From sex to sexuality: exposing the heterosexual script on primetime network television.

Recent broadcasts of sexually provocative images during primetime hours have contributed to widespread concern about the pervasiveness of sex on mainstream entertainment television. One public opinion poll indicated over 60% of parents are "very concerned" about the amount of sexual content their children see (Kaiser Family Foundation, 2004). Television portrayals of sexuality have been evaluated for decades in content analyses. These systematic analyses of television's sexual content provide an empirical backdrop for parents' concerns. Whereas initial studies often counted the number of discrete and observable sexual acts appearing on television, contemporary researchers approach this topic with greater sophistication and sensitivity (Sorsoli, Ward, & Tolman, in press).

The large-scale longitudinal content analysis conducted by the Kaiser Family Foundation is the most comprehensive and recent example (Kunkel et al., 1999, 2005). Kunkel and his colleagues operationalized sexual content as "any depiction of sexual activity, sexually suggestive behavior, or talk about sexuality or sexual activity" (2005, p. 14), which accounts for different types of sexual dialogue and a wide variety of sexual behaviors, ranging from kissing and physical flirting to depicted sexual intercourse. Kunkel's group and others have confirmed that verbal and visual references to sexual activity are numerous (Lowry & Shidler, 1993; Lowry & Towles, 1989; Ward, 1995), especially in programming that is viewed by adolescents (Cope-Farrar & Kunkel, 2002), and that rates of sexual content have increased dramatically over time (Kunkel et al., 2003, 2005). The context of sexual behavior has also been assessed in terms of whether sex is portrayed as a recreational or relational activity (Ward, 1995), whether sexual partners are married or not (Kunkel, Cope, & Biely, 1999; Lowry & Shidler, 1993), and how frequently references to sexual risk or responsibility (e.g., contraception, pregnancy, sexually transmitted infections) are made (Kunkel et al., 2005; Lowry & Shidler, 1993).

Which facet of television's sexual content is high-lighted is largely guided by the theoretical orientation of the researchers. Previous studies are often anchored in cultivation or social learning theories. The former posits that repeated exposure to sexually oriented content on television cultivates analogous attitudes towards sex through a gradual and cumulative process (Gerbner, Gross, Morgan, & Signorielli, 1994). This theoretical perspective provides justification for studies that evaluate how often and what types of sex appear on television, since the more sex viewers see on television, the higher their sexual expectations are for people in the real world. Social learning theory (Bandura, 1977) states that television is a source of observational learning; viewers model the behaviors they see being rewarded, avoid the behaviors that are punished, and are drawn to characters who they perceive as likeable or similar to them. From this perspective, the most salient dimensions of television's sexual content include the immediate context in which sexual activity occurs, the consequences of sexual behavior, and the characteristics of individuals who are sexually active (e.g., marital status, nudity, age, gender).

Few studies have used scripting theory to address the meaning and significance of sexual content on television, and even fewer have adopted a feminist perspective to evaluate television's portrayals of heterosexuality and heterosexual romantic relationships more specifically. Scripting theory posits that sexuality is learned from culturally available "sexual scripts" that define what counts as sex, how to recognize sexual situations, and what to do in relational and sexual encounters (Gagnon & Simon, 1973; Simon & Gagnon, 1986). Scripting theory necessarily broadens the conceptualization of sexuality to encompass both its social dimensions and the relational contexts in which sexuality emerges (e.g., within romantic relationships, dating, or courtship). Ward's (1995) content analysis of 12 primetime television programs is one of the few exceptions that has focused on television's portrayals of gender and heterosexuality in tandem. Her study shed light on several gendered sexual themes portrayed on television, including traditional beliefs that men value women primarily for their appearance, that men actively seek sexual activity, and that women use their bodies and looks to attract wealthy and handsome men.

In this article, we combine scripting theory with feminist theory that builds on and extends Ward's previous work and yields a new approach to evaluating sexual content portrayed on television. In the feminist theory of compulsory heterosexuality, Adrienne Rich (1980) argues that, rather than being "natural," heterosexual relationships are the only sanctioned social arrangement that constitutes "appropriate" or "normal" relational and sexual behavior for boys/men and girls/women. In this study, we identify the Heterosexual Script (1) as the blueprint for societally sanctioned romantic and sexual encounters and interactions (Hyde & Oliver, 1995). Reflecting dimensions of compulsory heterosexuality outlined by Rich, the Heterosexual Script entitles boys/men to prioritize their own sexual desire, to act on their sexual needs, to perceive their hormones to be "out of control," and to promise power and status to women in return for sex. Shoring up this "cultural story" (Tolman, 2002, 2006) about boys'/men's sexuality is the notion that girls/women must manage boys'/men's sexual needs in order to gain some share of their privilege. Thus, the Heterosexual Script compels girls/women to deny or devalue their own sexual desire, to seek to please boys/men, to "wish and wait" to be chosen, and to trade their own sexuality as a commodity.

This feminist spin on scripting theory is particularly relevant when investigating television use, since television literally presents scripts of male and female characters coupling and uncoupling in relational and sexual contexts. The Heterosexual Script would be what Simon & Gagnon (1986) identify as a "cultural level" script. Although they argue that there are interpersonal and intrapsychic variations when cultural level scripts are enacted by actual people, we suggest that televised enactments of the Heterosexual Script are the most reified and least variable versions of the cultural-level script and that they have pervasive normalizing and regulatory functions. We posit not only that the Heterosexual Script is a form of sexual content that saturates television programs targeting teens, but also that this approach to evaluating sexual content on television is especially relevant for studying adolescents' television viewing. Indeed, adolescents who are engaging in their first relational and sexual experiences may seek such scripts that orient them to how boys/men and girls/ women think, feel, and behave in relationships until they develop a body of experiences of their own.

