Indigenous students and Vocational education and training in schools: ladder of opportunity or corrugated iron ceiling?

Indigenous students complete secondary education at about half the rate of non-Indigenous students, yet are twice as likely to participate in Vocational Education and Training (VET) in Schools subjects. This paper explores the reasons for this phenomenon. It draws on data from two national studies: a survey of 20 000 young people and their experience of vocational learning, and a qualitative study that included interviews with 118 Indigenous VET in Schools students and 160 school staff and other stakeholders. It discusses the role of VET in addressing the needs and aspirations of Indigenous students, and identifies key aspects of good practice in the provision of VET for Indigenous students. The paper argues that VET in Schools cannot succeed as a 'stand alone' solution to the problem of Indigenous educational disadvantage, but must be offered within the context of educational provision that accommodates the diverse educational needs and aspirations of Indigenous students.

Introduction

The historical influences on the present situation of Australian Indigenous peoples are well documented. We are all familiar with the children of the stolen generation and the ongoing debate over land rights. The recent 'history wars' reflect the highly contested nature of historical accounts of white settlement and its impact on Indigenous peoples. While there are different perspectives, we cannot ignore the history of invasion, dispossession, and social exclusion that has shaped the lives of Indigenous peoples and constricted their opportunities.

Education is seen as a source of empowerment for Indigenous peoples. Despite debate about the role of education in improving opportunities, and numerous inquiries into Indigenous education at a national and state level, the fact remains that Indigenous students continue to be significantly disadvantaged in terms of educational participation and achievement. Apparent retention rates for Indigenous students from Years 7-8 to Year 12 are about half those of non-Indigenous students. Recent data indicate modest improvement: apparent retention has risen from 29 per cent in 1996 to 38 per cent in 2002. This compares with much slower growth for non-Indigenous students in the same period, but from about double the base (72 per cent to 76 per cent).Thus the relative position of Indigenous students has improved slightly over that time (ABS, 2002).

Numerous reports indicate that Indigenous academic achievement is also lower (e.g., The National Report to Parliament on Indigenous Education and Training, Commonwealth of Australia, 2001). Substantial research has been conducted to identify the reasons for Indigenous students having lower than average attendance, retention and achievement, and many contributing factors have been identified, especially relationships between teachers, students, parents and the community (Godfrey, Partington, Harslett, & Richer, 2000; Herbert, Anderson, Price, & Stehbens, 1999; Lester, 2000; Munns, 1998; Rigney, Rigney, & Hughes, 1998; Schwab, 1999). Relevant teacher expertise in cultural awareness, cross-cultural communication and teaching English as a second language also impacts on the quality of teaching and learning experienced by the Indigenous student (Bourke, Rigby, & Burden, 2000; Herbert et al., 1999; Purdie, Tripcony, Bouhon-Lewis, Fanshawe & Gunstone, 2000). Some Indigenous students find engagement with school difficult because of nonschool factors, such as poverty, poor health, imprisonment, high family mobility and indigenous inter-group tensions (Bourke et al., 2000; Gray, Hunter, & Schwab, 2000; Herbert et al., 1999). Students from remote communities face additional barriers to school engagement due to limited access to facilities and difficulties associated with living away from home.

Racism has been shown in numerous studies to impact on Indigenous students' relationship with school (Groome & Hamilton, 1995; Rigney et al., 1998).These studies identified structural racism, exemplified by Failure to acknowledge the culture of Aboriginal people within the everyday practices of the school, and also low expectations of Indigenous students. Racism is also reflected in schools' distribution of human resources, as well as ideologically at the pedagogical level in the construction of knowledge which informs curriculum content. Racism also impacts on Indigenous students' job and career aspirations (Gool & Patton, 1999; Lester, 2000). A study on the self-identity of Indigenous students in primary and secondary schools revealed that the above factors shape the self-identity of students, which in turn affects school participation and performance (Purdie et al., 2000).

Indigenous parents are increasingly recognising the need for their children to succeed at school (Schwab & Sutherland, 2001). The data from a recent national survey of 20 000 students, of whom 451 were Indigenous (Polesel & Helme, 2003) support this view, with more than nine in ten Indigenous students surveyed reporting that their parents wanted them to do well at school. This reflects increasing recognition by Indigenous communities of the value of education and its strategic role as a bridge to the labour market.

