Kissinger: cover-up king; hailed by President Bush as a respected public servant, Henry Kissinger has actually been the faithful servant of a corrupt international elite bent on total power. (Cover Story: Conspiracy).

Only by exhuming and reanimating Earl Warren could President Bush have made his intentions clearer. Warren's stewardship over the notorious independent commission to investigate the JFK assassination made his name forever synonymous with "cover-up." By selecting Henry Kissinger to head another independent commission to investigate 9-11, Mr. Bush unmistakably intends for that commission to be the graveyard of any useful inquiry into that atrocity.

In announcing Kissinger's appointment on November 27th, the president described him as "one of our nation's most accomplished and respected public servants." Mr. Bush also explained that the commission's purpose would be to "help me and future Presidents to understand the methods of America's enemies and the nature of the threats we face." That Kissinger understands the methods of our enemies is beyond dispute. As we shall show, he has made a career out of advancing our enemies' interests at our nation's expense.

The most dangerous of those enemies is the corrupt, entrenched international power elite that snatched Kissinger from obscurity and eventually elevated him to his present exalted status as the international power broker par excellence. Far from being independent of that elite, Kissinger is its creation and one of its most prominent representatives. His career is devoid of any evidence of patriotism or even a lasting attachment to our nation; it is instead a testament to the corrupt ambition of an individual who has profited immensely from doing the bidding of those who seek power at any price.

Power Over Patriotism

A small but significant symbolic glimpse of Kissinger's perspective on the world was offered by an incident that took place during the 2000 Summer Olympics in Sydney, Australia.

The super-heavyweight gold medal match in Greco-Roman wrestling pitted three-time Russian gold medalist Alexander Karelin against the previously unknown American wrestler Rulon Gardner. Undefeated in international competition, Karelin had not so much as surrendered a point in a decade. Regarded by most experts as the greatest wrestler in modem history, Karelin took the mat in Sydney as the overwhelming favorite to win a record-breaking fourth gold medal.

Anticipation of Karelin's historic triumph attracted an unusually large crowd to the match. International Olympic Committee (IOC) Chairman Juan Samaranch was on hand to place the gold medal around Karelin's neck. And seated next to Samaranch was LOC member Henry Kissinger, eager to bask in the Russian wrestler's reflected glory.

However, Rulon Gardner wasn't content to follow the established script. After battling the massive Russian to a draw in regulation, Gardner scored a solitary point in overtime to claim an upset victory all but unprecedented in Olympic annals. Although the press did not report Kissinger's reaction, Gardner pointedly noted in a post-match interview that "Henry Kissinger was here to see him" -- meaning the Russian wrestler, Karelin. It wasn't a patriotic impulse to cheer on the U.S. competitor that prompted the former U.S. national security adviser and secretary of state to attend the match; he simply assumed that the Russian's victory was inevitable and wanted to participate in his triumph.

Kissinger's career as an academic, arms control specialist, and diplomat has been colored with a much deadlier version of the fatalism he displayed in Sydney. One of his persistent themes has been the supposed necessity for the United States to renounce its independence, accommodate insurgent totalitarian powers, and become comfortably merged into a new global order.

"The self-sufficient nation-state is breaking down," wrote Kissinger in his 1960 book The Necessity of Choice, in which he urged that the United States take the lead in "creating federal institutions comprising the entire North Atlantic community" as part of a new global order. Dealing with the threat posed by the Soviet Bloc required the "delegation of sovereignty" to international bodies, he continued. It was America's duty, Kissinger asserted, to "summon the initiative and imagination to show the way to a new international order."

At the time he was writing The Necessity of Choice, Kissinger was deeply involved in the so-called "Pugwash Conferences," a series of annual meetings between U.S. and Soviet scientists to discuss strategic disarmament. The Pugwash events (formally entitled "Joint Conferences on Science and World Affairs") were organized by Cyrus Eaton, a notorious Soviet apologist and former personal secretary to John D. Rockefeller. Pugwash Conferences in 1959 and 1960 played a significant role in shaping the Freedom From War blueprint for "general and complete disarmament" unveiled in a 1961 address to the United Nations by John F. Kennedy. That notorious initiative (which has been partly implemented, and remains U.S. government policy) outlines a three-stage program for eventually disarming all nations -- including the U.S. -- and creating a globe-spanning UN "peace force."

The 1962 follow-up to Freedom From War, entitled Blueprint for the Peace Race, led to the creation of the Arms Control and Disarmament Agency (ACDA). This agency had the specific mandate of bringing about "the total elimination of all armed forces and armaments except those needed to maintain internal order and furnish the United Nations with peace forces...." Kissinger was appointed to a position with the ACDA shortly after its creation, meaning that his career as a "public servant" began in an agency committed to surrendering U.S. sovereignty to the UN.

