Is reflective practice compatible with Malay-Islamic values? Some thoughts on teacher education in Brunei Darussalam.
The purpose of this paper is to compare key assumptions of reflective practice with the major cultural values of Brunei Darussalam--a small but affluent Malay-Islamic Sultanate located on the northwest coast of Borneo. Culturally and politically, Brunei represents a fusion of Malay-Islamic values which makes it somewhat unique in Southeast Asia. The Sultan and his government have established a national ideology, Melayu Islam Beraja, referred to locally as Malay Islamic Monarchy (MIB). This ideology justifies preserving the absolute monarchy and invokes Brunei's history and Islamic values in support of the Sultanate. Thus an indivisible nexus has been built between Malay ethnic identity, Islam and the Sultanate. As the dominant ideology, MIB permeates the small state of Brunei and governs institutional norms and behaviour.
Recently, reflective practice along with action research has gained impetus as key components of teacher education degree and sub-degree programs taught by the Institute of Education at the Universiti Brunei Darussalam, the major teacher training agency in the country (Sim, 1996, 1997). In an attempt to improve teaching effectiveness and develop a sense of professionalism among preservice teachers, high priority has been placed on action research and reflective practice as a means for teachers to improve practice. Tire locally perceived need to improve teacher effectiveness is not unrelated to similar trends in the west. Crossley and Vulliamy (1996, p. 144) argue that such emphasis is due to the popularity and widespread influence of the constructivist paradigm--and in particular, its use on professional development award-bearing courses at the postgraduate level in Australia and Great Britain.
To some extent, Crossley and Vulliamy's observations ring true in Brunei. Many teacher educators are western educated and are committed to a constructivist epistemology, that is, one in which `knowledge is personally empowering and fulfilling and, through individual enlightenment, society is enriched' (Grundy & Hatton, 1995, p. 217). Within the constructivist paradigm, reality is perceived to be multiple and conflicting. These social realities in turn are constantly modified as individuals or groups become more informed. Despite the lack of academic discussion on the topic in Brunei, reflection and its offshoots appear to be taken for granted by teacher educators as an essential dimension of teacher education. Recently, however, many analysts have pointed to the pitfalls involved when western educational innovations and concepts are uncritically transferred to foreign cultures (Crossley & Vulliamy, 1997; Leach, 1994; O'Donoghue, 1994; Thomas, 1997; Walker, 1993).
Arguably, teaching methods and assumptions about learning must be filtered through the local culture if they are to be successfully adapted. This point is underscored in O'Donoghue's (1994) critique of the manner in which the concept of reflective practitioner was unsuccessfully transferred to the teacher education programs in Papua New Guinea. In a recent paper, Thomas (1997) argues that a `culture-sensitive' pedagogy for developing countries is needed wherein the day-to-day behaviour patterns at home and in the school are integrated with curricula and teaching methods to develop a pedagogy that is culturally grounded and therefore more relevant to students' understanding.
Against this background, the first task of the paper is to provide a brief overview of various conceptions and assumptions underlying reflection; second, to examine the educational system in Brunei, focusing on dominant ideologies that guide educational policy and practice; third, core Brunei values derived from theoretical and empirical work in the social sciences are juxtaposed with the multiple meanings of reflection. The paper concludes that reflection as conceived and implemented in the west has a limited yet potentially positive role to play in teacher education in Brunei.
Towards an understanding of reflective practice
The purpose of this section is to demonstrate that reflection is not only an ambiguous concept but also a highly complex one. Space does not permit an exhaustive review of the literature. However, our search reveals that there are diverse meanings and purposes attributed to reflection, making it impossible to arrive at a universally accepted definition (Calderhead & Gates, 1993; LaBoskey, 1993). Moreover, the literature is replete with programmatic guidelines and models designed to assist in the implementation process (e.g. Boud, Keough, & Walker, 1985; Calderhead & Gates, 1993; Copeland, Birmingham, de la Cruz, & Lewin, 1993; Fletcher, 1997).