VET in Schools: A ladder of opportunity?

Vocational Education and Training (VET) in Schools is arguably the most important reform to the senior secondary curriculum in Australia in the last quarter of a century. The growth in VET in Schools nationally has been significant, from about 16 per cent of Year 11 and 12 students in 1996 (60 000 students) to 44 per cent (185 000 students) in 2002. Growth in the number of schools offering VET programs has also increased considerably. In 1997, 70 per cent of all schools across Australia offering a senior secondary curriculum also offered VET in Schools programs, and in 2002, this had risen to slightly more than 95 per cent (MCEETYA, 2003).

The position of VET in Schools in the senior curriculum differs across the eight curriculum jurisdictions of Australia's states and territories. This reflects continuing tension within schools and systems about the extent to which VET in Schools should be integrated into the mainstream and count for university entrance, or operate as a separate track aimed at employment or further vocational training (Teese & Polesel, 2003). Nevertheless,VET programs can provide engaging and vocationally relevant programs that impact on school retention and post-school employment and training outcomes (ATSIPTAC, 1998; Malley, Keating, Robinson, & Hawke, 2001; McRae et al., 2000; Schwab, 2001).

Thus VET in Schools seems perfectly positioned to address many of the educational needs of Indigenous students. Indeed the National Report (Commonwealth of Australia, 2001) noted the need for 'practically oriented and meaningful educational activities for adolescent Indigenous males, particularly in remote areas' (p. 4).This suggests a strong role for VET in providing a more adult form of training that is more consistent with the status and responsibilities of young people in Indigenous communities. These recommendations reflect the views expressed in the Australian National Training Authority (ANTA) (1999a, 1999b) documents Partners in a Learning Culture, which argued that VET in Schools helps Indigenous students stay at school, by increasing the relevance of schooling and providing opportunities for work-based learning which might not otherwise be available to them. It recommended improvements to the promotion of VET in Schools to Indigenous students, including focusing on the industries and competencies Indigenous students are interested in. It also stressed that approaches to teaching, learning and assessment (both school and work-based) must fit the cultural, linguistic and community context of students. The document also noted that Indigenous students in VET in Schools might also need special assistance to help them with low levels of English literacy and numeracy.

This paper reports on findings from two projects conducted by researchers at the Centre for Post-Compulsory Education and Lifelong Learning and the Youth Research Centre at the University of Melbourne: Young Visions, a national survey of 20 000 Year 10, 11 and 12 students funded by the Enterprise Career Education Foundation (Polesel & Helme, 2003), and an ANTA-funded research project Hands on the Future (Helme et al., 2003) that investigated VET in Schools provision for Indigenous students.

The aim of Young Visions was to report on students' experience of school, career education and VET in Schools, including Structured Workplace Learning (SWL), the on-the-job component of VET in Schools that is an integral aspect of most programs. These findings were further analysed for Hands on the Future in order to obtain an Indigenous perspective on VET in Schools. This analysis examined the experiences of the 451 Young Visions participants who identified themselves as Aboriginal or Torres Strait Islander and made comparisons with their non-Indigenous counterparts.

The aim of Hands on the Future was to identify 'good practice' in VET in Schools provision, and the Factors that constrained the accessibility of VET in Schools to Indigenous students. Twenty-one schools from diverse settings in all states and territories of Australia participated in the study. The schools in the study were selected to represent a diversity of locations, school type, size, and Indigenous participation. This helped capture the diversity of circumstances in which VET in Schools is available to Indigenous students, and to assess a broad range of VET in Schools programs. Interviews were conducted with over 280 individuals, comprising 118 students and former students, 133 school staff (some of whom were Indigenous), and 33 parents and other interested people.

A key finding of Young Visions was that Indigenous participation in VET in Schools was almost twice that of non-Indigenous participation. Boards of Study data for 2002 from all states and territories confirmed this difference. Nationally, Indigenous participation was 60 per cent, and non-Indigenous participation was 34 per cent. In each state and territory, participation rates were higher for Indigenous students than non-Indigenous students. The magnitude of the differences varied somewhat between states and territories, but given differences in the nature of the data available (e.g., which year levels were included), and differences in the role played by VET in different state certificates, firm conclusions cannot be drawn about interstate differences.

