'Homme Libre
Choralvorspiel             String quartet
Walzerlied                 Three voices (with a German text)
Benedictus, Villanelle     Voice and cello (based on the poetry of Jean
                             Passerat [1534-1602])
Nostalgie                  Voice and cello (based on the poem by Alfred
                             Musset)
Fugato "Viens donc         Voice and cello
  mon bien-aime"
Untitled work              Voice, trumpet, flute, and orchestra (with a
                             German text)
Trio                       For unspecified instrumentation: Andante and
                             Allegro? [sic] (intended for a marriage in
                             Petionville)

APPENDIX B

Select List of Compositions by Students of Werner Jaegerhuber

Frantz Casseus      Chants folklorique      Guitar and voice
                      1. Nan Guinin
                      2. Nan fond bois
                      3. Assoto
                    Danse de Hounsies       Guitar
                    Suite (Congo et Rara)   Guitar
                    Suite Haitienne         Guitar
                      1. Petro
                      2. Yabvalloux
                      3. Mascaron
                      4. Coumbite
Michel Dejean       Suite Folklorique       Two pianos
                    Guede Nibo              Five-part choral
                                              arrangement
Robert Durand       Quatuor no. 1           String quartet (This
                                              quartet cites a num-
                                              ber of Haitian mel-
                                              odies. It also
                                              includes a move-
                                              ment of 5/8 time
                                              based on a
                                              merengue rhythm.)
                    Air ancien              Piano (Based on
                                              melodies supposed-
                                              ly dating from the
                                              1790s and collected
                                              by Jude Villard.
                                              Durand arranged
                                              them in the form of
                                              a merengue.)
Ferere Laguerre     Damballah e             SATB choir
                    Feuille o               SATB choir
                    Insel badjo from        Piano
                      Suite enfantine
Electo Silva        Angelique oh!           Four-part choral
                                              arrangement
Serge Villedrouin   Ballade sur la baie     Two pianos
                      de Port-au-Prince
                    M'sie New York          Voice and piano
                                              (text by composer)
                    Antilles                Voice and piano (text
                                              by Carl Brouard)
Edouard J. Wooley   Sous les Palmiers       Suite in four move-
                      1. Danse                ments for violin and
                      2. Reverie              piano
                      3. La Creole
                      4. La Mazoumbelle

Table 1. List of sources for melodies found in Jaegerhuber's
Ethnographic Research (1937-45)

Title                 Date transcribed        Name of source

1. Erzulie            November 1942           Libera Bordereaux
2. Moin tande         November 1942           Libera Bordereaux
   gninoun cannon
3. Papa Simbi         1937                    Lina Fussmann
                                                Mathon
4. Agoue              October 1941            Rene Victor
5. C'est jodi moin    October 1941            Madame Valerio Canez
6. Gros loa moin      November 1937           Libera Bordereaux
                      Verified, April 1945    Irma Jean-Baptiste
7. Yo oue bomiocoue   November 20, 1943       Anna Nau
8. Missi ye ouezan    November 20, 1943       Anna Nau
9. Boucle noue        November 20, 1943       Anna Nau
10. A Legba           November 20, 1943       Anna Nau
11. Erzili oh         October 1938            Rose Brime
12. Erzili e          October 1938            Rose Brime
13. Erzulie malade    November 1937           Libera Bordereaux
                      Verified, July 1945     Anna Nau
14. Sole oh           November 1937           Libera Bordereaux
                      Verified, April 1945    Irma Jean-Baptiste
15. Dambala oh        November 1937           Libera Bordereaux
                      Verified, June 1945     Rose Brime
16. Vling sou vling   Cote Plage *            Valerio Canez
                      Verified, June 1945     Rose Brime
17. Barre             September 1942          Axile Temoin
                                                Boutilier
                      Verified, July 1945     Michele Lafor
18. Laza oh           July 1945               Dr. Louis Mars
19. Vevelo            January 1945            Valerio Canez
                      Verified, April 1945    Carmen Lalame
20. Marassa           November 1937           Libera Bordereaux
                      Verified, August 1945   Julien Andre
21. Guede Zaregne     February 1945           Irma Jean-Baptiste
22. Guede Nibo        June 1945               Irma Jean-Baptiste
23. Sibaoh            July 1945               Dr. Louis Maximilen
24. Erzuli ca         Cote Plage *            Madame Canez
                      Verified, July 1945     Anna Nau

* Cote Plage is a reference to the type of song found on the
"sea coast," according to Jaegerhuber's song classification.

