Identity formation of United States American and Asian Indian adolescents.According to according to
1. As stated or indicated by; on the authority of: according to historians.
2. In keeping with: according to instructions.
3. Eriksonian and neo-Eriksonian theory (e.g., Marcia, 1980), identity formation among youth often requires that they explore a range of life choices about interpersonal and ideological domains before they make commitments. Erikson (1980) proposed a developmental pattern in that individuals in late adolescence are able to conceive a clearer sense of their identity than those in early adolescence. Indicators of successful resolution of these explorations are reflected in the individual's high level of comfort with self, a sense of direction in life, a feeling of sameness and continuity of the self, and confidence that significant others value and support the self (Erikson, 1980).
Recent research (e.g., Cote & Levine, 2002; Schwartz, 2005) suggests that the identity development model of Erikson should be modified to a postmodern post·mod·ern
Of or relating to art, architecture, or literature that reacts against earlier modernist principles, as by reintroducing traditional or classical elements of style or by carrying modernist styles or practices to extremes: identity which is composed of diverse elements that do not always yield a unified self. This view has particular significance when examining identity development across cultures (Kroger, 2007). Thus, identity is conceptualized as resulting from cultural possibilities and limitations available to individuals within a given context. For example, adolescents around the world may develop a bi-cultural identity with one part of their identity rooted in their local culture while another part stems from their awareness of their relations to the global culture. Historically, most cultures emphasized more of interdependent rather than independent views of the self. Thus, Erikson's views of the importance of identity development issues in adolescence may apply more to Western societies than to adolescents in more traditional cultures.
Identity has become an important area of study in late modern society. A coherent sense of identity supported by agency and self-direction is required to be successful in one's occupational and social life in the United States United States, officially United States of America, republic (2005 est. pop. 295,734,000), 3,539,227 sq mi (9,166,598 sq km), North America. The United States is the world's third largest country in population and the fourth largest country in area. and other unstructured western societies (Cote & Levine, 2002). Some researchers (e.g., Kroger, 2007) have argued that adolescent identity formation may yield different patterns across cultural contexts. In Western societies, adolescents are often granted greater latitude in exploring life choices in ideology, occupations, and social relationships. In non-Western and more traditional cultures, adolescents are often restricted in their choices of potential mates by their parents, and the range of occupational choices may be unavailable for exploration. In the United States, psychosocial psychosocial /psy·cho·so·cial/ (si?ko-so´shul) pertaining to or involving both psychic and social aspects.
Involving aspects of both social and psychological behavior. moratorium A suspension of activity or an authorized period of delay or waiting. A moratorium is sometimes agreed upon by the interested parties, or it may be authorized or imposed by operation of law. is a more acceptable identity status for ideological domains than it might be in a more traditional culture where adolescents are expected to believe what their parents teach them.
According to Kroger (2003), gender differences in identity formation have diminished in Western cultures. However, Marcia, 1994, contends that differences remain especially with regard to occupational exploration. According to Marcia (1994), female adolescents often have more difficulty integrating their aspirations for love with their aspirations for careers. Consequently, intimacy for females is a higher priority than identity whereas for males identity is a higher priority than intimacy. Lucas (1997) examined similarities and differences between adolescent males and females regarding identity development, career development, and psychological separation from parents. Among females in the study, identity commitment was negatively and incrementally predicted by attitudinal independence. Males who were more emotionally independent from their parents were more likely to be in the exploratory stage of identity, whereas those who were emotionally dependent upon their parents were less likely to be identity achieved. Kroger, 2007, has indicated that both connectedness and independence are often seen in both males and females due less to biological sex differences and more to cultural differences in gender-role socialization socialization /so·cial·iza·tion/ (so?shal-i-za´shun) the process by which society integrates the individual and the individual learns to behave in socially acceptable ways.
Therefore, the purpose of this study was to examine adolescent identity formation in two cultures, the United States and India. Most of the research on adolescent identity formation has been conducted with American adolescents of European origin (Berzonzsky & Kuk, 2000; Kroger, 2007; Makros & McCabe, 2001; Samuolis, Layburn, & Schiaffino, 2001). One exception to this trend is the work of Phinney (1990, 2006) who has argued that identity formation among ethnic minorities is more complex than among those who are part of the majority culture. Adolescents in these situations are confronted with reconciling the values of their ethnic group with the values taught to them in the majority culture.