We depart from others who have described heterosexual scripts (e.g., Frith & Kitzinger, 2001; Oliver & Hyde, 1993; O'Sullivan and Byers, 1993, Ward, 1995) in arguing that rather than two separate scripts for girls/ women and boys/men, there is one integrated script comprised of (a) one "part" for how girls/women think, feel, and behave in romantic and sexual encounters and (b) another "part" for how men think, feel, and behave in romantic and sexual encounters. Like two voices engaging in dialogue, these complementary "parts" comprise a single, integrated script, working in tandem to produce "culturally intelligible" (Butler, 1993, p. 46) heterosexual interactions and relationships (e.g., the story that "real men pursue sex" and that "good girls set sexual limits").

The purpose of this study was twofold. Our first objective was to describe in detail the development of a new system for coding sexual content that would illuminate the presence of the Heterosexual Script on television. Our goal was to establish a coherent and credible set of codes reflecting elements of this script that could be applied reliably to television programming though a rigorous coding procedure. Our second objective was to implement this coding system using a sample of primetime network television programs popular among adolescent viewers. Here our goal was to assess how frequently the Heterosexual Script was enacted in two narrative television program genres, sitcoms and dramas, popular with teens. By systematically assessing the gendered meanings of television's sexual content, which are parsimoniously captured by the Heterosexual Script, this study represents the first step in our attempt to evaluate the relationship between adolescents' television consumption and their sexuality development in a new way.

Method

Code Development

Deductive and Inductive Development of the Heterosexual Script Codebook. We developed our categorical coding system to capture the ways in which specific elements of the Heterosexual Script were invoked, enacted, followed or triggered on network programming popular among an adolescent audience. Coding for the Heterosexual Script required disaggregating the "blue print" and looking for discrete messages about the gendered and powerful/less ways in which men and women negotiate romantic and sexual encounters.

To ensure that our codes were firmly grounded in our theoretical framework, the first step in this process was primarily deductive. Drawing heavily from themes initially identified by Ward (1995) in her work identifying sexual roles on television, our research team generated a list of ideas about how the Heterosexual Script is enacted in the dominant (white, middle class) North American culture. Sorting these items into sets of complementary codes about how boys/men and girls/women think, feel, and behave in romantic and sexual relationships (Tolman, 2006) served as a useful organizational tool. Situated in positions of power, men enact the Heterosexual Script by actively pursuing sexual relationships, treating women as sexual objects, experiencing their sexual feelings as uncontrollable, being demanding in sexual situations, rejecting homosexual feelings or behavior, appropriating female sexual desire (Diamond, 2005; Zylbergold, 2005), and avoiding commitment and emotional attachment with women (Tolman & Higgins, 1996; Check & Malamuth, 1985; Korman & Leslie, 1982; Reiss, 1960; Connell, 1987). Situated in positions of subordination, women enact the Heterosexual Script by acting sexually passive, setting sexual limits, using their bodies and looks to attract men, seeking stability and emotional involvement from male partners, appearing sexually chaste, and not having or prioritizing their sexual desire (Tolman, 1996, 2002; McCormick, Brannigan, & LaPlante, 1984; McCormick, 1979; Clark & Hatfield, 1989).

Next, a subset of our research team spent two months watching television together with this initial list of codes in mind. At this primarily inductive phase, the goal was to assess whether our preliminary coding scheme adequately captured how male and female characters actually invoked the Heterosexual Script on television programs. For this task, we used a selection of programs that were similar to (but not overlapping with) the programs recorded in our sample. Each episode was co-viewed and paused repeatedly for coders to discuss whether an interaction warranted the application of one or more codes and why. Codes were elaborated and refined as a result of these discussions. For example, early on, we came across a portrayal of a man expressing uncertainty about his ability to satisfy his female partner sexually. Although this depiction of male vulnerability initially seemed counter to the Heterosexual Script, we eventually deemed that his preoccupation with his sexual performance reaffirmed the scripted notion that sexual prowess is an important component of boys'/men's masculinity.

The research team determined that the codebook had matured sufficiently when it reached a point of saturation--that is, the point at which we deemed all television content relevant to the script was captured by our codes and all elements of the Heterosexual Script were represented in the codebook, which occurred after approximately 20 sessions. The procedure was then altered slightly; each coder began watching and coding programs independently, meeting periodically to review how reliably they applied the codes. The codebook was further refined based on coders talking through their disagreements and developing consensus, as is standard practice for feminist methodology. This process continued for approximately 20 additional sessions.

Description of Specific Codes. In total, our final coding scheme includes eight complementary codes reflecting four specific elements of the Heterosexual Script: the sexual double standard, courtship strategies, attitudes toward commitment, and homophobia.

The first set of complementary codes reflects the sexual double standard. Sex as Masculinity (SM) positions sexuality as a defining component of masculinity and encompasses notions that men are sexual initiators who are preoccupied with sex and who will go to great lengths to have intercourse. It includes the idea that men are supposed to sexually objectify women and value them primarily for their physical attractiveness. Comments about phallus size or references to men's fears about being unable to perform sexually also reflect this idea that it is important for men to actively exhibit their sexual prowess. The complementary Good Girls (GG) describes women as sexual gate-keepers, and accordingly, holds several contradictory ideas in tension. It encompasses notions that women are passive partners in sexual relationships who do not expect, demand, or prioritize their own sexual pleasure, but who do partake in sexual activities to fulfill the sexual needs of their male partners under acceptable conditions (i.e., to keep a relationship). This code also incorporates the belief that women are responsible for setting sexual limits, for thwarting men's sexual advances, and for dealing with the negative sexual consequences of sexual activity (e.g., pregnancy, feeling used). The use of words that link a woman's sexual history to her value as a person (i.e., slut, tramp, skanky, loose, jezebel, bimbo) warrants a Good Girls code.

