Global teachers with globite cases.

A key feature of contemporary changes in globalisation is the increasing transnational flows of people. Evidence of the way in which these changes are impacting on education in Australia today is found in the presence of its immigrant teachers. Teacher shortages in Australia have led to increasing numbers of immigrant teachers from non-European or non-English-speaking background countries. This article reviews the recent experiences of Australia, New Zealand and Canada in recruiting these teachers. The findings of a study into the presence of immigrant teachers in selected Australian schools are then presented. It was found that as these immigrant teachers negotiate the 'authoritative discourses' in their professional lives, they contribute to the reworking of the identity and work of teachers. The article concludes by sketching a research and policy agenda that arises in response to, and as an expression of the presence of this new generation of global/local teachers.

Introduction

In late 2001, a small group of researchers in the School of Education and Early Childhood Studies at the University of Western Sydney (UWS) formed the Global Trouble/Social Justice collective to consider and monitor the consequences of the attack on the World Trade Center, New York on 11 September 2001. More specifically, the group was concerned with the potential difficulties that might emerge for teachers, students, teacher education at UWS and our local schools in the aftermath of such a catastrophic event. In our dealings with local schools we had become aware of troubling responses to visible minority students on practicum and visible minority teachers. To this end, the group undertook a small pilot project which examined the experiences of students on practicum--specifically those who were 'visible minorities'. An outcome of this project was a request by a group of 'visible minority' teachers to tell their stories. In this article, I discuss these teachers' stories.

Studies in Australia and overseas have provided us with an understanding of the ways in which racialisation shapes the experiences of many immigrant and visible minority teachers (Bask & McNamara, 2004; Rizvi, 1992; Santoro, 1999; Santoro, Reid, & Kamler, 2001; Troyna, 1994). The intention in this article is to insert into these discourses around overseas trained and immigrant teachers the transformative potential of anxieties, fears and hopes in contexts where teachers and students struggle at the point of 'glocalisation' (Carrington, 2002). Robertson (1995) coined the term to express the ongoing tensions, and at times symbolic violence, that occur when two countervailing tendencies are part of social life--homogeneity and heterogeneity.

In the narratives of the visible minority teachers in this study travelling was an integral part of their life stories, thus the metaphor of the Globite case. The Globite case is also a metaphor for global capitalism and global education, the 'tools' of the profession and cultural baggage. The Globite case as a trademark name signifies the homogenising processes associated with global capitalism that makes us familiar to each other, yet what is carried within demonstrates the heterogeneity of experiencing those processes.

In the next section of this article, I want to examine some of the local and international literature related to immigrant and overseas trained teachers and professionals more generally. The aim is to reveal the theoretical frameworks used to position this new labour market in order to permit a reframing of the phenomena.

Comparative overview of Australia, Canada and New Zealand

In exploring the international literature in this area, I chose to concentrate on previously colonised nations. In countries that were established as colonial outposts there has been a continuous struggle with resident Indigenous populations over language, culture and representation, as well as arguments about how best to integrate immigrants upon whose labour these nations have been built. While countries such as the United Kingdom (Basit & McNamara, 2004) and the Netherlands (Leeman & Ledoux, 2003), for example, are struggling with these issues as well, their theoretical frameworks rest upon different points of departure that require a much larger article to adequately incorporate. It is sufficient to state that many Western countries are attempting to increase the ethnic diversity of their teaching population but the arguments put forward and the experiences therein are variously framed in ways that reveal these differing historical trajectories.

Previously in Australia, when there has been a shortage of teachers we have looked to countries with whom there had been a history of immigration and/or where English was the main language. At various times up to 20 per cent of the Australian teaching force were overseas trained. Inglis & Philps's (1995, p. 95) outlined two distinct patterns of overseas-trained teacher migration since the Second World War. Up to the mid-1970s most teachers were directly recruited from the United Kingdom and Ireland, and this was later extended to the United States and Canada. More recently, immigrants from a range of non-English-speaking countries have been recruited as teachers and many have become permanent residents on the basis of teaching qualifications.

