In search of educators of color: if we make school a more positive experience for students of color, they'll be more likely to continue with their education, and perhaps select teaching as a profession.

One of the most common misunderstandings about the composition of the teaching profession, and hence, educational administration, is that it is merely a professional choice: someone chooses to be a teacher rather than a business person, a lawyer, a food service worker, a nurse, a truck driver.

In reality, many decisions are made for young people long before they become aware that they even have a choice. The research completed for the book, "The Color of Teaching" (Gordon, 2000a), requires into the impediments students encounter along the way that might dissuade them from becoming a teacher.

In discussions with more than 200 teachers of color in urban school districts across America, I came to understand, from their perspective, how and why we are facing a serious crisis in the diversification of our teaching force and some possible ways to address the problem.

Interviews were conducted with teachers who self identified as Latino, Native American, African American and Asian American. Access to the districts was facilitated by administrators of color in each city who had knowledge of my prior research and who felt the interviews would enable teachers to reflect on issues critical to improving their practice and that of future teachers.

Learning from each other

I am grateful to the teachers and administrators in the San Francisco Bay Area; Long Beach, Calif.; Cincinnati, Ohio; and Seattle, Wash. and for their trust and time. Through their voices many educators have learned to look at their students, their teaching, their assumptions and their own lives in radically different ways.

My work is based on the belief that attracting more students of color to the teaching profession is essential in providing both a high-quality education for all children and an optimal professional climate for teachers. This has nothing to do with race-matched teaching; it has everything to do with bringing a variety of committed and capable people together whose life experiences enable us to better understand the complexity of issues facing young people and their families today.

But simply filling teaching positions with people of color doesn't deal with the issues either. Far too often this leads to segregation among and within schools, with Spanish-speaking teachers expected to teach English language learners and African American teachers expected to work in the most difficult schools.

True diversity means that we all take responsibility and learn from each other. This requires trust, humility, time and the ability to honestly listen, setting aside the fear, the anger and the need to prove oneself right. It also means accepting the complexity that exists within every socially-constructed category of individuals as well as how socio-economic class, education and family background influence us all.

Understanding the history of minority communities' experience with schooling in the U.S. is essential to gain insights into the disaffection of youth and the challenges of recruiting a more diverse teaching force. Logically, if we understand ways to make K-12 schooling a more positive experience for students of color, more will continue with their education and more will graduate from colleges and universities, increasing the possibility they will select teaching as a profession and, hence, be a part of the pool of candidates who will assume leadership for our nation's schools.

The research presented here demonstrates that the images of teachers and the teaching profession as developed and sustained within various American cultural and economic communities are as much a contribution to any shortage of teachers of color as are the structural impediments so frequently cited. First, some brief looks at the historical context of education for the four groups addressed in this research.

African Americans

One of the many ironies of the segregation era occurred because of the limited jobs available to African Americans. Those who were educated, often in historically black colleges and universities, became teachers and preachers, priding themselves in their knowledge and ability to disseminate education to their young. Seen as part of the black elite, these individuals became pillars in the community, were highly respected, and knew of the responsibilities they shouldered as role models.

In turn, desegregation during the 1960s brought a new irony as Southern whites, unwilling to have their children taught by black teachers in mixed classrooms, demanded that white teachers, often with less education than black teachers, educate their children. Integration resulted in the removal of many black teachers and principals, the mainstay of African American middle-class society.

Latinos

Basic to an understanding of educational opportunities for Latinos is the historical importance placed politically on bilingual education (Fernandez and Guskin, 1981). The ironic result has been that, in tandem with residential discrimination, bilingual education has tended to reinforce segregated schooling (Orfield and Eaton, 1996). Separation based on language and last name affiliation came in spite of legislation for integration that preceded Brown vs. Board of Education in the 1947 Mendez vs. Westminister School District case (Gonzales, 1990).