The second set of complementary codes reflects strategies used by women and men to attract, court, and impress their actual or potential relational and sexual partners. Masculine Courting Strategies (MCS) describe the active and powerful ways in which men attract and/or court a female partner. They encompass notions that men are protectors and providers in romantic relationships, that they assert their power in the courting ritual by buying gifts or showing off their physical strength, and that they are responsible for making the first move in dating relationships. (2) Portrayals of women being attracted to men who exhibit wealth, power, or physical strength also warrant this code. Feminine Courting Strategies (FCS) state that women wait to be asked out by men rather than asking them out directly. They describe the passive and indirect ways in which women attract or court a male partner, such as by dressing provocatively, touching themselves suggestively, using playful innuendo, ego-stroking, or pretending to be in need of assistance. Central to this code is the notion that women objectify themselves (Frederickson & Roberts, 1997) and exploit their bodies to attain power in romantic relationships.

The third set of complementary codes reflects attitudes toward commitment in relationships. Masculine Commitment (MC) states that men actively avoid commitment, marriage, monogamy, or taking their romantic relationships "to the next level." It states that men do not take part in relationship maintenance (e.g., resolving a fight, spending time together) and try to evade becoming emotionally involved with their female partners. The MC code also describes men as prioritizing sex and other activities or people (e.g., career, friends) over their romantic relationships. Accordingly, depictions of men cheating on their girlfriends or wives warrant the MC code, as do comments that either mock or pity monogamous men for having lost their freedom, power, or masculinity. In contrast, Feminine Commitment (FC) encompasses ideas about women prioritizing their romantic relationships, making sacrifices for the sake of their partners (e.g., giving up a career, spending less time with friends), seeking or asking for more commitment, monogamy, or marriage, and needing a boyfriend or a husband to feel like their lives are complete.

The final set of complementary codes refers to same-sex attraction and homophobia. Male-Oriented Homophobia (MOH) states that men must avoid behaving in a manner that could be construed as homosexual. Accordingly, men who are "caught" in such situations express discomfort or embarrassment. Jokes that hinge upon the audience's understanding that a male character is being ridiculed for behaving in a manner deemed homosexual warrant the MOH code. Jokes that rely on transgressions of gender roles are not coded if no explicit ties are made to a character's sexual orientation. For example, a boy who dresses in girl's clothing receives the MOH code only if it is clear that the other characters believe his choice of apparel reflects his sexual orientation. Appropriation of Female Homosexuality (AFH) is the complementary code to MOH. It describes homoeroticism between female characters as arousing or as a "turn-on" to men.

Implementation of the Heterosexual Script Codebook

Selection of Television Programs. In 2001, we surveyed 273 eighth grade, 144 ninth grade, and 430 tenth grade students (aged 12-17 years) as part of a larger, longitudinal study examining the impact of television consumption on adolescent sexual behavior. Students were from two diverse public school districts in the Northeastern United States. Approximately 54% of the sample was female, 58% was White, 20% was Latino, and 40% received free or reduced fee lunch. Students completed paper and pencil questionnaires assessing their television viewing habits, including their viewing frequency of 50 primetime programs that were popular among teen audiences, according to Nielsen ratings, industry publications (e.g., Entertainment Weekly), and extensive pilot testing. The list included situation comedies and serial dramas from network television (ABC, NBC, CBS, WB, UPN). Participants indicated how frequently they viewed each program on a 5-point scale (never/not this season, a few times a month, once a week, a couple of times a week, almost daily).

Based on students' viewing frequencies, we selected the top 25 programs in the 2001-2002 season that participants reported watching regularly (i.e., at least a few times per month). As presented in Table 1, the final list included 16 half-hour sitcoms and 9-hour-long serial dramas. Three episodes of each program were videotaped over a four-month period and were then transferred to digital format. The inclusion of three episodes per program is standard practice in television content analyses (Kunkel et al., 2005; Ward, 1995). In total, this approach yielded a data base that included 51 hours of programming to be analyzed.

Coding Procedure. Following the analysis strategy of Ward (1995), our main unit of analysis was the interaction. An interaction is defined as a segment in which one set of characters are together at one place and at one time. The entrance or exit of an additional character into a scene indicated the beginning of a new interaction, as did an interruption by time or location (e.g., a flashback) or by commercial break. In our sample, a 30-minute sitcom typically consisted of about 35 interactions, while an hour-long drama usually consisted of about 48 interactions. This strategy departs from Kunkel et al.'s (1999, 2005) practice of coding programs at the scene and program levels. We utilized this approach in order to maximize variability in subsequent analyses that would test associations between adolescents' viewing sexual content and their sexual attitudes and behaviors. In an interaction, the Heterosexual Script could be enacted through either dialogue (e.g., a GG code was applied when a woman said no to a man's sexual advance) or behavior (e.g., a GG code was applied when a woman used her hands to push a man away after he made a sexual advance). Although multiple codes could be applied to a single interaction (e.g., both SM and GG), each specific code could only be recorded once per interaction.

The credibility of our codes and the integrity of our analysis rested on our ability to establish a rigorous coding procedure and satisfactory inter-rater reliability. During training, each episode was independently coded by two researchers at three levels. Inter-rater reliability was assessed for each level using percent agreement. Specifically, we assessed coders' (1) agreement on segmenting episodes into individual interactions, (2) agreement on whether one or more Heterosexual Script codes were present in an interaction, and (3) agreement on which specific codes were to be applied to the interaction. Once a pre-determined threshold of 75% agreement was met at all three levels on a pilot set of programs, coders commenced independently unitizing and coding the episodes in the sample. First, one coder would watch an episode and record all of the codes for that episode. Due to the nuanced and sometimes contradictory nature of the Heterosexual Script codes, whenever a code was applied, this first coder would include a brief description of the specific content that warranted its application. Next, the second coder watched the same episode, verifying the first coder's decisions. When disagreements were apparent, the two coders met to discuss the discrepancies and assign a final code. In some cases, a third researcher familiar with the coding scheme was consulted to make the final decision.