These findings raise a number of related questions: What role does VET play for Indigenous students? What are the characteristics of good practice in VET for Indigenous students? What are the potential pitfalls of higher Indigenous enrolment in VET? What message can be drawn from good practice in VET in Schools for improving the educational outcomes of all Indigenous students?

The role of VET for Indigenous students

This section discusses how VET is perceived by Indigenous students, based on survey and interview data obtained in the two recent studies described above, which may explain the greater appeal of VET in Schools to Indigenous students, or a greater tendency to offer VET in Schools in schools serving Indigenous students. Four key roles were identified: improving engagement with school and curriculum; broadening pathway options; providing workplace experience; and providing a pathway to employment. These are elaborated below.

Improving engagement with school and curriculum

School engagement is a term used in the educational literature to account for the multiple ways in which students demonstrate their interest or involvement in, or attachment to school. In a wide-ranging review of the literature on engagement Fredericks, Blumenfeld and Paris (2004) distinguish between behavioural, emotional and cognitive engagement, and recommend studying engagement as a multifaceted construct. The findings presented below suggest that VET programs facilitate engagement in all its aspects: behaviourally (e.g., via increased attendance and participation in school activities), cognitively (e.g., via reports that VET accommodates preferences for 'hands-on' learning) and emotionally (e.g., via reports of improved attitudes to schoolwork).

As discussed previously, an important role of VET in Schools is to accommodate students who are struggling with the mainstream curriculum. The survey data (see Figure 1) revealed that about three in four students reported enrolling in VET in Schools because it was more practical and less academic, regardless of Indigenous status. Gender differences were evident, and held for Indigenous students: boys were more likely than girls to report that they enrolled because VET was more practical and less academic (86 per cent compared to 66 per cent). This suggests that Indigenous boys in particular appreciate the practical, 'hands on' nature of VET studies. Indigenous students were also more likely to report that they had been encouraged by their school to enrol in VET in Schools (52 per cent compared to 42 per cent). Among Indigenous students, boys were more likely than girls to report this reason for enrolling in VET in Schools (61 per cent compared to 46 per cent), reflecting their weaker academic position.

[FIGURE 1 OMITTED]

A similar trend was apparent in relation to the impact of VET in Schools participation on engagement with other aspects of schooling (see Figure 2). Indigenous students appear to be more likely to report that VET has improved their attitude to schoolwork, and helped with their other subjects. This aspect of VET appears to be stronger for boys than girls: male students were more likely than female students to report that VET subjects had improved their attitude to schoolwork (70 per cent compared to 59 per cent) and helped them with their other subjects (57 per cent compared to 43 per cent).

[FIGURE 2 OMITTED]

Interviews highlighted the role of VET in maintaining students' engagement with school through course content, work experience, and information about postschool opportunities. Some programs designed for Indigenous students at risk had--in their own eyes--re-established a connection with school and learning. Students enrolled in one particular program that combined completion of the senior school certificate with an Aboriginal School Based Traineeship were happy to discuss how they had successfully re-engaged with school because of this program. These same students had been surprised by the extent to which their attendance had improved since starting the program. Their comments concur with reports by parents and staff that VET programs, conducted within a supportive school environment, have a profound impact on attendance.

Almost every student interviewed mentioned the experiential, or hands-on, nature of VET as the key aspect that appealed to them. VET provided a welcome contrast with their other more theoretical subjects and gave students the opportunity to 'do'; to go beyond the traditional school activities of talking, reading and writing. Some students also referred to their VET subjects as meeting their need to be physically active. Although students sometimes struggled with the theory and academic demands of VET programs, they valued the way in which theoretical knowledge and hands-on experience complemented each other to enhance their learning experiences. When students perceived that this balance was not achieved, they were highly critical of VET.