Whereas the majority of research on identity formation continues to be largely based on adolescents in Western cultures, there is an increasing trend toward research on non-Western cultures (Bond & Smith, 1996; Cote & Levine, 2002). Bond and Smith (1996) noted that there is an obvious lack of sufficient research on Southeast Asian cultures. Bhushan and Shirali (1993) also highlighted the lack of sufficient research on identity formation and familial relations within the Indian culture. India has a fast-growing culture that has wholeheartedly whole·heart·ed
Marked by unconditional commitment, unstinting devotion, or unreserved enthusiasm: wholehearted approval.
whole incorporated the global economy and is quickly succeeding technologically in partnership with Western societies. However, most Indian adolescents and young adults prefer to have an arranged marriage The purpose of an arranged marriage is to form a new family unit by marriage while respecting the chastity of all people involved. As suggested by the term, an arranged marriage is typically arranged by someone other than the persons getting married, curtailing or avoiding the (Pathak's study as cited in Verma & Saraswathi, 2002) and follow tradition with respect to their personal lives and cultural traditions. The parallel developments of a bicultural bi·cul·tur·al
Of or relating to two distinct cultures in one nation or geographic region: bicultural education.
bi·cul identity encompassed in globalization globalization
Process by which the experience of everyday life, marked by the diffusion of commodities and ideas, is becoming standardized around the world. Factors that have contributed to globalization include increasingly sophisticated communications and transportation and identity based on unique aspects of a culture suggest that identity formation among adolescents may be influenced differentially yielding different developmental trajectories based on culture. Therefore, the present study adds to the existing body of literature by examining identity formation of adolescent youth in India and the United States. The following hypotheses were examined in this study:
1. There will be similarities and differences in identity development when comparing adolescents from the United States with those from India. It was expected that both United States and Indian adolescents could be classified into identity statuses proposed by Marcia.
2. We expected that adolescents from the United States would have different patterns of identity statuses than adolescents from India (Arnett, 2007). Adolescents from the United States were expected to be higher in moratorium status marked by higher exploration and less commitment than adolescents from India. Indian adolescents were expected to be more foreclosed, marked by lower exploration and higher commitment than adolescents from the United States (Cote & Levine, 2002).
3. Because it has been suggested that identity statuses have different patterns for boys and girls boys and girls
mercurialisannua. (Lucas, 1997), and that interpersonal identity status in particular may follow different trajectories (Marcia, 1994), gender was included as a moderating variable in the study. It was expected that the two nationalities would yield different gender patterns in identity status.
4. Age also was expected to be a moderating variable--that adolescents in general from both countries would have lower exploration scores than older adolescents and that this would be true for both boys and girls.
Participants were 200 Asian Indian and 234 U.S. American adolescents from public high schools. All participants ranged between 13 and 18 years of age. The Asian Indian males and females were selected from a large public school in New Delhi New Delhi (dĕl`ē), city (1991 pop. 294,149), capital of India and of Delhi state, N central India, on the right bank of the Yamuna River. , India; the medium of instruction at the school was English. The U.S. American adolescents were recruited from five public high schools drawn from northeastern and southeastern regions of the United States. There were 196 males and 238 females between the ages of 13 and 18. Participants were categorized cat·e·go·rize
tr.v. cat·e·go·rized, cat·e·go·riz·ing, cat·e·go·riz·es
To put into a category or categories; classify.
cat into younger adolescents (13-15 years, 45%) and older adolescents (16-18 years, 55%).
The Asian Indian sample consisted of 106 males and 94 females, 107 between the ages of 13 and 15, and 93 adolescents between the ages of 16 and 18. Among participants from the United States, 90 were males and 144 were females. Eighty-seven of the U.S. sample were between ages 13-15 and 147 were between ages of 16-18.
In India, 77% of the participants were from two-parent families comprised of biological parents; 18% reported living with parents and grandparents in the same house. Single-mother and single-father families accounted for 3% and 2% of the participants, respectively. Most participants (62%) in the U.S. were from two-parent families; 17% reported living in single-mother households, and 2% in single-father households. Nearly 11% lived in stepfather and 4% lived in stepmother households. The remaining 4% of the adolescents reported other family structures without specifically naming any. Eighty nine percent and 66% of Indian and U.S. adolescents respectively, reported having one or two siblings.
