Iran: the next revolution? Iran's population is mostly young, educated, and frustrated with the country's social restrictions. And they're starting to make noise.

TEHRAN, Iran--Standing among about 5,000 student demonstrators at Tehran University, Shayesteh Rezai punched her fist into the air and shouted in unison with the protesters: "All political prisoners must be released!"

The 18-year-old chemistry student had come to the center of Iran's capital to participate in a demonstration protesting the death sentence issued to Hashem Aghajari, a pro-democracy university professor who was accused of blasphemy.

Aghajari's crime? He called for the separation of religion and state in Iran, an Islamic state where religious leaders control key government functions.

"I cannot stay indifferent when I see the way people are treated because of the way they think," says Shayesteh, explaining her participation in the protest.

After two weeks of student demonstrations across Iran, the country's supreme religious leader, Ayatollah Ali Khamenei ordered an appeals court to review and dismiss Aghajari's death sentence. The students had won this round: They had forced Iran's most powerful figure to intervene. What's more, the protests showed that the student movement for political reform was very much alive.

Twenty-three years after the revolution that brought an Islamic government to power, Iran may once again be on the brink of change. More than two thirds of Iran's 65 million people are under the age of 30. They are educated and familiar with the West's freedoms and opportunities. Increasingly, this younger generation is demanding political and social freedom.

"The world of Internet and satellite TV has opened our eyes to a new world that we want to be part of," says Mostafa Moradi, 19, a civil engineering student, who has voted in every election since he became eligible three years ago. "Reform is an inevitable path, because our generation wants to go to the same direction of progress and advancement that the global world is moving."

The push for change began in 1997, when Iranians overwhelmingly elected Mohammad Khatami, a reform-minded cleric and former head of the National Library, as President. Khatami promised to establish a civil society, within the confines of an Islamic system, that would have greater democracy and social freedom.

CHAT ROOMS, DVDS, POLITICS

Zahra Jalaipour, 17, spends her time doing the same things as teens in many developed countries: chatting on the Internet, watching DVDs with friends and her two brothers, and going to the movies. (Her latest favorite is Harry Potter and the Chamber of Secrets.) But unlike American teens, Zahra wears a chador, a black head-to-toe cloak that symbolizes her religious devotion. And like many Iranian young people, she follows politics closely. Zahra laments the fact that the June 8, 2001, presidential election came three days before her 16th birthday--when she would have been eligible to vote for Khatami.

"They have democratic demands," says Hamidreza Jalaipour, speaking of the young people. He is a professor of sociology at Tehran University and Zahra's father. "They want citizenship rights, social freedoms, and secure economic future, but there is no sign of political violence in their behavior, because they have no intention of paying a price for change."

Life in Iran has changed since the last revolution, when the country's shah, or king, was replaced by a strict Islamic state in 1979. In the upheaval, Iranian students seized the American Embassy in Tehran and held 52 Americans hostage for 444 days (see "America Held Hostage," page 26). The hostage crisis and the hardline policies of the new regime's leader, Ayatollah Ruhollah Khomeini, severely damaged Iran's relations with the United States. The social and political principles of the Islamic regime were intended to guarantee an austere Islamic society. Mingling between the sexes was outlawed; women were ordered to veil themselves in public, and alcohol was banned. Violators of these and other laws were severely, punished. Political dissent, interpreted as opposition to Islam, was suppressed.

But Iran has became a less rigid society since Khatami's election (and the 1989 death of Khomeini). Khatami has encouraged a freer atmosphere in which activists, such as students and journalists, can criticize the government's performance and demand improvements. Although many dissenters have been jailed, the possibility of expressing antigovernment opinions is gradually widening and spreading to more levels of society.

While the courts, controlled by Khatami's conservative opponents, have closed nearly 60 pro-reform newspapers since 1979, new ones have sprung up. And increasingly, activists are publishing on the Internet to avoid censorship.

Arrests of young unmarried men and women for socializing--once taboo--have decreased since Khatami's election. More people date in public places like restaurants or coffee shops without fear of being harassed. More women allow some hair to show outside their headscarves, and their shapeless long coats have been replaced by short, form-fitting ones.

STILL NOT ENOUGH

But the changes have not satisfied the country's youth, who have a long list of demands, ranging from more personal freedoms to economic prosperity. Iran's economy is in shambles, and many young men and women are worried about finding jobs when they finish school. Officially, the unemployment rate is 14 percent, but is likely higher. A million young people begin looking for work every year. Because opportunities are limited, many of the most educated young people leave Iran in search of better lives. This "brain-drain" deprives the country of the resources it needs to turn the economy around.

The forces that have impeded change in Iran since Khatami's election are powerful. Besides the courts, the hard-line religious establishment still controls Iran's police, army, and the state-run TV and radio. Business is characterized by corruption and mismanagement--and is also controlled by the hard-liners. Foreign investment could fuel economic development, but much depends on political change, which the hard-liners have resisted so far.