This second trend challenges the previously 'white and predominantly English-speaking background' composition of the Australian teaching force. While Europeans did not look that different to the dominant Anglo-Celtic teaching population, many, nevertheless, were not considered really Australian because of their different linguistic and cultural background. Has this socio-cultural construction shifted following decades of multiculturalism? The discourse of non-English-speaking background (NESB) immigrants as problems, trouble and strife and their incompatibility is taken up by Birrell, Dobson, Rapson and Smith (2001). They draw on the human capital argument quoting a Canadian study (cited in Fullilove & Flutter, 2004, p. 81) that found that 'the replacement of a locally born worker with an immigrant may involve some churning costs resulting from administration and settlement costs and lower initial worker productivity due to language or cultural barriers'.

Despite this argument, there is considerable competition among Western nations for temporary or permanent immigrant teachers, particularly in mathematics, science and computing and technology. According to Birrell et al. (cited in Fullilove & Flutter, 2004, p. 47) Australia had a net gain of I per cent in relation to immigrant school teachers in the period 1996-2001. However, the recent Ramsey review (2000, p. 46) and Department of Education, Science and Training report (2003, p. 74) on Australia's future emphasised the need to attract, prepare and retain quality teachers, and that teachers ought to reflect Australia's ethnic and cultural diversity. However, the evidence is that there is a significant under-representation of teachers from ethnically and culturally diverse communities at any level or in any discipline in Australian schools.

What are the barriers that immigrant teachers face in Australia? Bella (1999) found that areas of difficulty for overseas teachers were registration and employment. Apart from cultural differences such as differing curricula, routines, behavioural expectations and child-centred pedagogies, overseas-trained teachers found the qualifications discourse a hurdle. In addition Bella (1999, pp. 32-33) found that 'some teachers felt that being accepted by the system, the administration of a particular school and other teachers were the areas of greatest difficulty which needed to be overcome'. In a similar vein, Santoro (1999) found that Chinese born and educated student teachers in Victorian secondary schools experienced difficulty because of ethnicised and racialised assumptions about teaching practice. Santoro et al.'s (2001, p. 62) demographic study of Victorian schools concluded 'that the assumption that overseas-born teachers make successful transitions into the education system was not necessarily the case' and that overseas-born teachers in rural schools could find themselves professionally as well as culturally isolated.

A Canadian study took a different approach to understanding the experiences of overseas-born and visible minority teachers in using a postcolonial approach. Beynon, Ilieva and Dichupa (2001)--drawing on Ang (2000)--argued that the Alter/Asian identity framework is useful in understanding the phenomena of transnational teachers as it brings into focus questions around diasporic identities and the pedagogies associated with 'naming' that might accompany this mobility and decentredness. Beynon et al. argue that the 'role' of teacher is just as permeable and negotiable as identity per se and that 'socio-cultural theories highlight the improvisational, discursive and dialogical natures of transformation' (Beynon et al., 2001, p. 134) and minority teachers 'infuse mainstream roles with new meanings' (Beynon et al., 2001, p. 135). Ang's (2000) Alter/Asian identity framework is therefore about hybridity and transformation, which enables the research on immigrant and overseas-trained teachers to be focused on the productive nature of the position of in-betweenness experienced with new forms of culture being created at the intersection. This approach is particularly useful to many postcolonial settings as whiteness is also undergoing transformation.

Firkin, Dupuis and Meares (2004) examined the experiences of overseas-trained professionals, including teachers, in New Zealand. Their work echoes the findings of the Australian and Canadian examples discussed above in a number of ways. New Zealand, like Australia, has liberalised immigration policies to include visible and non-English-speaking background immigrants (Hiebert, Collins & Spoonley, 2003). They also face a shortage of skilled labour and have increased skilled migration, in particular professionals. Despite this, unemployment or underemployment of professional immigrants is a problem in New Zealand. Firkin et al. (2004, p. 15) found a number of reasons for this outcome--personal, cultural, and economic together with systems and society and concluded that accent (when 'poor English' was often cited), lack of local knowledge or local experience, negative cultural ascriptions, a lack of recognition of qualifications by professional or gate-keeping bodies and no social networks contributed to this outcome.

Re-framing theoretical approaches to the study of immigrant and overseas-trained teachers

Firkin et al. (2004, p. 12) identified three main approaches to the study of the immigration of professionals. These include human capital theory, neo-Marxist accounts and structuration theory. Human capital theory has a focus on the labour needs of nation-states and the 'human capital theory of education'--a concept emerging from neo--classical economic theory which earned Garry Becket (1957) a Nobel Prize and has dominated educational programs since the 1960s in New Zealand as well as Australia and Canada (Marginson, 1993). In an ahistorical account of differential access and outcomes in education, neo-classical economists look at education through a focus on individuals--non-racialised, non-gendered, non-classed--who maximise the allocation of their resources to education over their lifetimes in the same way that they would decide how many ice creams to have on a weekend.