Table 2. Cross-index of song titles, Ethnographic Research (E.R.)
(1937-45) and "Offrandes Vaudouesques" (O.V.) (n.d.)

Songs listed          Number that   Songs listed         Number that
in the E.R.           they appear   in the O.V.          they appear
                      in the O.V.                        in the E.R.

1. Erzuli                 19        1. A Legba               10
2. Moin tande
   gninoun cannon          4        2. Boucle noue            9
3. Papa Simbi             17        3. Agoue Taroyo           4
4. Agoue                   3        4. Moin tende youn        2
                                       canno
5. C'est jodi moin         5        5. C'est jodi moin        5
                                       lan lanme
6. Gros loa moin          18        6. Sole oh               14
7. Yo oue bomiocoue       13        7. Sibaoh                23
8. Missi ye ouezan        14        8. Erzili oh             11
9. Boucle noue             2        9. Vling sou vling       16
10. A Legba                1        10. Barre                17
11. Erzili oh              8        11. Laza oh!             18
12. Erzili e              23        12. Dambala oh!          15
13. Erzulie malade        22        13. Yo oue bo mio         7
                                        coue
14. Sole oh                6        14. Missiye Ouezan        8
15. Dambala oh            12        15. Onimba               --
16. Vling sou vling        9        16. Vevelo               19
17. Barre                 10        17. Simbi                 3
18. Laza oh               11        18. Gros loa moin         6
19. Vevelo                16        19. Erzulie               1
20. Marassa               16        20. Guede Nibo           22
21. Guede Zaregne         21        21. Guede zareigne       21
22. Guede Nibo            20        22. Erzulie malade       13
23. Sibaoh                 7        23. Erzulie eh!          12
24. Erzuli ca             --        24. Marassa              20

Table 3. Table of contents, Complaintes Ha'itiennes (1950)

1. Erzulie Malade
2. M'Ague Ta Royo
3. Invocation a Dambala
4. Gros Loa Moin
5. Erzulie Oh! Erzulie Sa!
6. Marassa e iou

Table 4. Comparison of pitches between melodies in Jaegerhuber's
Ethnographic Research (E.R.) (1937-45) and "Offrandes Vaudouesques"
(O.V.) (n.d.)

                                              Pitch of songs in
Title of melodies in the E.R.   Range         the O.V.

1. Erzulie                      C-[c.sup.1]   same pitch
2. Moin tande gninoun           G-[c.sup.1]   same pitch
   cannon
3. Papa Simbi                   B-[d.sup.1]   down whole step
4. Agoue                        A-a           same pitch
5. C'est jodi moin              A-[c.sup.1]   up minor third
6. Gros loa moin                C-[d.sup.1]   same pitch
7. Yo oue bomiocoue             G-[c.sup.1]   same pitch
8. Missi ye ouezan              C-[e.sup.1]   up minor third
9. Boucle noue                  c-[d.sup.1]   down whole step
10. A Legba                     d-c           same pitch
11. Erzili oh                   C-[d.sup.1]   same pitch
12. Erzili e                    e-[e.sup.1]   same pitch
13. Erzulie malade              d-[e.sup.1]   same pitch
14. Sole oh                     c-[c.sup.1]   same pitch
15. Dambala oh                  G-a           same pitch
16. Vling sou vling             B-[f.sup.1]   down whole step
17. Barre                       d-[d.sup.1]   same pitch
18. Laza oh                     A-[d.sup.1]   up whole step
19. Vevelo                      C-[c.sup.1]   same pitch
20. Marassa                     B-[c.sup.1]   same pitch
21. Guede Zaregne               A-[d.sup.1]   same pitch
22. Guede Nibo                  e-[e.sup.1]   same pitch
23. Sibaoh                      G-[c.sup.1]   same pitch
24. Erzuli ca                   C-[g.sup.1]   (not found in O.V.)

Table 5. Comparison of pitches between selected melodies in
Jaegerhuber's Ethnographic Research (E.R.) (1937-45) and Complaintes
Haitiennes (C.H.) (1950)

E.R.             Range         C.H.