Broadening pathway options

Most VET students combined VET study with traditional academic subjects. VET thus enabled students to broaden their learning beyond the traditional academic curriculum while still keeping their options open for university study. The survey found that this role of VET was strong for both Indigenous and non-Indigenous students. Over 80 per cent of all students believed that VET increased their career options, and over 70 per cent reported that VET allowed them to keep their options open for university. Indigenous girls were more likely than boys to report that VET still allowed them to keep their options open for university (78 per cent compared to 66 per cent).This gap reflects the stronger academic position of Indigenous girls. Young Indigenous people saw VET as an opportunity to explore possible career directions, and, through Structured Workplace Learning, experience different workplaces. Some students perceived their VET subject as a bonus, by providing additional points towards university entrance (in a state where VET results contribute to university entrance scores) and others as a safety net in case plans to attend university did not eventuate.

Providing workplace experience

For all students, whatever their backgrounds, the most important reason for enrolling in VET was the opportunity for workplace training. Indigenous students were slightly more likely than non-Indigenous students to nominate this reason (96 per cent compared to 93 per cent).

Interviews with Indigenous VET students revealed that most students welcomed the opportunity VET provided for workplace experience, and benefited from their placements. The important role played by workplace mentors and role models was a strong theme. Several students referred to the need for having access to someone in the workplace they knew, or with whom they felt comfortable asking for assistance. Wanting to work in Indigenous workplaces was not generally the case, but some students clearly appreciated having at least one Indigenous person at work to whom they could go for help or support. Students appreciated work placements where they were engaged in interesting and meaningful work and where they felt their contribution was valued. Many comments illustrated the role of Structured Workplace Learning in building student self-confidence and generic work skills.

A pathway to employment

Getting a job was more frequently nominated by Indigenous students than by non-Indigenous students as a reason for doing VET (79 per cent compared to 70 per cent), as was access to post-school VET (75 per cent compared to 69 per cent). Another key difference was in relation to the role of Structured Workplace Learning in helping them secure future employment: 85 per cent of Indigenous students reported that their work placement could help them move into a good job in the future, compared to 76 per cent of non-Indigenous students. This finding suggests that in the eyes of Indigenous students VET has a strong role in providing a pathway into training and/or employment. They were also more likely to see VET qualifications as a means of securing a part-time job while studying (67 per cent compared to 57 per cent).

Jobs were the most frequently mentioned perceived benefit of VET. Indigenous students generally reported enrolling in VET to gain entry-level training, or a 'ticket' that they believe would enhance their prospects of employment. Given high levels of unemployment amongst Indigenous peoples, and intergenerational unemployment, the role of VET in Schools in creating links between school and work is highly valued. For some students, the skills gained through VET were also seen as a means of making a difference in their community. This is a significant finding as it suggests that VET is seen as having a broader community-building role as well as one of individual advancement.

It is noteworthy that young people's view of employment preparation through VET was broad, rather than narrowly vocational. Some saw VET as directly linking them with a career path whilst others saw VET as an opportunity to explore a range of possible career directions. They also perceived VET as enabling them, through their contact with the workplace, to develop self-confidence, valuable generic skills and useful contacts for future employment.

While VET programs in general enrol proportionally many more Indigenous students than non-Indigenous students, the gap is even greater in the case of School-Based New Apprenticeships. Indigenous students were four times more likely than non-Indigenous students to report that that they were in School-Based New Apprenticeships (8 per cent compared to 2 per cent). School-Based New Apprenticeships allow students to undertake paid employment and structured training as part of a senior school certificate. Interviews with a small number of former students who undertook this form of VET in Schools suggested that VET had a significant impact on their self confidence and workplace knowledge and indicated that, with appropriate support, these young people were able to make a successful transition to post-school employment.

Good practice in VET in Schools for Indigenous students

The discussion above indicates that VET in Schools has a genuine and valued place in the lives of Indigenous students and is perceived to meet a broad range of individual and community needs. The interview study suggested five key principles that contribute to the successful implementation of VET for Indigenous students:

* a focus on individual needs;

* a supportive school environment;

* engaging and relevant curriculum;

* links with other education and training providers; and

* community links and partnerships.

Good practice was exemplified in schools that combined a strong VET program with commitment to improving the educational experiences and outcomes of Indigenous students more generally. Although discussed separately, the distinguishing feature of good practice was the ability of schools to combine all five aspects.