Insider Pedigree

Born in Germany in 1923, Kissinger and his family fled Nazi Germany for the United States in 1938. During World War II, Kissinger became a counter-intelligence specialist and served as the military administrator of a small German village after the war. After enrolling in Harvard, Kissinger was awarded a grant from the Rockefeller Foundation Fellowship for Political Theory, which helped finance his undergraduate degree. While working on his master's degree, Kissinger became executive director of the Harvard International Seminar, a CIA-funded student exchange program. After finishing his Ph.D., Kissinger was welcomed into the Council on Foreign Relations, the most visible organ of the partially submerged international power elite. By the mid-1960s, Kissinger had become Nelson Rockefeller's protege; indeed, one critical biography describes Kissinger -- with ample justification -- as a wholly owned subsidiary of "the House of Rockefeller."

In their 1975 expose Kissinger on the Couch, Admiral Chester Ward (himself a former CFR member) and Phyllis Schlafly explained that the elitists who facilitated Kissinger's ascent "have one objective in common: they want to bring about the surrender of the sovereignty and independence of the United States." One of this covert network's strategies is "the unilateral strategic disarmament of the United States down to the point at which we would be helpless" against insurgent totalitarian powers. "The elitist cliques calculate that such a posture would provide an irresistible incentive for us to join a global government before we were forced to surrender," Ward and Schlafly observed.

Confirmation that this subversive strategy is being followed can be found in the federally funded 1962 report A World Effectively Controlled by the United Nations, compiled by MIT Professor (and CFR member) Lincoln P. Bloomfield on behalf of the State Department. The "central dilemma of world politics today," observed Bloomfield, was that "given a continuation unabated of communist dynamism, the subordination of states to a true world government appears impossible; but if the communist dynamic were greatly abated, the West might well lose whatever incentive it has for world government."

"[I]f the communists would agree," continued Bloomfield in this official policy study, "the West would favor 'a world effectively controlled by the United Nations.' The remaining question is then how to transform and tame the forces of communism, in any event to the point where the present international system might be radically reshaped."

In short, victory over Communism was not an option. Instead, it would be kept alive to goad the West into global government, but also domesticated, kept on a leash, and made suitable for convergence with the West as part of a new world order.

This grand design behind U.S. foreign policy dictated the course pursued by Kissinger as national security adviser and secretary of state during the Nixon and Ford administrations. As the chief architect of detente between the U.S. and the Soviet Union, Kissinger drafted the first Strategic Arms Limitation Treaty (SALT), a pact which (on paper) gave the Soviets a strategic advantage in nuclear weaponry. Kissinger orchestrated countless credit and technology transfers to the Soviet Union. This included a massive 1972 taxpayer-subsidized grain sale that propped up the moribund Soviet agricultural system and caused a drastic spike in food prices for American consumers.

It was Kissinger's secret diplomacy in 1971 that led to the opening of diplomatic relations with Communist China, ruled at the time by the incomparably murderous regime of Mao Tse-tung. This required betraying the anti-Communist Republic of China on Taiwan, which was evicted from the UN and the UN Security Council in favor of the Beijing regime. Kissinger also created the "one-China" policy, which assumes that Taiwan will eventually reunify with mainland China under the rule of the Chinese Communist Party (CCP).

Kissinger's consistent course was to aggrandize Communist powers at the expense of U.S. influence, while simultaneously enhancing the power of the UN and its subsidiaries. In a 1976 San Francisco Chronicle column, Admiral Elmo Zumwalt Jr., the former chief of naval operations, recalled conversations he had with Kissinger six years earlier. Kissinger "feels the U.S. has passed its historic high point like so many other civilizations," wrote Admiral Zumwalt. "He believes the U.S. is on the downhill.... He states that his job is to persuade the Russians to give us the best deal we can get, recognizing that the historical forces favor them. He says that in the light of history, he will be recognized as one of those who negotiated terms favorable to the Soviets, but that the American people have only themselves to blame because they lack the stamina to stay the course against the Russians...."

From this perspective, Soviet victory in the Cold War was as much a foregone conclusion as Karelin's gold medal victory over Rulon Gardner. A superficial reading of intervening history would suggest that the U.S. achieved a Gardner-esque upset victory over Communism with the break-up of the Soviet Bloc during the years 1989-1992. But it is important to recognize that the Communist Bloc's power largely resulted from the diligent support -- in the form of aid, trade, and concessions -- provided by the globalist elite Kissinger represented. Absent such a manufactured threat, as Bloornfield noted, America would have little incentive to participate in multilateral organizations -- such as NATO -- that are important subsidiaries of the emerging, UN-dominated world order.