Although the Indian participants were predominantly Hindu (83%), the religious distribution presents some diversity: (a) Sikhs (12%) and (b) Christians (3%). Out of the 200 participants, 2% did not claim affiliation with any of the religious groups. Among the U.S. adolescents, 83% were Christian and 1% was Muslim; almost 11% did not report religious affiliation; the remaining 5% reported other religious faiths.
Eight percent of fathers in India and 27% in the U.S. had graduated with at least a high school degree; 18% of fathers in India versus 21% of fathers in the U.S. had received some college-level education. Almost an equal proportion of fathers in India (24%) and in the U.S. (23%) had graduated with at least a bachelor's degree. Sixteen percent of mothers in India and 23% in the U.S. had graduated from high school. Almost an equal proportion of adolescents' mothers in India (25%) and in the U.S. (25%) had graduated with a bachelor's degree.
Extended Objective Measure of Ego Identity ego identity
The sense of oneself as a distinct continuous entity.
ego identity Psychology The sense of connection or belonging between a person and a particular social–religious, or political group, the Scale (EOM-EIS-II). This scale is the revised version Revised Version
A British and American revision of the King James Version of the Bible, completed in 1885.
Noun of the Objective Measure of Ego-Identity (Adams, Shea, & Fitch, 1979; Bennion & Adams, 1986). This 64-item measure utilizes a six-point Likert scale Likert scale A subjective scoring system that allows a person being surveyed to quantify likes and preferences on a 5-point scale, with 1 being the least important, relevant, interesting, most ho-hum, or other, and 5 being most excellent, yeehah important, etc to assess the endorsement of each identity status in ideological (occupation, politics, religion, philosophical lifestyle) and interpersonal (sex-roles, friendship, recreation, and dating) content domains.
Thee scale measures developmental processes involved in identity formation. It can be used to determine both individual and intraindividual changes in identity formation. The scale classifies individuals into four identity statuses: (a) identity achievement, (b) moratorium, (c) foreclosure foreclosure
Legal proceeding by which a borrower's rights to a mortgaged property may be extinguished if the borrower fails to live up to the obligations agreed to in the loan contract. , and (d) diffusion. This measure has been used successfully in classroom settings serving high school-age students (Bennion & Adams, 1986).
Bennion and Adams (1986) reported the Cronbach's alpha Cronbach's (alpha) has an important use as a measure of the reliability of a psychometric instrument. It was first named as alpha by Cronbach (1951), as he had intended to continue with further instruments. coefficients as follows: (a) Ideological achievement, .62; (b) Ideological moratorium, .75; (c) Ideological foreclosure, .75; (d) Ideological diffusion, .62; (e) Interpersonal achievement, .60; (f) Interpersonal moratorium, .58; (g) Interpersonal foreclosure, .80; and Interpersonal diffusion, .64, Overall, the test-retest reliability estimates yielded a median correlation of .76.
All surveys were administered in English and followed the same protocol for both cultural samples. It took approximately 30 minutes to complete the questionnaire.
A 2 (Country) x 2 (Gender) x 2 (Age) Analysis of Variance was performed on each of the four identity statuses. Table 1 presents descriptive statistics descriptive statistics
see statistics. for identity statuses by country, gender, and age for all participants. For diffusion, there was a significant country effect, F(1, 426) = 86.00, p = .000 and a significant gender effect, F(1, 426) = 3.63, p = .05). Asian Indian adolescents were higher in diffusion than were U.S. adolescents. In addition, males recorded higher diffusion scores than did females. There were no interaction effects for this identity status.
The foreclosure identity status yielded three main effects including country, F(1, 426) = 120.42, p = .000, gender, F(1, 426) = 4.90, p = .02, and age, F(1, 426) = 13.79, p = .000. Asian Indian adolescents scored higher in foreclosure than did U.S. adolescents. Males scored higher in foreclosure than did females. There were no interaction effects for the foreclosure identity status.