As a construct embedded within the Deweyian tradition, Grimmett (1988) opines that reflection is a `specialized form of thinking that is stimulated by surprises and puzzles' (p. 6). Zeichner and Tabachnick (1991) state that `reflection would seem to be an example of a contested concept whose meaning shifts to accommodate the interests and interpretations of those using the term and is therefore merely a piece of common rhetoric' (p. 1). Others define reflection as a set of stages in a complex cognitive process that `propels people along the journey from novice to expert' (Butler, 1996, p. 279). In another piece, Butler (1992) defines reflection as `an evaluative dialogue that enriches the self and enhances professional practice'. Calderhead (cited in Gilroy, 1993, p. 126) alludes to the wide intellectual appeal of reflection and provides a summary of three interpretations. The first is Dewey's conception which stresses the consciously rational search for solutions to problems. The second is Schon's contribution, emphasising the notion of reflection-in-action, and the third is a more political approach represented by the work of Giroux and McLaren (1987). In their review of the concept, Calderhead and Gates (1993) conclude somewhat caustically that various perspectives:
treat the process, content and preconditions and product of reflection differently ... those who use them are likely to hold a range of beliefs about teaching and teacher education into which they have incorporated their own particular notions of reflection. (p. 126)
A widely quoted definition of reflection is that of Zeichner and Liston (1987). They write, `Reflection seeks to help student teachers become more aware of themselves and their environment in a way that changes their perception of what is possible'(p. 25). Taking such a broad perspective allows the authors to link the act of reflecting with critical thinking, professionalism, and political action. Recognising the instant appeal that the image of a reflective practitioner has for teacher educators, and noting the lack of clarity that accompanies its discussion, Copeland et al. (1993) emphasise the need to foster a particular stance towards reflection. They envision reflection as a teacher's tendency to `engage in a conscious process of identifying problematic issues in their practice and pursuing solutions that bring about valued effects on student learning'(p. 358).
Zeichner and Liston (1987) have identified three levels of reflection that have been widely accepted by teacher educators worldwide. The first is that of `technical reflection', which basically confines practitioners to choose among few alternatives to accomplish predetermined ends (e.g. appropriate for novice teachers). Hill (1997, p. 193) refers to this initial level as `unproblematic technical proficiency'. The second more complex level can be conceived as `situational or contextual reflection' (Hill, 1997, p. 194) wherein the choice of a specific course of action is informed by knowledge of the expected outcomes associated with each alternative course of action (appropriate for experienced, autonomous teachers). At this level, the teacher examines the theoretical and institutional assumptions behind, for example, curriculum and pedagogy, and assesses the effects of teaching actions, goals and structures.
The third level, commonly referred to as `critical reflection', depicts a decision-making situation wherein teachers' choices are informed by knowledge of both the expected outcomes and the ethical/moral consequences (ends) associated with alternatives (means). At this most advanced level, both expected outcomes and alternatives as well as organisational context and more societal, global concerns are taken as problematic (open to discussion).
Butler's (1996) model, on the other hand, is slightly more psychological, linked as it is to the development of self-competence and awareness and ultimately to the attainment of increasingly more sophisticated levels of personal and professional awareness. He suggests that to reflect is `to be aware of and learn from the transformation of the unknown future into the known present and past' (p. 281). Butler identifies five stages which take the form of a continuum: that is, from Novice to Advanced Beginner to being: Competent, Proficient and finally to the highest level of Expert. Butler stresses the importance of the school climate in terms of facilitating teacher reflection, ideally one that places organisational and individual learning at its core. Butler's work combined with the ideas of Zeichner and Liston (1987) provide a useful framework for developing curricula structured to ensure that teachers at different levels of expertise and experience are appropriately dealt with. Clearly, the promotion of reflection needs to be directed at experienced teachers as well as pre-service novices--but in different ways.
The literature provides some additional valuable insights. The first is that engaging in reflective practice, however defined, is among other things, a process of solving problems and thinking about ways in which solutions can be applied to these problems. Second, reflective practice is more than just the act of solving problems; it is a predisposition or frame of mind that values inquiry for its own sake but is also directed towards understanding education in the fullest sense of the word. At this level, reflection can be construed as integral to one's educational philosophy. Third, reflection is seen by many analysts as existing along a continuum wherein individual propensities, abilities and situations will shape the degree to which any one teacher will actually engage in reflection and with what intensity. In this sense, reflection is contingent on personal and social-psychological factors. Fourth, although reflection is usually depicted as a social-psychological construct, it is embedded in the schooling process in which case it is important to acknowledge the bureaucratic, political and cultural influences on teachers' work.
Education, the state and economic development
The literature on reflection as developed in the west assumes that teachers either possess a high degree of autonomy and professional freedom or that they should work towards achieving this end. By and large, teachers in the west are relatively unencumbered to criticise the society and the institutions around them whereas such freedom cannot be said to exist in other parts of the world.