The neo-Marxist account of the movement of professionals is the 'periphery to centre' notion (see also Hage, 1998) of globalisation. Here the movement is (mainly) from former empires to postcolonial 'white' centres, driven by institutional demands (the meso level). A shortage of teachers drives some of these demographic shifts but cannot be understood without considering the desires, hopes and aspirations of immigrant teachers. In this vein, Firkin et al. (2004) add that a third theoretical framework, 'structuration', is needed to consider the macro, meso and micro elements that frame labour market participation of immigrant teachers.

Clearly the integration of immigrant teachers into the social fabric of 'mongrel' cities goes beyond work to society and here the theoretical framework needs to include how we imagine life at the level of the street, the neighbourhood, the school and the classroom. There is a need for what Sandercock (2003) has called 'a model of agonistic democracy.' She explains:

   ... there is no closure to the multicultural urban and political
   project; that is, no permanent state of integration and harmony
   towards which we are moving, but an always contested engagement
   with and continually redefined notion of the common good and
   shared destiny of the citizens of the city. (p. 151)

This model of an agonistic democracy points to concepts of dialogue. The next section looks at Sydney, Australia with a focus on the emerging changes in Sydney to the teaching profession, the anxieties and tensions created by the central paradox of the recognition/misrecognition of knowledge and how this paradox is reworked by immigrant teachers themselves.

Opening the Globite case: the glocal teacher

The 'Teachers in Australian Schools' report (Australian College of Education, 2001) pointed out that bilingual or overseas-born teachers that had immigrated more than 20 years ago, were Christian and predominately 'white'. A recent report by the Australian Bureau of Statistics (2005) noted that India has become our fourth largest source country of immigrants and will soon replace China as number three. According to the report, Indian immigrants speak English well, are highly skilled, tend to work in professional occupations and are better educated than the Australian-born (96 per cent compared to 46 per cent for locals). Indian immigrants are having a significant impact on the teaching profession, particularly in hard-to-staff areas in terms of geography or disciplines such as mathematics, science and technology.

Increasingly then, immigrant teachers are familiar with the British model and cultural tradition of education, particularly in terms of transcolonial contexts such as Australia, Canada, India, Fiji, New Zealand and parts of Africa but the evidence suggests that there is some ambivalence associated with living and working in postcolonial contexts. These differences point to heterogeneity rather than homogeneity so an understanding of power in these contexts might provide an alternative to the deficit discourse associated with human capital theory.

Before proceeding to the actual study it is important that another competing paradigm used to position immigrant teachers is discussed: role model theory. The theory is used to suggest that immigrant teachers provide 'role models' (Basit & McNamara, 2004) and support for children from their 'own' ethnic background. The same argument can be found in Indigenous education in the three postcolonial contexts discussed (Reid, 2004). The theory suggests a kind of compatibility of norms and values that borders on being culturally deterministic and, as Connell (1996, p. 44) has argued, these explanations rest on the idea that 'social structure is constantly reproduced rather than constantly constituted'. Culture is constructed as static, a socio-cultural construction we do not impose on members of the 'settled' population. This form of culturalism is no less assimilationist than previous approaches to cultural difference and merely provides space for 'white' agency. It is, therefore, a limited framework in understanding the changing nature of the teaching profession, in particular the agency of immigrant and overseas-trained teachers. In the rest of this article, I will draw on the stories of six immigrant teachers to examine the central paradox: we want and need these teachers, and they enter Australia because of their skills, and then the skills they have are often devalued or not recognised in the halls, classrooms and corridors of our schools.

Participants and methodology

The study took place between April and June 2004. I, a 'white' researcher, interviewed six high school teachers in the South-Western suburbs of Sydney, Australia. They were diverse in age and marital status and some had children. One female teacher was a mentor and not a 'visible minority' but was an immigrant more than 20 years ago. The other five teachers interviewed in this project were composed of one male and four female 'visible minority' teachers across the discipline areas of mathematics, science and social science. Four participants were from India and Fiji and another was from Central Africa and they taught in comprehensive, co-educational schools in a socioeconomically marginalised area. All participants had gained their qualifications overseas and four had participated in programs designed to induct them into local contexts. These included programs provided by the NSW Department of Education and short courses at universities in the state of NSW. It would be desirable to provide a profile of each teacher participant in order to better contextualise the research. However, the desire to maintain anonymity in this instance requires that any further description of the participants be withheld so as not to reveal individual identities.