Results

Overall Level of Scriptedness

In the 51 hours of television programming recorded for this study, the Heterosexual Script was enacted 662 times. To ease interpretation of the amount of scriptedness in our sample, we calculated the mean number of codes applied to each program across the three episodes. To facilitate comparisons between 30-minute sitcoms and 60-minute dramas, we doubled the values for sitcoms so that our analyses would reflect how many times an adolescent would be exposed to the Heterosexual Script per hour of programming. In the 2001-2002 season, all 25 of the primetime television programs most popular among adolescents contained some element of the Heterosexual Script. However, as presented in Figure 1, there was considerable variability across individual programs, ranging from 3 references per hour in the medical drama, ER, to over 30 references per hour for the sitcoms, Dharma and Greg and Futurama. On average, adolescents who watched these primetime television programs encountered 15.53 references to the Heterosexual Script per hour.

[FIGURE 1 OMITTED]

We explored variability in different types of programs by conducting a series of independent-samples t-tests based on the program's genre. Sitcoms invoked the Heterosexual Script more often per hour than did dramas, t(23) = -3.30, p < .01. Indeed, prior to weighting the programs for length, the average 30-minute sitcom contained as many references to the Heterosexual Script (M = 9.7) as an hour-long drama (M = 8.9). Whereas the programs invoking the Heterosexual Script most often were all sitcoms, with the exception of Will and Grace, the programs invoking the Heterosexual Script least often were all dramas.

Prevalence of Specific Elements of the Heterosexual Script

We assessed the frequency with which specific elements of the Heterosexual Script were invoked in the sample per hour. As summarized in Table 2, results from a within-samples t-test indicated that masculine elements of the script were enacted more frequently than feminine elements, t(24) = 4.42, p < .001; however, further analyses comparing each complementary set of codes revealed that this finding was attributable to the overwhelming prevalence of Sex as Masculinity in our sample. In the following section, we provide specific examples of how the Heterosexual Script was enacted in our sample according to the relative order of prevalence by code.

Sex as Masculinity. By far, the Heterosexual Script was enacted most frequently by depictions of sexuality being a defining component of men's masculinity, comprising 45.15% of the total number of references identified in our analyses. The programs most saturated in SM messages were sitcoms featuring male characters in leading roles, each containing between 10 and 20 SM messages per hour. Only one program, Will and Grace, contained no references to SM. Because this code hinged on men's sexual interest in women, its absence on Will and Grace, which features two gay male leads, is not entirely surprising. Sitcoms contained significantly more SM references per hour than did dramas.

Men are preoccupied with women's bodies. Boys and men unabashedly ogled female characters, openly judged women by their physical appearance, and treated women as sexual objects. In one sitcom, a man drives past a group of women, exclaiming, "Damn! Look at that! Those are some heavy-set honeys!" (Just Shoot Me). In another sitcom, a group of teenage boys fantasize about their large-busted neighbor. A daydream montage ensues with the camera focused squarely on the woman's breasts as she runs and bounces in a variety of activities (That 70s Show). Comments about women's bodies were not limited to sitcoms, nor were they solely initiated by male characters. In one drama, a young woman and man are perusing an ancient book filled with graphic pictures of demons. Pointing at a demon that has six breasts, the woman states matter-of-factly, "Any man's gonna love that" (Angel).

Men are constantly consumed by sexual thoughts, fantasies, and urges. In the sitcom, Dharma and Greg, the husband is repeatedly distracted by sexual fantasies he is having of his new female co-worker. As his wife tries to engage him in conversation, Greg imagines the new lawyer in the corner of the room, dressed in a tight black skirt and unbuttoned blouse, touching herself and opening and closing her legs suggestively. In another sitcom, a teenage boy is less than enthusiastic about attending a special fishing trip his father has planned for them. As they fish, the boy fantasizes about a naked mermaid who beckons him to join her in the water (Malcolm in the Middle). The centrality of sexuality in male characters' lives was prominent, regardless of age, race, or family role. In one sitcom, an elderly father insists that there was never a need to have a sex talk with his sons because "You don't need to tell a bee where to find the honey" (Everybody Loves Raymond). In another sitcom, a mother yells at her pre-teen son to "Get out of that bathroom! I threw those magazines away!" a comment that causes the father to react with alarm (The Hughleys).

Men talk openly about their sexual desires and experiences. A slew of male characters congregate in the workplace to talk about their new attractive office-mate. Watching her drink a cup of coffee, one man says to the others, "I wish I was that coffee mug 'cause then her lips would be all over me" (Just Shoot Me). Men also praised each other for their sexual conquests. On an animated sitcom that spoofs a popular children's cartoon, one smurf congratulates another smurf for "smurfing" Smurfette in a clear sexual allusion (The Family Guy). In turn, boys/men expressed pride over accumulating sexual experience with girls/women, such as a teenage boy who flaunts a hickey on his neck to his envious brother and friend (Malcolm in the Middle).