Returning to Brunei, educational policy and practice are strongly influenced by cultural and religious ideologies promulgated by an all-powerful state. Economically, along with other oil-rich Middle East countries, Brunei has been identified as a rentier capitalist state (Beblawi, 1987; Gunn, 1993). The purpose of education in such states is manifestly different from that found in developed countries. In rentier economies, revenues accrue directly to the state from oil and gas `rents'. Hence there is little or no connection between production and income distribution. Oil rents are then distributed to the population in the form of highly subsidised imports, secure government jobs, subsidised housing and free medical services (Devlin & Jewson, 1995).
Up to now, the achievement of economic growth in Brunei has not been directly related to the development and allocation of its human resources. Because of the steady flow of oil rents driven by the relentless global demand for oil and gas, there has been little need for Brunei to compete in the global economy. This lack of regional and global competition, the dominance of the state sector, guaranteed employment in the public sector, and the ability to afford a large expatriate labour force have shaped an economy virtually disconnected from education and training.
Recently, however, the state has declared its intention to diversify the economy by expanding manufacturing, industry and tourism. Through official documents and media pronouncements, the need for greater economic efficiency among public sector institutions has been stressed. The Brunei state already enjoys a high degree of autonomy from the interests of any one class or faction, which leaves it unhindered to achieve its economic objectives. Towards this end, all members of the society are obliged to assist the state in implementing its policy agenda and, if necessary, to sacrifice personal interests for the achievement of collective goals. In the educational realm, efforts are now being made to expand and modernise the technical-vocational education sector, a development that unequivocally signals the state's commitment to achieving a closer correspondence between the workplace and the education and training system (Government of Brunei, 1996). Hence efficiency in education, social development, and economic growth are inextricably linked in public policy, reflecting a commitment to skill formation and human resource development.
Further, the state has taken the lead to ensure that all adhere to its particular vision of education. The need for long-term political and economic survival provides justification for the state to impose important institutional mechanisms which co-ordinate government agencies to ensure that its policy objectives are achieved. Within this framework, the education and training system has become automatically integrated within the wider economic system, not unlike the experience of South Korea and Singapore (Ashton & Sung, 1994). Thus if the Brunei state is to meet its economic objectives, it is imperative that educational policy and practice are highly co-ordinated and synchronised. Indeed the legitimacy of the state would be seriously undermined if the schools were to deviate in any way from the role they are expected to play in the steady provision of skilled manpower.
It is not difficult to envision how the state's economic policy reinforces a technical-rational view of human resource development. Under the pressure to meet its economic targets, the state has imposed on schools an examination-driven system that is highly stratified with selection points (exams) structured along the way. The upward expansion of enrolments in this hierarchy over time has increased societal literacy levels and made room for an increasing number of women in formal education. It has also provided access to higher levels of education at which individuals can be distinguished from the rest of the population. As a result, individuals increasingly view education not in intrinsic terms, collective terms, but as a commodity to be exchanged for jobs and social status.
If allowed to dominate education, the pursuit of educational credentials may further contribute to the decline in educational quality by trivialising teaching and promoting school and teacher `effectiveness' instead. The problem for Brunei teachers is that they are already confronted with students with finely tuned `consumer mentalities' for whom the credential is more important than learning. These conditions set up expectations which may cause students (and teachers) to resist pedagogical innovations. Teachers might find it difficult, for example, to reconcile the rationale underlying reflective practice with the more pressing need to conform to the curriculum and to prepare students for examinations. The danger is that, within such a state-led, social reproduction model of education, the effect of the economic efficiency ideology on educational practice is to emphasise form over content and rote learning over deep learning. In this scenario, students are rewarded for formal compliance with modest performance standards rather than for demonstrating operational mastery of skills deemed economically or socially useful.
Brunei values shared with Southeast Asia
Since Brunei shares similar values with other Southeast Asian countries, it is necessary to distinguish between values thought universal to the region and those unique to Brunei. The assumption here is that, although there is no single pan-Southeast Asian set of values, no uniform ideology and no single cultural system, there are still a number of shared values. One such value that crosses borders and religions is the idea of equilibrium, or moderation, similar to the ancient Greek concept of the `Golden Mean'. Muzaffar calls this `one of the most cherished ideals in almost every Asian philosophy' (cited in Mauzy, 1997, p. 215). Traditionally in Southeast Asia, emphasis was placed on one's duties and responsibilities within the family and larger community, the concept of rights being imported from the west. Today, Southeast Asian states stress a balance between rights and duties, although some analysts argue that the balance remains skewed towards duties (Vatikiotis, 1996).