The only main effect for the moratorium status was that of country. Asian Indian adolescents had higher moratorium scores than did U.S. adolescents. There was also a country x gender interaction, F(2, 426) = 7.08, p = .008). Table 2 shows that U.S. males were lower in moratorium scores than were U.S. females. In contrast, Asian Indian males scored higher in moratorium than did Asian Indian females.
Finally, for achievement, no main effects or interactions were found for the sample.
This study investigated adolescent identity formation across two countries--India and the United States. Consistent with previous research (Arnett, 2007; Adams & Marshall, 1996; Baumeister & Murayen, 1996; Cote, 1996; Oyserman, Grant, & Ager, 1995; Stegarud et al., 1999; Stewart et al., 2000; Yoder, 2000), findings from the current study support the need to examine adolescent identity formation cross-culturally in that significant differences were found in three of the four identity statuses.
Asian Indian adolescents appear to be more diffused, foreclosed, and in moratorium in comparison to U.S. American adolescents. Waterman (1988) observed that identity foreclosure could be viewed as adaptive or maladaptive Maladaptive
Unsuitable or counterproductive; for example, maladaptive behavior is behavior that is inappropriate to a given situation.
Mentioned in: Cognitive-Behavioral Therapy depending on adolescents' goals, values, and beliefs. Shukla (1994) stressed that parents in India continue to be the primary socializers of their children. In addition, the symbiotic symbiotic /sym·bi·ot·ic/ (sim?bi-ot´ik) associated in symbiosis; living together.
Of, resembling, or relating to symbiosis. relation shared by the Asian Indian adolescents and their parents (Carson et al. 1999) last longer than in other cultures (Simhadri, 1989; Shukla, 1994). Whereas western families promote more individualistic qualities in their children (Stegarud et al., 1999), familial norms, loyalty, and obligation are valued more in the collectivist col·lec·tiv·ism
The principles or system of ownership and control of the means of production and distribution by the people collectively, usually under the supervision of a government. cultures (Chao, 1994; Chilman, 1993; Fuligni, 1998; Mayseless et al., 1998; Reddy & Gibbons Famous people named Gibbons include:
Despite their high scores on identity diffusion and foreclosure, Asian Indian males and females also had higher moratorium scores than their U.S. American counterparts. Schwartz and Montgomery (2002) surmised that identity diffusion and moratorium may be viewed as adaptive because both statuses provide adolescents opportunities to reflect on all possible alternatives. Although Hernandez and DiClemente (1992) and Rotheram-Borus (1989) found the moratorium status to be associated with problematic outcomes, Marcia (1980) pointed out that compared to other adolescents, those in identity moratoria are in fact, more internally reflective and directed, albeit more anxious. Moreover, Marcia (1989) added that the processes of exploration and commitment are best promoted in a secure environment. In a similar vein, Ainsworth (1989) also reiterated that safe and secure familial relations best promote confidence in adolescents to engage in higher levels of identity exploration (Allen et al., 1994; Zimmermann & Becker-Stoll, 2002). These findings may explain why a higher proportion (95%) of Asian Indian adolescents from two biological-parent intact families scored higher on psychological moratoria than did U.S. American males and females. In addition, Sartor and Youniss (2002) emphasized that even though adolescents tend to spend more time with their peers rather than with their parents, parental availability and support is still vital for promoting identity formation in adolescents.
Consistent with the existing body of literature (e.g., Schwartz & Montgomery, 2002), the findings of the present study showed that adolescent males are more foreclosed and diffused than adolescent females. This finding was found to hold true for the participants from both cultural groups. Importantly, Schwartz and Montgomery concluded that although foreclosed adolescent males display high commitments, these commitments are generally enacted without sufficient exploration of alternatives.
Consistent with the findings of Meeus et al. (2002) and Sartor and Youniss (2002), the findings of the present study did not yield significant gender differences in identity achievement. Meeus et al. (1999) also indicated that the patterns of identity formation are the same for adolescent males and females. In contrast, Schwartz and Montgomery (2002) found females to be more identity achieved in comparison to males. It is possible that the gender differences were not as apparent in this study because the sample size within each cultural group was smaller and the age range was lower as compared to those of Schwartz and Montgomery (2002).
