IRAQ - Apr 27 - 'I'm still here'- Zarqawi.
After years of operating in Iraq as a shadowy force who was
sometimes heard but never seen, the Jordanian-born militant Abu Musab
al-Zarqawi steps out of the shadows with a video released on the
Internet that showed him planning operations against US forces and
walking freely about the desert of what was claimed to be Iraq's
Anbar Province. Zarqawi, whom Iraqi officials blame for dozens of
suicide attacks inside Iraq as well as terrorist attacks in his native
Jordan, was even at this late date seen as a mythical figure by many
Iraqis, a fiction designed to spread fear and put a face on the Sunni
Arab insurgents who have spread so much terror here. "Before, I
thought there was no Zarqawi, he was just a fiction. But now I believe
in him. He's really out there", says Thalib Jabbar, a
businessman in Baghdad. "Zarqawi wants to show his power and
frighten people. But in reality, he's the one who should be afraid.
We want him dead". That's a common sentiment among many
ordinary Iraqis, one played on by Iraqi officials who condemned Zarqawi
as a foreigner trying to destroy their country. Their strong response
highlights the risk such a video poses for Zarqawi: The effort to show
his strength within the insurgency also puts a foreign face on the
movement, leaving an opening for his opponents to appeal to national
unity. Yet experts say he remains hugely popular among hard-core
insurgents particularly in Sunni-dominated Anbar Province - and point
out that the video shows him as calm and in control, despite a massive
US manhunt for him. At its most basic level, analysts say the point of
the slickly produced half-hour video was for Zarqawi to say
"I'm still here", much like the audiotape released Apr 23
by Osama bin Laden. US military propaganda and some Iraqi shaikhs have
claimed recently that many of Zarqawi's past admirers had turned on
him, and that he was on the run. Most Iraqis, particularly the Shiites
and Kurds whom he reviles, view him with loathing. "This terrorist
is bombing all of the Iraqis. He never discriminates between any people.
Christians, Muslims, women, children", says Muhammad Jemaah, a
24-year-old policeman in Baghdad. "If he was a real man, he would
fight like a man, show himself, and not use car bombs". Zarqawi is
shown in the video, claimed to have been made Apr 21, strolling among
dozens of masked followers, pouring over maps and tactics with masked
insurgents said to be from the Anbar city of Ramadi, and in a
Rambo-moment emptying round after round from a bulky large-caliber
machine gun into the desert. "He shows himself as healthy and able
to walk around outside, surrounded by loyal legions of followers, which
counters the rumors that he's afraid, he's running and hiding
and has no friends left", says Evan Kohlmann, author of
"Al-Qaida's Jihad in Europe" and a terrorism consultant.
"There was a lot of speculation that he was out of the picture. And
he needed to respond to that, to show that he's still there, still
in charge, and there's nothing to stop him from putting together
military operations". Also noteworthy is the ease with which he can
get his message out. While analysts speculate it takes weeks for Bin
Laden to transmit tapes or other messages to the outside world,
Iraq's urban battleground makes logistics for terrorists much
easier. Zarqawi's tape was released less than a day before US Def
Sec Donald Rumsfeld and State Sec Condoleezza Rice flew into Baghdad for
surprise visits designed to show support for Iraq's newly named PM
Jawad al-Maliki. Maliki, a religious Shiite who fought hard for Islamic
law provisions to be included in Iraq's Constitution, told Ms. Rice
that his top priority is reducing ethnic and sectarian animosities. But
those old hatreds are precisely what Zarqawi and his followers have been
trying to stoke, in the hopes of sparking a full-scale civil war that
would destabilise Iraq for years to come and give him what he imagines
is his best chance at eventual success. In his video, the powerful and
chipmunk-cheeked Zarqawi said the Iraqi government, "whether made
up of the hated Shiites or the secular Zionist Kurds or the
collaborators among the Sunnis, will be tools of the crusaders and a
poison dagger in the heart of the Islamic nation". Speculation that
Zarqawi's role in the insurgency was weakening has grown since Jan.
15, when a statement posted on insurgent websites announced the
formation of the Majilis Shura al-Mujahdin, or the Mujahidin Shura
Council (MSC), as an umbrella for Sunni insurgent groups who share Al
Qaeda's ideology and goal of turning Iraq into a state governed by
Sunni religious law. Subsequent statements named an Iraqi militant with
the nom de guerre of Abdullah Rashid al-Baghdadi as the group's
leader, which some took to mean that Zarqawi had lost stature. But
insurgent sources say the move was mostly to put an Iraqi face on the
operations of the self-styled holy warriors, and to counter US claims
that foreign fighters, not Iraqis, were leading much of the violence,
particularly in the volatile Anbar Province. They say Zarqawi has all
along been their most respected operational commander. The new group
also makes it harder for him to be painted as a meddling foreigner,
while also giving more face and respect to his Iraqi comrades.
Zarqawi's video begins with a full screen shot of the MSC logo, and
a smaller version remains on screen for the whole tape. "It seems
pretty clear that he's still the boss", says Kohlmann.
"When the MSC chose to highlight their leadership, guess who's
the star? It's an indication that the MSC is a propaganda
front". Kohlmann argues the MSC, which has at least eight member
organisations, is sort of like a jihadi NATO. "When we've got
a coalition operation, we go under the NATO flag, because it helps the
smaller nations feel they belong, it creates a sense of equality, and
that's what the MSC is for: It gives the Iraqi [fighters] the sense
that they're in control of their own jihad".
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