Yet another widely shared value, not just in Confucian East Asia and Singapore, but also in Islamic Indonesia, Malaysia and Brunei--and also in Buddhist Thailand--is the emphasis on communitarianism. This is the view that responsibilities to the family and community have priority over the rights of the individual, an idea that Etzioni (1992,) has attempted to rejuvenate in the United States. According to Muzaffar (1996), `none of the major Asian philosophies regards the individual as the ultimate measure of all things' (p. 4). Other shared values include the preference for consultation, consensus and indecision over contention, debate and litigation. Also prevalent is the tendency to defer to authority and support strong forms of punishment as a deterrent to and retribution for crimes. In short, these values combine to give Southeast Asia a common outlook and to some extent provide legitimation for regional political and economic cooperation.
Values unique to Brunei
In Brunei, the definition of the cultural category `Malay' is complex. Locally the term `malayu' has at least five different polysemous senses of meaning, which depend on particular combinations of religious, linguistic, ethnic and legal criteria (Maxwell, 1996). There are two native Malay-speaking demographic components of the ethnic category `Malay'-- the Kadayan and the Barunay. According to Maxwell (1996, p. 182), both groups are historically `symbiotic participants in a common economy and co-participants in a common system of social values, general orientation and personal goals'. The Chinese, who number between 60 000 and 70 000, have considerable economic influence and expertise but play a negligible role in governing the country. Indigenous groups tend to remain on the margins of Brunei society unless individuals convert to Islam and/or intermarry with Malays. Only qualified Malays and a handful of ethnic Chinese are allowed into the Universiti. Hence virtually all pre-service and active teachers are of Malay origin.
Various researchers (Blunt, 1988; Maxwell, 1996; Mulder, 1996) depict Malay culture as highly collectivist in orientation, hierarchical, with a strong family orientation. In Blunt's study (1998), Brunei Malays were found to demonstrate high power distance, strong uncertainty avoidance, low individualism and medium masculinity. Specifically, high power distance reflects a willingness to accept an unequal distribution of power without question and to regard it as normal (Blunt, 1988, p. 236). In the workplace, power distance refers to the distance between a supervisor and a subordinate. Uncertainty avoidance is the extent to which people are made nervous or tense by situations that they perceive as unstructured, unclear or unpredictable. Within the workplace, uncertainty avoidance relates to issues involving how secure one feels in terms of knowing what to do or when to do it. In this category, Blunt found that Brunei workers exhibited the following traits: (a) emotional resistance to change, (b) aversion to risk-taking, (c) preference for clear organisational goals and structure, (d) preference for clearly stated rules and regulations that should not be broken, (e) aversion to conflict, and (f) mistrust of foreigners as managers.
Individuals placing collective goals ahead of personal goals characterise low individualism. Throughout Southeast Asia, individuals typically subordinate personal aspirations for the good of the collective. Blunt (1998) found that Bruneians tend to score low on the masculinity scale. Masculine cultures tend to emphasise traditionally masculine traits such as assertiveness, advancement, and success. In contrast, cultures on the low end of the masculinity scale tend to stress nurturance, human relations and the quality of life. In Brunei, men are expected to be assertive and dominant over women in social relations and demonstrative of ambitious and competitive behaviour (Maxwell, 1996). Ethnographic accounts suggest that the symbolic value of men and women appears to be starkly differentiated, the male standing for status and the known world surrounding the home, the female for morality and the home itself (Mulder, 1996). This is not to imply that men and women are confined to the domains they symbolise or that these are mutually exclusive preserves. Islamic values notwithstanding, Brunei women have substantial freedom in `border crossing' and are relatively free to pursue education, career and social mobility within established limits.
Blunt's results find strong theoretical support in the scholarly work of Benedict (1967) and Lowenthal (1987). Focusing on the unique traits of small states and societies in Southeast Asia, Benedict (1967) describes social relationships as `multiplex' in that most relationships serve many interests. Standards of judgement in small states depend on who people are rather than on what they do or how well they do it, whereas in larger states, social roles are more likely to be universalistic and based on fixed standards and criteria. According to Lowenthal (1987), human interaction in small states tends to be characterised by a kind of `managed intimacy'. People are socialised to get along with one another and are expected to subordinate personal ambition to the common good. The emphasis on finding equilibrium, harmony and balance is paramount.