Erikson (1968) stated that adolescents display a more stable sense of self toward the later adolescent period. Although our findings indicated age differences in the identity formation for foreclosure, no other age differences or interactions were found for our sample. Consequently, this finding suggests limited identity exploration by younger adolescents in general, and is consistent with earlier findings on identity formation (Campbell et al., 1984; Meeus et al., 1999; Waterman, 1999).
SUMMARY AND CONCLUSIONS
The findings of this study are somewhat inconsistent with the current research in that Asian Indian adolescents exhibited higher identity diffusion, foreclosure, and moratorium than those from the U.S. Because of the nature of convenient sampling, this study may not accurately represent the adolescent population within Asian Indian and U.S. cultures. For example, the Asian Indian sample consisted mostly of adolescents from middle-to-upper middle class families in New Delhi, a large metropolitan city. Consequently, the findings may reflect more socioeconomic differences in identity formation rather than cultural differences. For example, Reddy and Gibbons (1999) and Triandis (1989) found strong associations between individualistic qualities in adolescents and higher socioeconomic status. Contrary to the emerging egalitarian parent-child relationships in bigger cities in India This is a list of cities in India - * indicates capital cities of states of India. A
The most significant differences in identity formation are apparent in the domain of diffusion and foreclosed identity statuses. Consistent with earlier studies, the present study demonstrates that younger adolescents are more foreclosed than older adolescents. In addition, adolescent males displayed increased identity foreclosure in comparison to adolescent females. These findings are consistent with the existing body of literature.
Despite the limitations of this research, the present study points out significant cultural similarities and differences in adolescent identity formation within and across the two cultures. In addition, most cross-cultural studies Cross-cultural comparisons take several forms. One is comparison of case studies, another is controlled comparison among variants of a common derivation, and a third is comparison within a sample of cases. are currently carried out with adolescents in the U.S. Usually such studies are skewed skewed
curve of a usually unimodal distribution with one tail drawn out more than the other and the median will lie above or below the mean.
skewed Epidemiology adjective Referring to an asymmetrical distribution of a population or of data in that they compare Caucasian adolescents from the dominant culture with first- and/or second-generation immigrants. It is possible that such studies may not be able to fully capture the cultural dynamics unique to the minority traditions within a dominant culture. Moreover, findings of the existing cross-cultural studies consisting of participants from South Asian origins are sometimes generalized for adolescents in other Asian societies.
Future research within and across cultures would benefit from examining the influences of family structure and parental education as independent variables to determine adolescent identity formation and autonomy. Finally, it may be worthwhile to consider future research in determining the normative patterns in identity formation that are developmentally and culturally appropriate within different cultural settings.
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As of the census of 2004, there were 68,181 people and 21,938 households in the department. The average household size was 3.1. For every 100 females, there were 100.4 males. of Education.
Ann K. Mullis, Ph.D., Florida State University.
Table 1 Descriptive Statistics for Identity Statuses by Country, Gender and Age of Participants Status Variable N Mean S D F Sig. Diffusion Country U.S 234 48.70 9.36 India 200 57.23 8.38 86.00 .000 Gender Male 196 54.17 9.79 Female 238 51.37 9.79 3.63 .05 Age 13-15 194 54.17 9.25 16-18 240 51.39 10.20 2.39 NS Foreclosure Country U.S. 234 41.20 12.89 India 200 56.22 13.17 120.42 Gender Male 196 50.88 14.21 Female 238 45.85 15.29 4.90 .02 Age 13-15 194 51.93 15.80 16-18 240 45.05 13.61 13.79 .000 Moratorium: Country U.S. 234 54.71 9.78 India 200 60.23 8.92 35.85 .000 Gender Male 196 57.84 10.74 Female 238 56.77 8.90 .179 NS Age 13-15 194 57.77 9.16 16-18 240 56.84 10.25 .054 NS Achievement: Country U.S. 234 64.02 8.84 India 200 65.32 9.31 1.44 NS Gender Male 196 64.75 8.95 Female 238 64.51 9.19 .003 NS Age 13-15 194 65.08 9.44 16-18 240 64.24 8.77 0.49 NS Table 2 Univariate Analysis of Variance: Country by Gender Interaction for Moratorium Identity Status Status Variable N Mean S D Moratorium: Gender U.S. Male 90 53.47 10.95 U.S. Female 144 55.49 8.92 Indian Male 106 61.55 9.08 Indian Female 94 58.73 8.54