Men are sexual initiators. Men actively attempted to engage women in sexual activity and sometimes using devious or forceful means to do so. In a sitcom, a husband whispers into his wife's ear, "Come on. Let's go upstairs and lock ourselves in one of the bedrooms" (The Hughleys), and in a drama, a man draws a woman closer to him, asking, "Do you want me to make love to you?" (Angel). On Buffy the Vampire Slayer, a male character's attempt to initiate sex is less overt, at least initially. The heroine wakes up next to a male vampire she had slept with the night before. Obviously upset by her actions, she hurriedly puts her clothes on, prompting the vampire to say, "I just don't see why you have to run off so quick. I thought we could ... you know ...," raising his eyebrows suggestively (Buffy the Vampire Slayer). When Buffy rejects this sexual overture, the vampire physically grabs her and pulls her onto his lap, touching her under her skirt as she struggles and squirms in protest. Although this interaction eventually ends with Buffy consenting to the activity, portrayals of men kissing, groping, grabbing, and touching women in unwelcomed ways were not uncommon in our sample. On sitcoms, men's uninvited sexual overtures were portrayed as light-hearted, playful, and, for the most part, free of negative consequences. A teenage boy goes to the supermarket and grabs an older woman's buttocks as she leans over into the freezer (That 70's Show). Although the woman initially acts upset, it becomes clear that she is flattered by the boy's attention.

Feminine Courtship Strategies. The second most prevalent code in this sample focused on feminine courtship strategies, accounting for 13.39% of the total number of scripts identified in our analyses. Although sitcoms depicted more FCS scripts than did dramas per hour, this difference was not significant.

Women can/do/should objectify themselves. Exploiting their bodies and looks was portrayed as an important, if not necessary, way for women to attract male suitors. While fishing, a group of teenage boys spot a boat full of bikini-clad teenage girls who pose flirtatiously for them. One girl unties her girlfriend's bikini top, which she clutches to her chest while giggling (Malcolm in the Middle). In another sitcom, a woman poses in several sexually suggestive Yoga positions, intending to incite jealousy in her ex-boyfriend (The Drew Carey Show). In a drama, two women are shopping at an upscale boutique for outfits to wear on their double date. One woman advises the other to find a dress "that will make Angel [her male love interest] crazy" (Angel).

Women are valued primarily for their physical appearance. Female characters were frequently reminded that their physical appearance was more important than their intelligence, personality, and other attributes. When a college student wonders why her professor invited her to an academic meeting at his house, her roommate says in an exasperated tone, "Please! Because you're hot!" The roommate proceeds to dig through the woman's closet to find an enticing outfit for her to wear (Dawson's Creek). While preparing for their "coming out" at a debutante ball, a group of teenage girls are told, "Everyone must be beautiful and ready to go by 7:30!" As one debutante deliberates over which shade of lipstick to wear, she warns another, "The two minutes you are standing on those stairs tonight will determine your social status for the rest of your life" (Gilmore Girls).

Women use passive and alluring strategies to win men's affection. In a drama, a woman smiles coyly at two men from across the bar, prompting them to ask her to dance (Buffy the Vampire Slayer). In a sitcom, a woman flirts with the bodyguard of teenage rap star, Li'l Romeo. Rubbing his arm suggestively, she smiles and says, "You must be Big Romeo" (The Hughleys). The heroine of an action-based drama plays dumb to gain access to a male Mafioso clan. On a dinner date, she asks sweetly, "So you're into waste management. Is that like garbage men? ... There's like, so much trash on the streets." The men are charmed by her sweet and innocuous behavior (Dark Angel).

Good Girls. The Good Girls code was the third most prevalent in our sample, representing 11.50% of all codes we identified. Sitcoms contained significantly more GG references per hour than did dramas.

Women are judged by their sexual conduct. On Buffy the Vampire Slayer, Buffy refuses to talk to her on-again, off-again love interest, Spike, about the fact that they had kissed in a previous episode. Spike sneers, "Don't get all prim and proper on me. I know what kind of girl you really are." On Friends, Rachel's father learns that she is pregnant with Ross's child. To dodge her father's accusations that his "first grandchild is going to be a bastard," Rachel tells her father that Ross will not marry her because she is "damaged goods." The GG code was also frequently applied to passing comments made about certain women being "whores," "sluts," "tarts," "hoochies," "hos," "concubines," or "tramps." A woman's clothing, or often, the lack thereof, also provided clues to her virtue as a person. In a sitcom, a teenage couple is leafing through a stack of pictures at a photo shop labeling certain girls as "whorey" (That 70's Show). In a time-twisting encounter on a drama, a female character is visited by herself as an elderly woman. The woman chides her younger self, saying, "No one will take you seriously until you stop dressing like a tramp!" (Charmed)

Women set sexual limits. Women were sometimes portrayed actively rejecting men's sexual advances. In a sitcom, a man whispers something into a woman's ear, which the audience assumes is a request for a sexual favor. The woman responds by smacking him across the face and storming away in a huff (Dharma and Greg). On a drama, a young woman at a dance club informs her two male dancing partners that she wants to "sit this one out." One man grabs her arm and insists, "Uh-uh, you can't work us up like that and just ...," causing her female friend to interject firmly, "Hey, I think she said no!" (Buffy the Vampire Slayer) On sitcoms, wives' repeated efforts to curb their husbands' requests for sex was the source of humor. In more than one episode, husbands attempted to initiate sex with their wives in the presence of their young children. Outraged, one wife stops her husband, exclaiming, "For God's sakes! Stewie is right here!" (The Family Guy).

On dramas, female characters expressed more ambivalence toward setting sexual limits. In Buffy the Vampire Slayer, Buffy repeatedly expresses regret over her sexual involvement with the vampire, Spike. When Spike wants to talk about a kiss they shared in a previous episode, she shouts, "I will never kiss you Spike! Never touch you ever. Ever again!" (Buffy the Vampire Slayer). Later, Spike pulls Buffy onto his lap and reaches under her skirt as she cries, "Stop!" and "No!" before returning his fervent kisses. In another supernatural-themed drama, a woman and man are invaded by ghostly spirits, causing them to kiss passionately. When they regain control over their true identities, the woman stops the sexual encounter, asking incredulously, "Did I actually just ask you to undress me?" (Angel).