Focus on individual needs

Positive and supportive relationships with individual students and their families were fundamental to successful provision of VET in Schools to Indigenous students. Good practice was exemplified by a strong focus on the social, personal and emotional needs of individual students. Numerous forms of informal and timely support based on close relationships with individual students were mentioned in many schools. These included financial assistance with uniform costs for hospitality work placements, and in non-metropolitan locations, chance encounters with former students in the main street that facilitated post-school follow-up and support. Sensitivity to students' concerns about being singled out for special attention meant that support and assistance was offered to students in ways that did not draw attention to them as a group in need of special treatment. Awareness of individual differences was also emphasised, in recognition of the dangers of cultural and racial stereotyping.

Supportive school environment

For VET in Schools to succeed with Indigenous students, a supportive school environment was essential, demonstrated by a range of support strategies and underpinned by a policy commitment to affirming and supporting Indigenous cultural values and identities. Indigenous teaching and support staff were a significant factor in creating a supportive learning environment, and serving as much-needed role models. Strategies included Indigenous staff (in positions of leadership, teaching and support), educational support (e.g., ATAS tutoring, language, literacy and numeracy support), a welcoming physical environment (e.g., designated facilities), professional development for teachers in Indigenous issues and cultures, and a range of other support (e.g., Elder-in-Residence, on-campus childcare, breakfast program, assistance with transport and clothing for work placements). In some schools a strong and supportive culture had developed among students themselves, which included informal mentoring between older and younger students.

Engaging and relevant curriculum

Good practice was exemplified by a strong commitment to VET, combined a variety of other curriculum programs that successfully attracted, engaged and retained Indigenous students (e.g., talented sports programs). A flexible approach to curriculum development, program delivery and assessment that accommodates students' needs, interests and strengths (e.g., assessment based on practical tasks; course content that builds on students' strengths). Indigenous-only programs were seen as an appropriate response in some settings.

Links with other education and training providers

Schools maximised their ability to deliver a broad range of VET in Schools programs by cooperating with other training providers, such as TAFE Institutes, or operating in clusters with other schools in their region. Besides the obvious benefits of a wider choice of programs, this arrangement also provided the opportunity for students to interact with a wider cross-section of people in the community.

Community links and partnerships

Strong links with agencies within the local community (both Indigenous and non-Indigenous) were a feature of good practice. Such links included ongoing relationships with local employers, partnerships with local organisations, and VET programs that were responsive to the needs of local industry and provided a pathway to local employment opportunities. Sometimes these partnerships yielded extra funding for new programs and infrastructure.

VET in Schools: A corrugated iron ceiling?

The findings of this study indicate that VET in Schools makes an important contribution to the educational experiences of Indigenous students. Good practice in VET in Schools has much in common with good practice in meeting the educational needs of Indigenous students more generally (see Groome & Hamilton, 1995), who provide a comprehensive set of recommended strategies).

However, while VET in Schools gets full marks from a student perspective, care needs to be taken regarding the role of VET in channelling them into non-academic pathways. Higher rates of participation, while implying a widening spread of benefits, are not unproblematic in terms of other educational opportunities which may be forgone. Groome and Hamilton (1995) report that high-achieving Indigenous students are sometimes counselled out of academic streams and into more practical subjects and classes in years 9 and 10. In the course of the study reported here, some informants raised similar concerns. Although school staff asserted that Indigenous students, as with non-Indigenous students, were offered the full range of curriculum choices, there was evidence that some Indigenous students were being channelled by default into vocational pathways. As one VET coordinator commented:

   The kids look at the subjects they want and they look at the
   timetable. They've got to have an English, they've got to have a
   maths. Some of our Indigenous kids aren't capable of doing a science
   stream and they don't want to do Soc Ed or LOTE or whatever. So a
   lot of our kids are pushed toward the VET stream just to pick up a
   subject because VET is the only thing left on that line.

At some sites, the concern was expressed that high levels of Indigenous participation in VET in Schools served to diminish students' post-schooling opportunities, as the following comment from an Indigenous Education Worker illustrates:

   (The) Local Koori community is a little bit worried about VET, that
   maybe students will be targeted towards it too much and then there
   won't be as many doing (academic programs), so the fear that it may
   be lowering the educational status of students overall. And so
   you're not going to be getting tertiary (educated) lawyers, doctors,
   but you might get some really good motor mechanics, or hospitality
   trainees ... Can't we just make (tertiary oriented programs) more
   accessible to Koori students? There are programs to make access to
   University courses a lot easier. We need programs to assist students
   to complete their (Year 12).