This was possible in part because of the premise that integration had been accomplished if Latinos and African Americans attended the same school. Not until the 1970s did we see court decisions bringing Latinos and whites together in the same school. Such a move required that Mexican Americans be identified for the first time as a separate ethnic group, not white, for the purposes of public school desegregation (Salinas, 1971).

Native Americans

Native Americans share some of the same concerns and conflicts mentioned above, but there is a unique element added to the mix: boarding schools. Stories passed down from generation to generation leave young people ambivalent toward formal schooling, which had as its intended purpose the "civilizing" and converting of Indians into mainstream Christian culture, often at the cost of removing children from their parents (DeVos, 1980; Unger, 1977).

Many non-Native peoples retain a romantic notion of Indian culture, and view the trauma of eradication and negation of first peoples as historical; few are aware of how this continues to be played out in classrooms across the U.S. (Harmon, 1990). Native children have some of the lowest achievement rates of any ethnic group in America (Swisher and Hoisch, 1992).

Asian Americans 

The influx of Asian immigrants since 1965 has led to a reconsideration of stereotypes not only of the so-called "model minority" but also of who makes up the socially constructed and ill-conceived term "Asian" (Nakanishi and Nishida, 1995). While we have gradually admitted Southeast Asians into the paradigm, people of Central and South Asia have been embraced with less enthusiasm under this rubric. Major differences in ethnicity, language, religion, politics and social history further confound our attempts to apply the same term to this complexity of cultures and peoples.

Our ignorance will be our undoing as people of the Middle East, even in our tokenism to categories, lie outside of any of the "big four." Yet, the resurgence of Asian immigrant children in our classrooms has provoked minimal inquiry into the reasons why there are so few Asian American teachers.

Lack of respect and low status

More than half of the teachers interviewed claimed that the negative image and low status of teachers were among the main reasons students of color are not entering the field of teaching. This perception on the part of teachers who work with diverse student populations warrants consideration.

One of the saddest, yet profound, findings from the interviews with African American teachers dealt with the decline in respect for teaching since integration. White society, having more options available to it, has never seen teaching as a particularly glamorous or powerful avocation. Teaching has historically been more about socialization and moral education, a job most saw as better suited to women than men, and hence, ranked as lower status and lower pay.

But for African Americans, education has been about access to knowledge legally deprived of them. It was about cracking the secret code of reading, of learning what the white man knew and kept hidden from them. It was about "the uplift of the race;" it was about liberation and in some ways salvation: how to save yourself from the indignities and injustices that had been, and would be, heaped upon you.

When white teachers entered the schools of black southern communities, they did not share this history, these views or visions. Their role was to teach basics; it was a job, not a calling. The difference is profound.

Variation in the degree of respect attributed to teachers by the Latino community was greatest between recent immigrants and those who had been here for several generations. Decline in respect, and in academic achievement and lowered aspirations, tends to correspond with length of residence in the U.S. (Suarez-Orozco, 1989; Kao and Tienda, 1995).

Understanding the impact of American urban working-class culture on immigrant values needs greater attention if we are to comprehend attitudes toward education and the teaching profession. As emphatically stressed in the interviews, immigrants come to this country not only with a strong respect for education, but also with an assumption that educational opportunities are greater here than "back home."

Native American informants believed that the image of schooling and teachers would be more highly respected if the rhythm and demands of traditional Native life were better understood and honored.

Respect for Asian Americans was intertwined with status, which is closely linked to income. Competition is accepted as natural, with the best rising to the top. Several interviewees claimed that "Asian parents want status for their children" and since teaching in the U.S. is not high status, "Asians now say that teaching is not good enough." Respect is associated with structure, hierarchy, meritocracy, discipline and reverence--not exactly the qualities that most American teachers engender or advocate for themselves.

Economic reasons

The vast majority of interviewees, however, did not think that money was the main reason for not choosing to become a teacher; this was particularly true for Latinos. Rather, they saw themselves as solidly middle-class, holding a job with good income, security, benefits and an opportunity to help others.