4. Agoue         A-a           2. M'Ague ta
                                  Royo
6. Gros loa      c-[d.sup.1]   4. Gros Loa Moin
   moin
12. Erzili e     e-[e.sup.1]   1. Erzulie Malade
13. Erzulie      d-[e.sup.1]   1. Erzulie Malade
   malade
15. Dambala oh   G-a           3. Invocation a
                               Dambala
20. Marassa      B-[c.sup.1]   6. Marassa e iou
24. Erzuli ca    c-[g.sup.1]   5. Erzulie Oh!
                                  Erzulie Sa!

E.R.             Range         Pitch change

4. Agoue         d-[f.sup.1]   Up a perfect
                                 fourth
6. Gros loa      g-[g.sup.1]   Up a perfect
   moin                          fourth
12. Erzili e     d-[g.sup.1]   Down one
                                 whole step
13. Erzulie      d-[g.sup.1]   Same pitch
   malade
15. Dambala oh   c-[f.sup.1]   Up a perfect
                                 fourth
20. Marassa      B-[g.sup.1]   Up a perfect
                                 fourth
24. Erzuli ca    c-[g.sup.1]   Same pitch

Table 6. Comparison of the structure of "Erzulie," no. 1 in
Ethnographic Research (E.R.) (1937-45) and no. 19 in "Offrandes
Vaudouesques" (O.V.) (n.d.)

"Erzulie," E.R., no. 1

Melodic content by measures: | 1 | 2 | 3 | 4 | 5 | 6 [??] 7 | 8[??]

"Erzulie," O.V., no. 19

                 A
Melodic content: | Intro. | 1 | 2 | 3 and 6 | 7 | 8 and Intro. |
Mm.                  1      2   3      4      5        6

                 B
Melodic content: | 1 | 2 and 3 | 4 | 5 | 6 | 7 |
Mm.                7      8      9   10  11  12

                 B'
Melodic content: | 8 and new | new and 3 | 4 | 5 | 6 | 7 | 8 | 8 | 8 ||
Mm.                   13         14        15  16  17  18  19  20  21

Table 7. Comparison of the structure of "Marassa," no. 20 in
Ethnographic Research (1937-45), no. 24 in "Offrandes Vaudouesques'
(O.V.) (n.d.), and no. 6 in Complaintes Haitiennes (C.H.) (1950)

"Marassa," E.R., no. 20

                                                    Fine
Melodic content by measure: | 1 | 2 | 3 | 4 | 5 | 6 | 7 | 8 [??]

"Marassa," O.V., no. 24

                 A: Piano intro.
Melodic content: | New | 1 | 2 | 4 | 5 | 6 |
Mm.                1     2   3   4   5   6

                 B: Melody
Melodic content: | 1 | 2 | 3 | 4 | 5 | 6 |
Mm.                7   8   9  10  11  12

                 C: Refrain               Fine
Melodic content: [??]  7 | 8 | 3 | 4 | 5 | 6 [??]
Mm.                  13  14  15  16  17  18

"Marassa e iou," C.H., no. 6

                 A: Piano intro.             Refrain variation
Melodic content: | New | 1 | 2 | 3 | 4 | 5 | 6 | 7 | * | * |
Mm.                1     2   3   4   5   6   7   8   9   10

                 B: Melody
Melodic content: | 1 | 2 | 3 | 4 | 5 | 6 | 7 | 8 | 3 | 4 | 5 | 6 |
Mm.                11  12  13  14  15  16  17  18  19  20  21  22

                 C: Refrain variation
Melodic content: | * | * | * | * | * | * | * | * |
Mm.               23  24  25  26  27  28  29  30

                 B: Melody                                     Fine
Melodic content: | 1 | 2 | 3 | 4 | 5 | 6 | 7 | 8 | 9 | 4 | 5 | 6 [??]
Mm.               31  32  33  34  35  36  37  38  39  40  41  42

(1.) The definition of the movement in music commonly called nationalism has been undertaken by many music historians of the nineteenth and twentieth centuries. As a point of reference for this essay, I will adopt the definition found in the New Harvard Dictionary of Music (Randel 1986) without neglecting the ample treatment of the term by other historians.

(2.) On the title page of this document, presented to me by Dr. Claude Dauphin, is the following caption: "This book, which is now out of print, was recopied by Claude Dauphin from the sole remaining copy in the New York Public Library during August of 1976. A photocopy was refused due to the antiquity of the book and the fragile state of the paper." (This and all French translations are mine.)