Previous research has found generally lower levels of academic confidence amongst Indigenous students. Teese and Polesel (1996) found that Indigenous students in Year 10 were much less confident than non-Indigenous students of getting good or very good results, and experienced much higher levels of doubt about their capacity to continue at school. Year 10 Indigenous students also had lower aspirations than their non-Indigenous counterparts. The report also noted that socio-economic status and gender also influenced perceptions and outcomes. Indigenous girls were consistently more positive than boys about their relationships with teachers and the overall quality of their school experience. The survey data obtained by Polesel and Helme (2003) indicate that Indigenous students were less interested in university study and professional careers than non-Indigenous students and more interested in TAFE study, apprenticeships, traineeships or entering the workforce directly from school. Interviews with school staff interviewed attributed these differences to cultural and financial barriers:

   Most of our kids wouldn't see themselves as university material for
   all sorts of reasons including money. There's no tradition of
   academic education in their lives and a lot of things militate
   against that, family expectations, costs, perceptions about what you
   can and can't do. And a lot of the things that used to push people
   from fringe groups and working class areas into higher education,
   for example teaching scholarships, have gone ... People see VET as
   more accessible, more traditional.

This Indigenous school leader was also concerned that the tendency of young Indigenous people to opt for non-university study diminished their leadership potential, as well as their career aspirations.

   We're cutting out our potential leadership and university careers
   are still relatively unusual unless the person is strongly
   financially supported, for example (with) cadetships, teacher
   studentships and other scholarships ... a couple of young women I
   work with here really ought to be thinking about university and
   they're not. They're well and truly capable of it, but it's not
   seen by them as something that's accessible or attainable,
   which I think is really sad.

These comments reveal the dangers inherent in embracingVET as the only solution to Indigenous educational disadvantage, and underscore the need for appropriately targeted support, at all levels of education, for Indigenous students. Given the lower retention rates and academic success of Indigenous students discussed earlier, it is clear that the seeds of disaffection are sown well before students reach Years 11 and 12. It is therefore vital to address Indigenous disadvantage in education well before students reach senior secondary school, and to keep options open as far as possible throughout the senior years. Otherwise streaming into VET in Schools may simply reflect achievement problems or barriers not satisfactorily resolved below these years. Thus VET in Schools needs to be available as part of a broad range of curriculum programs that enable young Indigenous people to experience educational success.

Conclusions

VET in Schools cannot succeed as a stand-alone remedy for Indigenous educational disadvantage. The principles of good practice in the delivery of VET in Schools to Indigenous students demonstrate that VET in Schools can indeed be a ladder of opportunity for Indigenous students, enhancing engagement with school, broadening pathway options, providing workplace experience and pathways to employment. Good practice was characterised by a strongVET program that sat within the context of a suite of programs designed to attract and engage Indigenous students at all levels. Nurturing relationships with individual Indigenous students and their families were fundamental, as were school environments that affirmed Indigenous cultural values and identities.

Growth in VET in Schools must not mask other unresolved educational issues, nor should it operate as a streaming device--or corrugated iron ceiling--that locks students out of academic studies and pathways. Ultimately, VET in Schools has to be a voluntary option, and not a mechanism that excludes students from academic pathways. Future longitudinal research is needed to assess the long-term impact of VET in Schools on the post-schooling pathways of young Indigenous people.

Keywords

Vocational education and training

Torres Strait Islander education

Secondary school curriculum

Aboriginal education

Postcompulsory education

School to work transition

Acknowledgements

The author acknowledges her colleagues in the Centre for Post-Compulsory Education and Lifelong Learning for their advice and critical feedback on earlier drafts of this article. The author also wishes to thank the school staff, students and others who so generously gave their time to be involved in the studies reported here.

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Sue Helme is a Research Fellow in the Centre for Post-Compulsory Education and Lifelong Learning, Faculty of Education, University of Melbourne, Vic 3010.

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