In keeping with a postcolonial approach and the manner in which the research arose, the interview process was semi-structured to allow the participants to pursue the themes that brought them to the interview. The prompt was: 'tell me about your professional experiences as an immigrant teacher?' Interview times varied and lasted between 20 minutes (one person) to 60 minutes (the majority). The interviews took place in a private space usually an office or small study area in a library or similar place within the school. Asked to provide a pseudonym for themselves, all chose Anglo-Celtic names.

When analysing the interview transcripts the focus was on multiple 'internally persuasive discourses' in response to 'authoritative discourses' (Beynon et al., 2001, p. 137). Drawing on Bakhtin's (1981) notion of dialogue Beynon et al. considered the challenge to authoritative discourses--that are political and associated with institutional power--with discourses created by individuals to insert their own intentions on the social world. This approach is used here to move beyond the 'us and them' architecture of many accounts of minority experiences in schools. The visible minority teachers in this project were highly skilled immigrants with broad experience in cross-cultural, international and national contexts and most had travelled through many countries to arrive in Australia.

Authoritative discourses

In this section I outline three authoritative discourses--'qualifications', 'otherness' and 'whiteness'--which permit an understanding of the positionality of immigrant and overseas-trained teachers in this small study. There will also be an examination of how they are used, resisted and transformed by teachers. In all instances, as will become evident, discourses overlap and interweave. Rather than separating the discourses out, they are presented in the manner in which they occur. McCarthy (1988, p. 274) refers to this process in social life as non-synchrony. Non-synchrony refers to the politics of difference over resources and material conditions resulting from inequitable power relations. Rather than a simplistic parallelism, where relations of class, gender and race are layered on top of each other in a static additive process, non-synchrony points to their interrelatedness while revealing their locatedness in terms of power, at particular moments.

Jenny, who entered as a permanent resident under the Skilled Migrant Category, did an English (IELST) examination set and marked by Oxford University before leaving her country of origin. Upon applying for teaching here, she was given another test administered by the University of New South Wales. She had nine years teaching experience before emigrating. Despite these qualifications, Jenny finds she needs to explain why she is at the school.

   Sometimes in some of the classes you have to ... you have to have a
   talk with the kids, you have to explain that you are here for this
   reason and then you are here because of your qualifications and that
   you are capable of doing the teaching, and we have been chosen by
   the Department. They will understand if you explain to a kid and
   answer their questions ...

This dialogic approach is critical to challenging the authoritative discourses associated with qualifications. In an area where teacher shortages are common and students see many teachers come and go, qualifications become the rubric through which differences are judged because the intersection of the local and global--'glocalisation'--in these contexts appears to be constructed as deficit and temporary. Jenny's response demonstrates that dialogue is part of the productive capacity inherent in glocalisation and that immigrant teachers have the capacity to broaden students' understandings of their world.

A second type of qualifications discourse relates to the informal recognition of skills and knowledges. This discourse is just as powerful as it is where much social capital is gained. The receiving school appears to be a critical mediator in this process and it is this site that needs further collaborative research.

Another countervailing and contradictory example of the competing forces of homogeneity and heterogeneity that is glocalisation relates to discourses of 'otherness'. In Western liberal democracies, the positioning of outsiders has homogenising tendencies (Rizvi, 1992) that has meant that immigrants have been positioned to perform 'otherness' through the cultural space provided in largely 'white' nations. This form of integration in multicultural setter societies has been widely critiqued and will not be revisited in this article. Suffice to say that immigrant teachers have to navigate 'identity traps'--in other words, their own 'otherness'--and transform them in order to successfully carry out their work.

The following example from Alex, a social science teacher, highlights the way in which schools can position overseas-trained teachers by providing opportunities through informally recognising different social and cultural capital while at the same time setting up identity traps.