One African American educator elaborated on the irony of how teaching is perceived as a lower-paying profession: "I don't think that money is the real issue. The union is working against us. By advocating for more income for teachers, they give a bad image of the profession. It's an irony. They have to say that we are poorly paid in order to get more money, but then, everyone thinks that it's a low-paying job."

Negative school experiences

About one-third of all teachers noted negative school experiences as a reason for the shortage of students of color in teaching. However, few Latinos did so, but when it did arise, the references related to misplacement in ESL/LED classes, inability to use their primary language, preoccupation with proving one's authenticity as Latino, and frustration with teachers unprepared to work with them.

African Americans tended to give more credence to classroom dynamics as laid out in this comment: "In the early stage black children are identified as unsuccessful or in need of remediation and are therefore turned off of education as early as the first or second grade. They should not be labeled as unable to succeed."

Lack of academic/emotional preparation

One-fourth of all the teachers pointed to lack of academic preparation as a major factor. One African American female teacher claimed, "They can't keep up; so they do something less difficult than teaching." Another laid out the problem as, "There are gaps in the education of students of color."

While lack of academic preparation was not an issue for Asian Americans, emotional preparation was. Many expressed fear of educating "someone else's child" and candidly recognized their limited exposure to, and involvement with, other ethnic groups, explaining, "We live in tight-knit communities; we are very sheltered." Along with this was the fear of failure, making a mistake, and being ridiculed or laughed at.

Respondents also felt overwhelmed by the myriad social and emotional demands of children's lives. Repeatedly I was told, "Teaching does not match our personality. Culturally we are not attracted to teaching as a profession." As a result, many Asian American young people opt for careers that do not demand high interpersonal skills.

Lack of support in college

Those students of color who do survive and succeed in K-12 face still another impediment--success in college. Reflecting on their own college days, one-fifth of the teachers cited the attempt to maintain a sense of self, separate from the images and labels that others place upon them, as one of the most difficult challenges.

Although lack of sufficient financial aid is often seen as the main obstacle for students of color continuing in their schooling, this research revealed a need for greater attention to be paid to the realm of emotional and intellectual mentoring.

Discrimination based on accent and racism

Given the ostensible push to recruit more teaches of color and the assumption that school districts need more teachers who can understand the needs of children from all walks of life, more than a few African American interviewees claimed that "even if they did get in [a teaching credential program], they couldn't get a job because of color."

Latinos and Asian Americans extended this obstacle to include accent. In some cases the accents falsely indicated academic ability; in other situations teachers resented being expected to teach only Latino youth or lower level ESL classes because of a presumed shared language and culture.

Lack of encouragement

The most important conclusion from the research, however, is that regardless of academic or socioeconomic standing, students of color tend not to be encouraged to enter the teaching profession by their own families and communities, including their K-12 teachers.

Although some of the discouragement might be attributed to parents not aware of, or involved in, formal schooling, a significant amount comes from counselors and middle-class parents who know the benefits of education. Much of this bias against the field is based on experience, but is also an issue of elitism. For example, Asian American parents pressure their children to enter jobs that enhance family image.

Racelessness

In addition to discouragement from adults in the community, young people have to contend with the norms set by their peers. Fears that demonstrating an interest in school will be equated with "acting white" impede many urban youth from putting forth their best effort. Such a condition has been called "racelessness," since it implies that students give up their racial identity in the process of becoming educated (Fordham and Ogbu, 1986).

Although this attitude is often associated with African Americans, I found it more prevalent in interviews with Native Americans as reflected in this comment, "I put on a white face for the day in school, then at home I'd become Indian again. It was exhausting to have to wear two faces. Boarding schools fosters this mentality. My mom wanted me to be less Indian."

The multiple masks required for success within apparently discrepant contexts can lead not only to confusion of identities, but resistance to education and to teaching, in particular. If schooling is seen as a profession that contributes to the division and disruption of family and community life, why would one select it?