Profiting From Our Enemies

Kissinger has been deeply involved in creating other "threats" used to justify empowering the UN -- particularly Saddam Hussein's Iraqi regime.

In Shell Game, a critically acclaimed expose of the role of western political elites in building Iraq's war machine, Peter Mantius notes the critical contribution made by Kissinger Associates. The author describes the consulting agency as "a for-hire team of international policy experts" created by Kissinger with the help of Brent Scowcroft and Lawrence Eagleburger (both of whom, like Kissinger, are prominent CFR members). Writes Mantius: "In utmost secrecy, the three counseled an exclusive group of multinational corporations and banks that paid them huge fees. Kissinger's client list was a guarded secret. The firm insisted on giving briefings orally rather than on paper."

During the late 1980s, Saddam's regime funded its arms build-up by skimming money from U.S. taxpayer-subsidized agricultural loans. More than $5 billion was funneled into Saddam's weapons program this way, much of it passing through Italy's BNL bank -- one of Kissinger Associates' most lucrative clients. Kissinger himself became a BNL advisory board member, collecting a cool $10,000 for each board meeting he attended, in addition to sizable consulting fees collected from the bank's Iraqi transactions. Kissinger profited handsomely from Saddam's arms buildup, until February 22, 1991 -- more than a month after the Gulf War began -- when he quietly resigned his position with BNL.

Another profitable venture for Kissinger has been brokering deals between various transnational corporate interests and Red China's ruling oligarchy. On the day after the 1989 Tiananmen Square massacre, during which thousands of Chinese civilians were slaughtered on the streets of Beijing, Kissinger used his syndicated newspaper column to praise then-Chinese ruler Deng Xiaoping as "one of the great reformers in Chinese history.... [a man] who chose a more humane and less chaotic course" for China. In the late 1990s, Kissinger hired David Rothkopf to run the China section of Kissinger Associates. Rothkopf had previously served in the Clinton-era Commerce Department as a supervisor for Communist Chinese agent John Huang -- the central figure in the "Chinagate" bribery and treason scandal.

Last November, Kissinger was in Beijing to serve as a keynote speaker at a conference convened by the International Council of the Museum of Radio and Television (or MR&T). That gathering, timed to coincide with the 16th Chinese Communist Party Congress, attracted representatives from the world's leading media conglomerates, including AOL-Time Warner, Disney, Viacom, News Corporation, and General Electric/NBC. In his speech Kissinger denounced Americans warning about the "China threat" and urged the media moguls to help mold public opinion on behalf of a more conciliatory policy toward Beijing.

In 1995, after then-House Speaker Newt Gingrich (another CFR member) suggested that the U.S. should recognize the free Chinese government in Taiwan, Kissinger called from Beijing to slap him down. The New York Times reported at the time that Kissinger "called to lecture the Speaker of the House sternly on the need to uphold the delicate one-China policy -- which Mr. Kissinger himself had invented long ago -- and to keep quiet." With uncharacteristic meekness, Gingrich deferred to Kissinger's demand.

Today Communist China effectively controls the Panama Canal Zone, a vitally important strategic choke point -- a consequence of Kissinger's diplomacy more than three decades ago.

While it was Jimmy Carter who consummated the Panama Canal giveaway, it was Kissinger who engineered the deal. In 1971, at Kissinger's request, President Richard Nixon signed National Security Decision Memorandum 131, setting the stage for a treaty to surrender the canal. Three years later, following a Washington meeting with Soviet Foreign Minister Andrei Gromyko, Kissinger flew to Panama to sign the "Principles of Agreement" on the canal with General Omar Torrijos, the Soviet-sponsored Panamanian dictator. That agreement was the framework for the Panama Canal treaties signed by Carter -- which eventually led to Communist China acquiring effective control of the Canal Zone, through a front group controlling the canal's "anchor ports."

Betraying Our POWs

The most notorious Kissinger-engineered U.S. defeat was delivering South Vietnam to Communist control and abandoning hundreds of captured U.S. servicemen.

In 1968, before being tapped to serve as Nixon's national security adviser, Kissinger confided to his colleagues that U.S. military victory in Vietnam was neither possible nor desirable. As former war correspondents Marvin and Bernard Kalb recalled in their book Kissinger, it was Kissinger's belief "that the most that could be salvaged from U.S. involvement in Vietnam was a 'decent interval' between an American pull-out and a Communist take-over."