As a result, Khatami's achievements have been limited. The courts have jailed dozens of his allies. A powerful, unelected clerical council has blocked legislation that Khatami's supporters in Parliament have passed. For example, the council has argued that a law granting more freedom to the press is anti-Islamic and violates the principles of the revolution. The foreign investment bill that reform-minded legislators prepared underwent so much change that it ended up deterring investment.

STRUGGLING FOR CHANGE

Still, many believe that Iran's overwhelmingly young population--many of whom were born after the 1979 revolution--will be a force for change. In the 2001 presidential election, 2 million voters were boys and girls who had just turned 16 and were casting ballots for the first time. Political analysts believe these young, hopeful voters backed Khatami and compensated for his loss of support among middle-age voters, who were disappointed with his slow pace of reform.

Change may be slow, but it may be on the horizon. Last year on election day, Pooneh Arkani, 17, went to the polls with a group of friends. They believe strongly that their votes make a difference; some of them had cast ballots in the previous year's parliamentary elections.

"We do not believe things will get better with a revolution," says Pooneh, professing a desire for change within the system. "Freedom is a long path, and we need to take one step at a time."

Young Iranians March in the Streets and to the Ballot Box Search of a New, Freer Society

DISCUSSION QUESTIONS

* How would you explain the separation of church and state to a young Iranian who visited your school?

* What do you think it would take to get more young Americans interested in politics, the way young Iranians are?

TEACHING OBJECTIVES

To help students understand Iran, specifically the movement of young people who, exposed to the outside world via satellite TV and the Internet, have marched in the streets and to the voting booth to demand a freer, more open society.

CLASSROOM STRATEGIES

CRITICAL THINKING: Note that the spark that ignited the student protests pictured in this article was the death sentence for a popular professor who called for the separation of religion and state in Iran.

Is this link between religion and state simply a matter of cultural development? Or does the practice impose other restraints on individual development? Look, for example, at the complaint issued by 18-year-old chemistry student Shayesteh Rezai, who says she cannot stay indifferent when people are punished for the way they think.

Ask students to ponder her remarks. Is her position also a political statement? If citizens think alike, are they more apt to be compliant, less apt to oppose their government, less apt to see value in democracy? Simply put, are those who question authority a threat to authority?

POWER OF INFORMATION: Refer to the comment of 19-year-old Mostafa Moradi, who says the Internet and satellite TV "has opened our eyes to a new world that we want to be part of."

Ask students to select information about America that they would want Mostafa and his friends to see on satellite TV or the Internet. Would they choose a TV show? A documentary about U.S. history, or the freedoms Americans enjoy? A day in the life of an average American teen? What would they include in their presentation?

STANDOFF?: Students scored a victory in the Hashem Aghajari case. Yet two forces seem to be at work here. Ask why the government did not crack down on the students or outlaw satellite TV or the Internet. Are they afraid of a popular uprising? At the same time, why are students content, in the words of Pooneh Arkani, to "take one step at a a time." Is each side wary of going too far too fast?

WEB WATCH: See Iran Daily, an Iranian English-language newspaper, at www.iran-daily.com/daily.shtml.

Upfront QUIZ 3:

MULTIPLE CHOICE > INTERNATIONAL > PAGES 16-19

DIRECTIONS: Circle the letter next to the correct answer.

1 A key reason for protest marches in Iran has been
opposition to the death penalty for a popular professor
who had spoken out in favor of

a ending the death penalty.
b mixed gender education.
c the separation of religion and state.
d better relations with the U.S.

2. Two key elements in young Iranians' access to ideas about
freedom and opportunity come from satellite TV and

a American newspapers and magazines.
b the Internet.
c meetings with Westerners.
d stories from young Iranians studying in the West.

3. The press for change in Iran began in 1997 with

a the election of a reform-minded cleric as President.
b a minor revolution that shook up government officials.
c the discovery of corruption among leading clerics.
d pressure from international human-fights groups.

4. The voting age in Iran is

a 20.
b 18.
c 17.
d 16.

5. Which of the following is the most accurate statement
about politics in Iran just after the 1979 Iranian revolution?

a People were encouraged to express divergent views.
b Women were allowed to engage in political discussion.
c Iran sought advice on governance from other nations.
d Political dissent was viewed as opposition to Islam.

6. Which of the following is the most accurate statement
about Iran's economy?

a Oil sales keep the economy afloat.
b Iran relies on foreign aid to ensure small growth.
c Unemployment is 14 percent and jobs for young
people are scarce.
d The computer industry is the heart of the economy.

Upfront Quiz 3, page 6

1. (c) the separation of religion and state.
2. (b) the Internet.
3. (a) the election of a reform-minded
cleric as President.
4. (d) 16.
5. (d) Political dissent was viewed as
opposition to Islam.
6. (c) Unemployment is high and jobs for
young people are scarce.

NAZILA FATHI reports from Tehran for The New York Times.