   I was advanced skills teacher so the principal came to me and said
   you have shown tremendous skill and we would like you to do this
   [resolve the issue of multiple religious instruction in the school].
   I said I would love doing this but I don't have much experience in
   this and he said to me 'well no one is experienced in this; it is
   the first time we are doing it'. So that was good in that way
   because I took it as a challenge. I said to myself I like religion
   myself--I am a Hindu by the way--so I took the challenge. This was
   a whole school thing basically and my first task was to look for
   people who could teach the different religions, and I found a number
   of people who could do this through the community, through liaising
   through information passed by other people and finally was given
   some names and I made it like a formal thing inviting them in
   to interview me. I held sort of forums with church leaders and took
   their ideas to the boss and said 'this is what we have agreed' and
   he said 'that is OK'.

As in Beynon et al.'s study (2001) we can see how Alex has drawn on social and cultural capital within the community. It is possible also to speculate that visible difference may open up opportunities for transformation in a multicultural, multilingual and multi-faith society provided that this capital is recognised.

As previously argued, there is a problem in constructing immigrant teachers solely in terms of ethnicity as it is culturally deterministic but while immigrant teachers might not necessarily want to contribute to their 'own' or other minority groups some consideration of the capital that teachers bring in their Globite cases is important for transforming a society based on Christian values and with a history of 'whiteness'. Studies in Canada by Bascia (1996) and James (2002) suggest that immigrant teachers 'demonstrated an awareness of the social and economic forces at work ... and in the lives of other teachers and students' (Bascia, 1996, p. 157) and desired to 'make a difference in their lives' (James, 2002, p. 183). This ethical stance was also evident in my research into Indigenous teacher education (Reid, 2004) where Indigenous students defined 'good pedagogy' not just as 'teaching style', which often has no ethical or political base (Hursh, 1995) but as a relation of power.

An example of the unethical use of power was expressed by Patricia, a Science teacher at another comprehensive co-educational high school where she had taught for three years. Patricia said:

   ... there was a few times where I felt he [Head Teacher] was making
   fun of me to do with my accent. I didn't bring that up. I thought,
   not a big deal. He used to make fun of me, the words that I
   pronounced, and later I thought he shouldn't have done that, because
   I felt really let down.

The discourse of 'otherness' to which Patricia is referring is not only ethicised, it is a gendered relation of power. As Garbutcheon-Singh & Miller (1995, p. 28) have argued postcolonialism needs to critically engage with the legacy of masculinist policies instituted during anticolonial struggles. The legacies of these anticolonialisms, they argued, have resulted in 'significant differences in the experiences of women from former settler and non-settler colonies' (Garbutcheon-Singh & Miller, 1995, p. 28). The banter between colleagues in school contexts may therefore be considered to be imbued with meanings and practices forged through these ways of knowing especially given the differing experiences of colonialism through exploitation (India) and colonialism though settlement (Australia, Canada and New Zealand).

Another example of the legacies of colonialist thinking can be found in the narrative told by Rita, who has taught in Australia for 16 years, mainly Years 9 and 10 in the areas of geography and history. Rita's experiences travelling the globe from India via many countries to Australia have provided her with a wealth of knowledge. However, in attempting to bring this global knowledge into her tourism classroom Rita met with disbelief from students.

   I was teaching a Year 10 class last year and teaching them about
   tourism and talking about hotels and I said there are 5-star hotels
   and there are 7-star hotels too if you want to pay that much, and
   one girl turned around to another girl and I overheard her, [she
   said] I wonder if she has even been to a hotel. I could have gone
   to their level and said look I have travelled the whole world and
   seen much more than you ...

As authoritative discourses of 'otherness', colonialisms are transnational because of their situatedness in discourses of 'whiteness'. The power of 'whiteness' is revealed in this narrative in the construction of Rita's knowledge as 'third world' and the students' self-positioning as judges of her capacity to know.

There is an increasing array of academic work on the subject of 'whiteness' (e.g., Fine, Weis, Powell, & Wong, 1997) and in the current political climate in Australia, there is a 'discourse of Anglo decline' (Hage, 1998) which has recentred racialised identities, in particular 'whiteness'. Yet in research into racialisation in schools, there is a process of naturalising 'whiteness' as the norm (Troyna, 1998, p. 334) that results in 'whiteness' being made invisible (Sleeter, 1993).

Since 'whiteness' is hidden in the processes and practices of our schools, we need to understand something of this normalisation. Rita provides an insight into this process.

   I have had experiences where I am giving instruction to a student
   and this particular colleague comes and undermines my instruction
   and starts to talk to the student or starts to scream, and gives
   out the same instruction. Now where does my respect go? You are
   basically telling that student that she [Rita] is incapable and I
   [white teacher] am the one who is the real teacher and I am the one
   you should be listening to.