Masculine Courtship Strategies. Masculine Courtship Strategies were the fourth most prevalent code applied to the sample, comprising 8.84% of all codes identified in our analyses. Sitcoms and dramas did not differ in the amount of MCS they conveyed per hour.

Men use active and powerful strategies to win women's affection. The MCS code was most frequently applied when male suitors took part in the courting ritual by asking women out, lavishing them with gifts, or impressing them with their physical strength, intelligence, or wealth. Men were open and assertive about their romantic interest in women. At a dance club, two young men approach two women to ask if they would like to dance (Buffy the Vampire Slayer). In another drama, a man strategizes about how he will ask his female love interest on a date, telling his friend, "I'll make my move when I feel the iron is hot" (Dark Angel). Men on sitcoms also actively courted women, but were often less adept at the task. On Friends, a male suitor asks Phoebe "if you are the sort of person who eats lunch?" When she replies that she is, he pauses awkwardly and asks if she would like to eat lunch with him.

Men are valued for their strength, wealth, and power. In a sitcom, a woman taunts her male co-worker who is noticeably shorter in stature. She wonders out loud about why they never dated, then makes the scathing remark that it is because he is "poor and tiny" (Just Shoot Me). Two men discuss their chances of dating an attractive female friend. One man says to the other, "Good luck, my friend, I've seen better men try and fail," to which his friend replies, "But did they have a 50-foot yacht to lure her with?" (Dawson's Creek). Women were also impressed by men's heroic gestures. In an action-based drama, a man saves his fiancee from impending death, causing her to embrace him and swoon, "You're ... my hero!" (Charmed).

Masculine Commitment and Feminine Commitment. The Masculine Commitment and Feminine Commitment codes were equally frequent in network television, representing 8.41% and 7.98% of the total scripts identified in our analyses, respectively. Sitcoms and dramas did not differ in the amount of Commitment codes they portrayed per hour. Indeed, the programs that were most saturated (e.g., Dawson's Creek, Seventh Heaven, Futurama, Sabrina) and least saturated (e.g., Will and Grace, ER, Nikki, Buffy the Vampire Slayer) by these codes represented both genres.

Men want/need independence. Women want/need relationships. Whereas men actively avoided commitment and craved "space" from their partners, women sought greater stability and emotional intimacy. A couple on a sitcom is thick in the midst of a marital dispute. While playing scrabble, the husband spells out the word "suffocate" in attempt to indicate that he needs more breathing room in the relationship (Malcolm in the Middle). In a family-oriented drama, two teenage brothers list the drawbacks of being in a committed relationship, describing a male friend as "in love and ... miserable!" One brother declares, "I don't know why they [his sisters] even want to find a serious relationship. I know I don't. No sir, not me! I am happy! Single!" (7th Heaven). In the same episode, their two teenage sisters discuss how much they miss their ex-boyfriends. A younger sister responds to their laments, saying, "You should get up, get out and find yourselves some new boyfriends ... Someone new and exciting to love ... Someone who holds a promise for a real future. Isn't that what we all want?" (7th Heaven). In an animated sitcom, a male robot and female computer are dating. The male robot is also visibly uncomfortable with the computer's suggestion to "merge programs," a clear allusion to marriage.

Women need boyfriends or husbands. Female characters without boyfriends or husbands were made to feel deficient. A teenage boy asks his inexperienced sister, "What kind of gifts have boys gotten for you, Meg?," causing Meg to cry hysterically and run out of the room (The Family Guy). A middle-aged woman introduces her new boyfriend to her parents. The parents welcome him gladly, saying, "Thank you Lord for sending him into Christine's life to prove that her divorce did not turn her into a lesbian." Her mother adds "She hasn't has a date in eight years!" (The Drew Carey Show), indicating that a woman's love life is a public affair.

Men prefer sexual fulfillment over emotional intimacy. At a bachelor party, a man asks the groom how it feels to know that he "will never sleep with another woman again, and wake up to the same face until the sweet release of death takes you away" (Friends). When a wife reminds her husband that they have pledged to be together forever in their wedding vows, he points out, "Technically, it ain't forever. It's just 'til death do us part.' Like, if you see me in heaven and I'm with Jennifer Lopez, you don't know me" (The Hughleys). Male infidelity was rampant and occurred irrespective of a couple's level of commitment to each other, their age or occupation, or the program's genre. In dramas, male infidelity was treated with solemnity; the cheating male character was often portrayed in a negative light and sympathy or pity was evoked for the female victim. In one teen-oriented drama, a male protagonist is deeply troubled to learn that his married boss is having an affair with a young waitress (Dawson's Creek). In sitcoms, however, male infidelity was treated in a humorous and light-hearted manner. A male robot in an animated sitcom has grown tired of his girlfriend. He reasons, "For now, I'll just resume dating floosies on the side" (Futurama). Two teenage boys visit a supermarket in an attempt to pick up older housewives. Reminiscing, one boy casually says to the other, "Back when I was cheating on Jackie, I used to meet a lot of older ladies here" (That 70s Show).