Mulder (1996) suggests that peoples of Southeast Asia are given to generating a `smoothness in interaction, not giving cause, holding conflict in abeyance, at least amongst those with whom transactions are frequent' (p. 52). Owing to the hierarchical nature of society and the importance of status, Mulder contends that `knowing one's place' is a prerequisite to social order.
To the extent that the above values and behaviour patterns are a reasonably valid depiction of Brunei culture, there is a need for teacher educators to find ways to reconcile these values with the notion of reflection in a manner which does justice to both. Rather than treat Brunei cultural characteristics as impediments, they could constitute the foundation of a conceptual and programmatic framework that attempts to establish the limits and possibilities of reflection.
To achieve this end, we must first be clear about Brunei cultural traits. Although it is possible to make certain tentative deductions from the foregoing analysis, they are not to be construed as definitive, but rather, as indicators or guidelines for further deliberation and planning. As in other authoritarian states, a culture of social science research, scholarship and inquiry has yet to develop fully in Brunei; hence the difficulty in reaching firm conclusions about how or in what direction the society is changing. Having said this, it is not unreasonable to infer from the research to date that the unit of society in Brunei is not the individual, but the family and the group where an individual has no significant meaning without his or her pattern of relationships. These relationships are personal and particularistic, morally and ethically bounded by Islamic-Malay values. Acceptance of this principal, therefore, sets upper limits on the extent to which teachers can be expected to engage in a process of self-reflection without violating norms of group solidarity, cohesion, balance and harmony.
Second, there is a vertical dimension, of inferiority and superiority, of power distance or inequality implicit in the Brunei social stratification system. We deduce from this that the ability to pose and solve problems and possibly take risks in the process may be incongruent with what society expects from its members. Moreover, to conceive of the self as an `active maker of meaning', implicit in much of the constructivist discourse (see Butler, 1992, 1996; Hendry, 1996) is incompatible with both Islamic teaching and the economic efficiency ideology espoused by the state. It would therefore be unreasonable if not counterproductive to expect teachers to reach the `proficient' or `expert' level as described in Butler's (1996, p. 279) model. The proficient performer `whose ability to grasp the situation is brought out into the open and questioned', and the expert, who is able to `grasp each situation and focus on the central core of the problem without wasteful consideration of unfruitful alternatives' reflect a level of individual initiative and competence that could pose a threat to the hierarchy of authority. Similarly the view put forth by Beyer and Zeichner (1987) that `the aim of reflection is to promote a situation where future teachers can deal critically with what exists in order to improve it' (p. 311) is clearly unachievable given that Brunei schools are expected to transmit Malay-Islamic values.
Third, high power distance implies an unwillingness to confront issues openly. This points to the difficulty advocates of reflection would encounter when trying to induce Brunei teachers to get beyond Zeichner and Liston's (1987) basic level of reflection, that is, the level where the teacher is restricted to solving technical problems among a relatively narrow range. The high power distance and low individualism found in Brunei means that not only are those in authority never publicly criticised, but neither are their ideas. Thus there may be no other option for Brunei teachers but to link problem solving with reflection. Teachers in Brunei, like teachers everywhere, spend considerable time solving one problem or another. They are also heavily involved in extra-curricular activities. Confining reflection to effective problem solving, then, whether in the teaching, administrative or some other domain, could be a productive way to start teachers thinking about reflection. At the same time, it must be acknowledged that it will be difficult to convince teachers to commit themselves to a process of interrogating their values and examining any discrepancy between these values and practice as called for by advocates of reflective practice.
Further, the values and behaviours of Brunei teachers do not seem to be particularly compatible with the notions of school and teacher reform which assume a strong linkage between teacher empowerment, school reform and professionalisation. The notion of teacher as `change agent', for instance, would appear to be an inappropriate role for Brunei teachers (Cannella & Reiff, 1994). In contrast, in Brunei it is important to acknowledge that teachers place much more emphasis on finding their rightful place in the school in a way that not only conforms to their place in the larger society, but brings with it respect, status and a sense of oneness with society.