Becoming an object of respect

We lament the fact that young people do not listen to elders, but in fact, young people are constantly looking for guidance and they hear what is said to them. If students are told that their expectations are unrealistic, that education is white or that teaching is a profession for "white folks," why would they stay engaged in school long enough to graduate from high school, to go on to college, to get that teaching certificate?

And if their experiences in the classroom demonstrate to them that learning is really not important, that disrespect for teachers is commonplace, or that kids that look like them don't belong in "regular" classes, why would they want to be the object of disrespect, endure the chaos of the classroom, or perpetuate inequities they have seen or felt? A sane person would not chose to put themselves in such a situation.

And then if you move it up the line from teacher to administrator, the issues simply are compounded with wider social and political challenges often outweighing increased status and income.

The diversification of the workforce in education clearly begins in the K-12 classroom, but it is not only a matter between teachers and students; community attitudes play a significant role in encouraging young people to see themselves as scholars and leaders. We are all responsible for developing the next generation of educators.

References

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Fernandez, R., & Guskin, J. (1981). "Hispanic students and school desegregation," in W. D. Hawley (Ed.), Effective school desegregation: Equity, quality, and feasibility. London: Sage Publications.

Fordham, S., & Ogbu, J. U. U. (1986). "Black students' success: Coping with the burden of 'acting white.'" The Urban Review, 18, 176-206.

Gonzales, G. G. (1990). Chicano education in the era of segregation. Philadelphia: Balch Institute.

Gordon, J. A. (1994a). "Why Students of Color Are Not Entering Teaching: Reflections from Minority Teachers." Journal of Teacher Education, 45(5): 346-353.

Gordon, J. A. (1994b). "Preparing Future Teachers for Diversity." The Urban Review, 26(1): 25-34.

Gordon, J. A. (1997). "Teachers of Color Speak to Issues of Respect and Image." The Urban Review, 29(1): 41-66.

Gordon, J. A. (2000a). The Color of Teaching. London: RoutledgeFalmer Press.

Gordon, J. A. (2000b). "Asian American Resistance to Selecting Teaching as a Career: The Power of Community and Tradition." Teachers College Record, 102(1): 173-196.

Gordon, J. A. (2001). "African Americans and the Choice to Teach," Chapter Five in Nata, R. (Ed.) Progress in Education, Vol. 4, Nova Science Publishers, 97-110.

Gordon, J. A. (2002). Beyond the Classroom Walls: Ethnographic Inquiry as Pedagogy. London: RoutledgeFalmer.

Gordon, J. A. (2003). "Who is willing--and able--to become a teacher?" Race Equality Teaching, 21,(3): 28-31.

Harmon, A. (1990). "When is an Indian not an Indian? 'Friends of the Indian' and the problems of Indian identity." Journal of Ethnic Studies, 18(2), 95-123.

Kao, G., & Tienda, M. (1995). "Optimism and achievement: The educational performance of immigrant youth." Social Science Quarterly, 76(1), 1-19.

McCullough-Garrett, A. (1993). "Reclaiming the African American vision for teaching: Toward an educational conversation." Journal of Negro Education, 62(4), 433-440.

Orfield, G., & Eaton, S. E. (1996). Dismantling Segregation: The Quiet Reversal of Brown vs. Board of Education. New York: New Press.

Reyhner, J. A. (1992). "American Indians out of school: A review of school-based causes and solutions." Journal of American Indian Education, 31(3), 37-55.

Salinas, G. (1971). "Mexican Americans and the desegregation of schools in the Southwest." Houston Lau, Review, 8 (929), 948.

Suarez-Orozco, M. M. (1989). Central American refugees and U. S. high schools: A psychosocial study of motivation and achievement. Stanford: Stanford University Press.

Swisher, K., & Hoisch, M. (1992). "Dropping out among American Indians and Alaska Natives: A review of studies." Journal of American Indian Education, 31(2), 3-23.

Unger, S. (1977). The destruction of American Indian families. New York: Association of American Indian Affairs.

June A. Gordon is associate professor of education at University of California, Santa Cruz.