Thus, under the Vietnam policy shaped by Kissinger, the war was prolonged for several years, claiming tens of thousands of casualties, simply as a prelude to the betrayal of South Vietnam to the Communists. The Kissinger-negotiated January 1973 Paris "peace" accord allowed North Vietnam to leave 150,000 troops in the south while U.S. forces were withdrawn, setting the stage for Hanoi's triumph. But in the haste to withdraw from Vietnam, thousands of Americans were left behind -- Prisoners of War and servicemen Missing in Action (POW/MIAs) who remained in Hanoi's clutches.

At the time of the 1972 Paris Peace Conference, some 2,400 American servicemen were designated as POW/MIAs. Five hundred and ninety-one were returned between February 12th-March 29th, 1973 in "Operation Homecoming." In April of that year, a State Department "Interim Report" likely written by Kissinger declared: "There are no more prisoners in Southeast Asia. They are all dead." But there was no accounting for the hundreds of Americans who weren't part of "Operation Homecoming."

Just days before the U.S. government wrote off any remaining POW/MIAs as "dead," the Communist Pathet Lao announced that it was still holding captured Americans. An April 1974 Defense Intelligence Agency report concluded that at least several hundred living POW/MIAs remained in Communist captivity in Vietnam and Laos. A 1991 Senate report entitled An Examination of U.S. Policy Toward POW/MIAs documented that the real number of Americans left behind in Indochina may have been close to 5,000, or more than nine times the number recovered in Operation Homecoming.

Why were these Americans abandoned after the war? Investigators Mark Sauter and Jim Sanders offer an explanation in their book The Men We Left Behind: Henry Kissinger, the Politics of Deceit and The Tragic Fate of POWs After the Vietnam War. "From the earliest years of U.S.-Vietnamese negotiations, the only real issue was how, not whether, the U.S. would pull out of Vietnam and leave Saigon to fend for itself," write the authors. "The other basic fact was that while the U.S. wanted to withdraw with as few entanglements as possible, Hanoi wanted reparations....As Vernon Walters, a senior soldier-diplomat in the Nixon administration, later put it: 'Reparations were sine qua non for peace, [for the] return [of] the prisoners, for everything.'"

Dictated by Kissinger, America's negotiating posture allowed the Vietnamese Communists the luxury of using American POW/MIAs as hostages, and demanding reparations as ransom. Article 21 of the Paris Peace Treaty promised economic assistance for the "post-war reconstruction" of North Vietnam. In February 1973, Kissinger hand-delivered a letter from President Nixon to the North Vietnamese prime minister promising nearly five billion dollars in economic aid to the Communist regime. However, on April 6th of that year, Congress -- unaware of the secret Kissinger/Nixon arrangement with Hanoi -- voted overwhelmingly to reject economic aid of any kind to Hanoi. A week later the State Department issued the announcement writing off any remaining American POW/MIAs as "dead."

"Heading into the Watergate crisis," observe Sauter and Sanders, "Nixon and his advisors believed it too expensive politically to tell the truth" about the fate of Americans left in Indochina. "Nixon and Kissinger even concealed from Congress the fact that they had promised specific amounts of aid to Hanoi. In the end, rather than pay for unrepatriated U.S. POWs, the Nixon administration chose to deny their existence." This unconscionable betrayal of our fighting men and their families was the settled policy of every succeeding administration.

Accountability?

Kissinger's diplomacy put America into the position of agreeing to pay ransom for our POWs; his compulsive secrecy resulted in the official fiction that there were no American fighting men left behind in Southeast Asia after March 29, 1973; and his arrogant indifference to those brave men and their families left our POW/MIAs to suffer prolonged imprisonment, torture, and death at Communist hands. Yet President Bush apparently wants the public to believe that this same Henry Kissinger will pursue the truth about 9-11 without fear or favor.

This is not the first time George W. Bush has turned to Henry Kissinger at a critical juncture. In a May 23, 2000 Washington press conference, Kissinger joined fellow CER luminaries Condoleezza Rice (qpresently Mr. Bush's national security adviser), Brent Scowcroft, Cohn Powell (qnow secretary of state), and George Shultz, as well as former CFR member Donald Rumsfeld (qnow secretary of defense), to certify that then-candidate Bush was an "internationalist." This gesture conferred the globalist Establishment's benediction on Mr. Bush.

President Bush's selection of Henry Kissinger to head the 9-11 Commission illustrates two important, and unfortunate, realities. First, Mr. Bush wants to bury the truth about prior knowledge of the 9-11 attack as deeply as possible. Second, George W. Bush is just as much a creature of the globalist power elite as Henry Kissinger.

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