(3.) The inclusion of this second "Air de Petro" arose from Menes' observation that all of the voodoo melodies he knew had asymmetric phrase structures, whereas this example is exceptional due to its symmetrical, quaternary phrases.

(4.) According to Waltraud Grohs-Paul (1985), Libera Bordereaux was a native of Leogane and a descendent of a family of voodoo priests or Houngan. She was the principal source for Harold Courlander's book Haiti Singing (1939) and a significant contributor to Jaegerhuber's collection.

(5.) Professor Claude Dauphin (2000a) has provided a remarkable etymology for the name of this goddess whose full name is Erzuli Freda Dahomey. Noting that the spelling is similar to the German Herzeleid (heart of sorrow), a spelling that is in part retained by Jaegerhuber and Maximilien when they refer to the goddess as Herzuli, Dauphin surmised that this name is also the name of the mother of Parsifal and is related to one of the traditional names for the Virgin Mary, which in Latin is Mater Dolorosa (Mother of Sorrows). Indeed, Luke 2:35 states that an arrow would pierce the heart of the Virgin, referring to her sorrow at the death of her son. Significantly, the veve, or symbolic representation used in voodoo ceremonies and associated with the goddess, consists of two elements: a heart over which is inscribed the letter M. In this analysis, we see the complicated interplay of African and Christian theologies and their symbolic representations.

(6.) The practice of voodoo was finally legalized in 1946.

(7.) A common problem associated with Haitian studies is the variety of spellings that one encounters when dealing with Haitian Creole. Even Jaegerhuber will vary the spelling of his texts. Some stability in the orthography of the language has developed recently, due to the efforts of many scholars. The largest Haitian-English dictionary to date was edited by Bryant C. Freeman and Jowel Laguerre (2000). In this article, I have retained the variety of spellings since this properly reflects the practice of the time. For example, Ague, Agoue, Agoue Taroyo, Agoue ta Royo, and Ague Royo are all possible variations on a name that can be found in the manuscripts.

(8.) The second edition did not have an official editor. Roger E. Savain, at that time the Director of L'Agence Haitienne de Musique, is the probable editor and publisher. In this edition, the dedication to Madame Canez was removed and the three essays inserted. Again, I should like to acknowledge the contribution of Professor Claude Dauphin for this information (Dauphin 1999).

(9.) Bishop Jean-Marie Paul Robert of Les Gonaives was one of the principal supporters of the antisuperstition campaigns.

(10.) A more recent expression of the centrality of music in the Catholic liturgy is found in Ratzinger (1996). While Cardinal Ratzinger maintains certain principled objections to the suitability of contemporary rock and pop idioms, which he considers to be inappropriate for anthropological reasons, he is open to the adoption of music originating in the life of folk cultures such as we find in Haiti. In this, he echoes the doctrine of semini verbi, where a toleration for existing cultural practice is encouraged. The origin of this doctrine stems from the writings of Clement of Alexandria (150?-220? A.D.), who, in his Exhortation to the Greeks, maintains that conversion to Christianity does not entail the abandonment of the best of one's culture.

(11.) "Offrandes Vaudouesques" is the title given this collection by Claude Dauphin of the Societe de Recherche et de Diffusion de la Musique Haitienne. Jaegerhuber does not give a title for this collection.

(12.) Professor Claude Dauphin worked with these artists for a recording of these songs for the Collection of the Societe de Recherche et de Diffusion de la Musique Ha'itienne.

(13.) Harold Courlander also made sound recordings of these melodies, which were eventually transcribed for publication by Mieczlaw Kolinski (Courlander 1939); but Jaegerhuber's research notated these melodies directly from the source.

(14.) The published version (Grohs-Paul 1985) lacks a number of important features that are to be found in the manuscript. These include the graphic analysis above the melodies, the list of secondary sources for many of these melodies, and the second version of the melody "Dambala oh" (no. 15) in 3/8.

(15.) For his detailed treatment of the issues, see Jaegerhuber (1943; 1948) and Jaegerhuber and Maximilien (1944).

(16.) Lamothe acknowledged the observations of others that in voodoo drumming there existed the predominance of metrical patterns of five beats, with the accent occurring on the fourth and a syncopated grace note between beats two and three. He was quick to point out that other patterns also existed.

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