Male-oriented Homophobia. Although male-oriented homophobia represented only 3.26% of all codes, it appeared at least once in over half of the programs in our sample. Sitcoms generally conveyed more male-oriented homophobia than did dramas, although perhaps due to the overall scarcity of these messages, this difference was not significant. MOH was invoked most frequently by jokes that implicitly or explicitly questioned a male character's sexual orientation. In a sitcom, a father and son are watching a football game together. The father becomes excited when his team scores a touchdown, but the young boy is unmoved and comments distastefully, "I've never seen someone get so excited about something so silly on TV." A sportscaster then announces that Cher will be performing, which makes the boy jump up and down in anticipation. The father is plainly concerned about his son's excitement due to Cher's status as a gay icon (The Hughleys). On Friends, Ross greets a childhood friend played by Brad Pitt with a hug, exclaiming, "Man, you look incredible! Hot stuff." He then becomes visibly embarrassed by his phrasing and actions. In a drama, the male protagonist and his male friend are asked if they are "together." The friend places his hand on the protagonist's shoulder, proudly asserting, "Yes, two champions, here together." The protagonist quickly removes his friend's hand and qualifies, "We're not together together" (Angel).

Appropriation of Female Homosexuality. The least prevalent code applied in our sample, representing only 1.46% of all codes applied, depicted men becoming aroused by the thought or sight of attractive women touching each other in sexual ways. Sitcoms and dramas did not significantly differ in the number of AFH messages portrayed, and rarely did they involve genuine same-sex desire expressed among women. Instead they centered on men's efforts to persuade heterosexual women to engage in sexual touching with one another. A teenage boy comments to his girlfriend, "Donna, feel free--I mean, feel encouraged--to make out with all the slutty girls you want" (That 70s Show). In a drama, a young man is caught cheating on his girlfriend. Confronted by the two angry women at once, he offers a suggestion. "I like you," he says to one woman. "And I like you," he says to the other. "And once upon a time you both liked me. So, I propose, tell me if I'm crazy or not, that we all like each other at the same time" (Dawson's Creek).

Discussion

In this article, we present the Heterosexual Script as a viable new approach for evaluating television's sexual content. We envision this analysis of sexual content being used in conjunction with previous coding schemes (e.g., Kunkel et al., 2005) to more fully understand the potential impact of television viewing on adolescent sexual behavior. By shifting the focus of inquiry from sex to sexuality, we find that in addition to showing sexual talk and behavior, television provides viewers with meaningful information guiding how girls/women and boys/men think, feel, and behave in romantic and sexual relationships. Portrayals of boys/men captured by these codes were pervasive, and the message was unilateral: Accumulating sexual experience with women is an important, desirable, and even necessary component of masculinity, and boys/men should attain sexual experience by any means possible. Indeed, in several programs, male characters used forceful or deceitful strategies to persuade girls/women to engage in sexual activity or to catch glimpses of them unclothed. Even more troubling was that these uninvited sexual overtures were often met with success. Compulsory heterosexuality provides a framework to make sense of girls/ women's mostly positive responses--indeed, according to this perspective, attracting boys'/men's attention is the primary way by which girls/women attain and assert (a form of) power.

Consistent with the contradictory dimensions of the Heterosexual Script, portrayals of girls/women captured by these codes were more conflicting. For example, feminine courtship strategies encouraged girls/women to seduce boys/men by exploiting their bodies and dressing in tight, revealing clothing, even though these same behaviors were devalued and seen as a sign of their sexual indiscretion or impropriety. Such depictions reveal the challenge that girls face when they are encouraged to both conform to pervasive conventions of femininity (Bartky, 1990) and perform active gate-keeping on boys' "uncontrollable" sexual desire. In the programs we sampled, however, the challenging or problematic nature of this task was rarely identified. From our theoretical perspective, it made sense to retain (and not try to resolve) such contradictions within the Heterosexual Script coding scheme. However, in practical terms, it is possible that these contradictions will weaken the codes' predictive power in explaining adolescent sexual outcomes. It is possible, for example, that the two contradictory aspects of the "Good Girls" code--that good girls set sexual limits and that good girls passively acquiesce to men's sexual needs--would be associated with different sexual health outcomes (less sexual risk and more sexual risk, respectively).

Taken together, results suggest that via the Heterosexual Script, television offers mutually impoverished constructs of male and female sexuality, which may ultimately preclude boys' ability to say no to sex and girls' ability to say yes. Our coding scheme captured the concrete ways male and female characters were either punished for deviating from or rewarded for complying with the Heterosexual Script. Boys/men that acted feminine risked being teased or labeled homosexual, and girls/ women that expressed sexual desire risked being called a slut. This policing did not occur just interpersonally between characters. It was also portrayed as internalized. Indeed, when characters caught themselves deviating from the Heterosexual Script, they often exhibited shame, doubt, embarrassment, or regret. From television, then, viewers learn that boys/men and girls/ women need to be in a state of constant vigilance and must regulate their sexuality. Whereas boys must constantly work to construct and assert their masculinity, girls walk the precarious line between making themselves sexually available to men and being appropriately demure--the tension at the heart of femininity (Bartky, 1990). Furthermore, although girls' sexual gate-keeping may diminish the risk for contracting an STD or becoming pregnant, our theoretical perspective questions whether a system that leaves girls with all of the responsibility and leaves boys with no accountability is a fair and/or effective system. This point also raises the question of the "cost" of the Heterosexual Script for girls when considering a broader conception of healthy sexuality that includes the entitlement to be attentive to one's own sexual needs and desires (SIECUS, 1995; Tolman, Striepe, & Harmon, 2001).