In this example, power is invested in an oppositional discursive practice--where one is a cultural insider and the other an outsider. It can be a practice that is meant to be supportive but it gives considerable power to 'white agency' through a view of social life as a pattern of dichotomous choices (McConaghy, 2000).

Here, the authority vested in 'whiteness' does not appear visible because processes of normalisation reveal only the perceived lack of capacity of the visible minority teacher.

Normalisation processes arise in part from cultural tradition. By way of example, Tina, another teacher from Central Africa, who is a casual Science teacher, finds the students okay but the parents are a problem. They do not take responsibility for their children and she finds this troublesome. So while the focus might be on her capacity to teach and know the local culture and improve her oral language, the white parents abrogate their role in their children's lives from Tina's perspective. In an example of Bakhtin's (1981) concept of dialogue, Tina narrates how she inserts her own intentions on the social world to disrupt the political and associated institutional power that constructs an authoritative discourse of 'whiteness'.

   Sometimes I tell them this is what I mean and they tell me to
   pronounce words in certain ways and I say 'well I wasn't born
   here', I come from a different place so we have to help each
   other here and if you don't understand something just ask me and
   I will explain. They respect that, some of them don't, there are
   just a few of them that have made up their mind to muck up ...

These skills of dialogue have been gained in part by networks established to support immigrant teachers in their first year. These are critical as they increase the capacities of immigrant teachers to recognise and rework these discourses. In concluding this section, I draw on one final comment from Maria, a 'white' mentor who once was a 'recruit' from the United States over 20 years ago. Her narrative comments demonstrate the complexities of change and show that being white, English-speaking and middle class does not necessarily protect you from exclusion in 'particular' contexts. Maria's narrative reveals the importance of understanding the political context of immigrant teachers' experiences. When Maria arrived at her first school:

   ... teacher unions were yelling and screaming at us and I don't
   understand why because all we were told was that they had a teacher
   shortage and they needed us ... I was appointed to a primary
   school ... they were so militant at that school and refused to have
   me enter the school or be on the premises ...

Maria was moved to another school but this initial rejection led to her resignation from teaching for 15 years. Her story of more than 20 years ago reminds us of the ways in which fear can create responses that in the future seem unreasonable and unproductive.

Conclusion

Sandercock (2003, p. 153) argues that 'an understanding of and preparedness to work with the emotions that drive these conflicts over integration: emotions of fear, and attachment to history and memory, as well as the status quo, on the part of lost societies; and the (possibly ambivalent) desire for belonging, and fear of exclusion on the part of migrants' is critical to transforming citizenship in mongrel cities'. In the mongrel city of Sydney, the first colony to be settled in Australia, this transformation needs to come from a decolonising of the mind (Garbutcheon-Singh & Miller, 1995).

This study has revealed that the overlapping authoritative discourses of qualifications, discourses of 'otherness' and discourses of 'whiteness' shape the professional experiences of visible minority and overseas-trained teachers in diverse ways. These discourses reveal continuing legacies of colonial thinking, which can result in power being largely invested in 'white agency'. Moreover, this small pilot project revealed a need to examine further the ways in which gender articulates with being a visible minority teacher in our schools in terms of the opportunities made available for professional support and development. Future research into how schools mediate professional change and the ways in which informal processes and discourses produce social capital for immigrant and overseas-trained teachers is critically needed.

Finally, policy aimed at continued networking opportunities for immigrant teachers and mentoring from those who 'have been through it' are also important. In this way, immigrant teachers are able to isolate the discourses shaping their professional experiences and thus reduce professional isolation. In addition, professional development for receiving schools must go alongside any support for immigrant teachers otherwise 'the immigrant' will continue to be constructed as a problem, which of course is a central problematic of 'whiteness' discourses.

Key words

minority group teachers justice

organisational climate teacher mobility

postcolonialism teacher recruitment

Acknowledgements

Many thanks to the anonymous reviewer for comments that significantly strengthened this article and to Michael Singh for interpreting those comments.

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Carol Reid

University of Western Sydney

Dr Carol Reid is a Senior Lecturer in Sociology of Education, University of Western Sydney, Bankstown Campus, Locked Mail Bag 1797, Penrith DC NSW 1797. E-mail: [e-mail]