Fourth, although there are varied definitions of reflection, and as many orientations towards reflective practice (i.e. technical, practical, and critical) the underlying theme is that reflection is an intra-personal process through which personal and professional knowing occurs (Knowles, 1993). But in Brunei, within the context of the economic efficiency ideology, the pre-service teacher is treated as a technician-in-training and an agent: of a predetermined curriculum, and not as a developing professional. Support for this contention is found in Yong's (1995) study of preservice teachers. He found that his subjects lacked intrinsic motivation and a sense of professionalism. Yong attributed this to the affluence of Brunei society, inferring that it contributes to a consumer mentality and an indifferent attitude towards education.
Fifth, the consumer mentality exhibited by Brunei teachers and observed by different analysts (Gunn, 1993; Minnis, 1998; Yong, 1995) is strikingly at odds with the image of the reflective practitioner found in the western literature. The ideal-typical reflective practitioner is one who is intellectually curious, assertive and eager to try out new ideas (see Altrichter, Posch & Somekh, 1993; Clift, Houston & Pugach, 1990; Lomax, 1994; Whitehead, 1993). Yet high power distance and low individualism found in Brunei culture suggests that not only are those in authority never publicly criticised, but neither are their ideas. Thus there are limits to which one can question the opinions of those in authority--regardless of one's desire to do so.
Is there any role for reflective practice in the teacher education curriculum? The answer is a cautionary yes. Perhaps the first step to be considered by teacher educators is to decide on whether or not it is possible to legitimise reflection within the schools. Without the cooperation and consensus of practising teachers and administrators, there is little chance of promoting the idea further. This involves taking some very practical steps to ensure that reflection is understood by school personnel as a means to achieve tangible goals that are valued by teachers, the community and school authorities. It may be also be sensible to try and `sell' the idea in such a manner that reflection is understood not only as a means to enhance teaching effectiveness but also as a means for teachers to derive more enjoyment from teaching. Despite the time and effort that would be required, consultation with Ministry of Education officials is necessary and must be comprehensive enough to lay the groundwork for future planning involving school officials, teachers and Universiti staff.
After legitimising the idea in the schools and among the relevant stakeholders, the second step is to decide to what extent reflection is equally appropriate at all levels of teacher training. Is it more productive to assume that reflection is best taught to certain kinds of teachers at certain stages in their development? If so, it would be useful to identify those stages at which concerns for engaging in a process of reflection might be introduced, reinforced and or emphasised (Copeland et al., 1993, p. 357). Guidelines could be developed to determine an optimal order of activities that constitute preparation according to a teacher's level of experience and personal desire to learn more about reflection.
This paper has tried to demonstrate that the values and ideologies undergirding Brunei society and education carry with them assumptions about the social world, the nature of reality and about teaching and learning that are not altogether congruent with the underlying assumptions of reflective practice. Although it is difficult to ascertain the degree to which teachers have internalised these values and acted upon them in the classroom, it is also clear that in a small state like Brunei, cultural values and political ideologies represent powerful constraints on individual behaviour. Therefore it is not unreasonable to suggest that the culturally conservative nature of Brunei society does not readily lend itself to the wholesale transfer of western teacher education concepts and models. Clearly advocates of reflection in Brunei face a considerable challenge and must be prepared to make significant concessions to the culture if reflection is to be anything more than an empty slogan.
For reflection to be meaningful in Brunei, Zeichner and Liston's (1997) initial level of technical reflection can be profitably utilised. At this level, the emphasis is on efficient application of subject matter knowledge to given ends; curriculum goals and objectives should not be scrutinised. Instead teachers could reflect upon the effectiveness of their teaching strategies, assessment procedures and classroom management skills. For many Brunei teachers, this would constitute a considerable challenge. The less threatening the concept is perceived, the more likely it is to be accepted and integrated into practice.
Readers will recognise at once that this view of reflection will only reinforce conservative outcomes and fall short of western conceptions of the term. However it must be kept in mind that even a restricted notion of reflection is better than an overly ambitious one. If Brunei teachers can learn to reflect, even in the most rudimentary sense, they will have begun the process of reconstructing their own self-image. There is no telling where this may lead.
John Minnis wishes to acknowledge the assistance of the reviewers of his article.
cross cultural studies cultural context knowledge base for teaching professional development reflective teaching teacher education
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John R. Minnis Universiti Brunei Darussalam
John Minnis is a Senior Lecturer in the Department of Educational Foundations, Sultan Hassanal Bolkiah Institute of Education, Universiti Brunei Darussalam, Bundar Seri Begawan 2028, Brunei Darussalam.