Although all 25 of the primetime network programs in the sample portrayed the Heterosexual Script to some degree, differences emerged between and within genres. We found that sitcoms contained more than twice as many references to the Heterosexual Script per hour as did dramas, a finding almost entirely explained by the prevalence of Sex as Masculinity messages on sitcoms. Why are sitcoms so saturated in scripted messages linking sex to masculinity? We submit that it is the disproportionate presence of male characters in leading roles, coupled with a tendency to exploit men's anxieties about achieving (or failing to achieve) "real manhood" as a source of humor. Notably, three of the programs most saturated in references to Sex as Masculinity, That 70s Show, Just Shoot Me, and Titus, also contained the lowest number of references to Feminine Courtship Strategies. This finding is interesting given that one of the most common ways Sex as Masculinity was invoked was by men objectifying women and that one of the most common ways Feminine Courtship Strategies was invoked was by women willingly objectifying themselves. Might these particular programs portray stereotypical male characters but female characters who resist or reject the Script by relying on their intelligence and assertiveness in romantic and sexual relationships? Such portrayals that run counter to or defy the Heterosexual Script suggest an important direction for future research.

Indeed, one limitation of this study is that it does not systematically assess counter-scripted portrayals, including, for example, independent and sexually assertive girls/women and boys/men who are emotionally invested in romantic relationships. If portrayals of the Heterosexual Script have explanatory value, it is also possible that portrayals of such counterscripts could give credence to alternative ways of being and behaving that resist the Script. Recently, we began tracking such counterscripts systematically, and in future research, we intend to examine further the relationship between counterscripted and scripted portrayals. Ultimately, using these two coding schemes in tandem has tremendous potential to elucidate the meanings and contexts in which sex talk and sex behavior occur. Using multiple coding schemes for evaluating the impact of television's sexual content on adolescent sexual outcomes will likely prove fruitful.

It may be impossible for primetime television viewers to avoid the Heterosexual Script entirely; however, the variability in scriptedness found across different programs suggests that it is likely that viewers will be exposed to it at different rates, making its potential explanatory power in predicting sexual outcomes promising. In line with our broader conceptualization of television's sexual content, we recommend that future researchers consider a wider range of sexual outcomes than is typical in the literature (i.e., sexual behavior), including adolescents' ability to make authentic, responsible, and gratifying relational and sexual decisions. Although previous studies indicate that the amount of sexual content consumed is a stronger predictor of adolescents' sexual behavior than the type of sexual content consumed (Collins et al., 2004; Pardun, L'Engle, & Brown, 2005), these studies did not consider adolescents' exposure to sexual content understood in terms of gendered sexuality and compulsory heterosexuality, which may be more meaningful than their exposure to types of sexual behaviors or specific body parts.

Because this content analysis was part of a much larger study that examined the impact of television viewing on adolescent sexual behavior, we selected television programs for our content analysis based on the actual viewing habits of a large sample of adolescents living in the Northeast (N = 703). Our decision to restrict our analysis to primetime network sitcoms and dramas limits the generalizability of our findings. Future studies would benefit from using comprehensive sampling techniques that encompass music lyrics, movies, teen magazines, the internet and a wider variety of television genres, including soap operas, music videos, reality programs, and cable television. The reality genre is particularly interesting, given recent evidence that reality programs contain particularly low levels of sexual talk and sexual behavior (Kunkel et al., 2005). Because many of these programs center on romantic and relational themes (e.g., The Bachelor, Blind Date, Cheaters, Elimidate), using this new coding system may reveal the significance of such programs in adolescents' sexuality development. Finally, research indicates that many homes are equipped with cable television (Roberts, 2000), and a substantial number of families subscribe to premium cable channels (e.g., HBO, Showtime, Cinemax). Although many made-for-cable television series may contain more sexually explicit content than network primetime programming, it is unclear how these programs would compare in their level of Heterosexual Scriptedness. The popular HBO program, Sex and the City, for example, featured a considerable amount of sexual talk and sexual behavior, but the series revolved around the lives of four single women who, more or less, defy the Heterosexual Script by exhibiting sexually agency, prioritizing their sexual pleasure, and valuing their independence from men. Thus, Sex and the City may rank high in sexual content but low in Heterosexual Scriptedness, serving as a stark example of how these constructs are conceptually distinct. Such an analysis may raise key questions about who is allowed to deviate from the Heterosexual Script without severe social consequences. The women in Sex and the City are white, heterosexual, upper-class, adult women--a very select group that we might expect to enjoy the most flexibility in this respect. In the end, these questions can and should be tested empirically.

One of the challenges we faced in this study, and indeed, one that confronts all media researchers, is keeping up with a television landscape that is constantly transforming. Although our analysis focused on episodes that were originally aired in the 2001-2002 season, many continue to be aired in syndication now, appearing on multiple channels and at multiple times of the day. They are also increasingly available for rental or purchase on video and DVD. Nevertheless, monitoring how television's portrayal of the Heterosexual Script evolves over time is important, especially since rates of sexual talk and behavior have been shown to increase over time (Kunkel et al., 2005). A quick survey of the primetime network programs airing at the time of this publication leads us to believe that the Heterosexual Script persists in the 2005-2006 television season. Popular titles include Desperate Housewives, Beauty and the Geek, Wife Swap, Two and a Half Men, and Yes, Dear. Even more provocative titles are found on cable, including Queer Eye for the Straight Guy, The L Word, Nip Tuck, The Man Show, WildBoyz, The Girls Next Door, and Queer as Folk.

The results of this analysis have a number of important implications for parents and policy-makers who are concerned with the amount and type of television content children and adolescents consume. Whereas adults may recognize the importance of censoring, restricting, or mediating children's exposure to overtly sexual content, they may not detect or may perceive as benign children's viewing of content that is saturated with the Heterosexual Script. Although current federal advisories warn parents about the presence of sexual language or sexual behavior in television programs, no such warning system exists for scripted or gendered sexual content. One initial step is to expand media literacy for parents and children to help them identify the presence of the Heterosexual Script. This task is difficult because the Heterosexual Script is not the type of television content that strikes most people as problematic. Indeed, it is because the Heterosexual Script is so invisible and perceived to be so natural and normal that its potential impact on adolescents' sexual decision-making is so formidable. Media literacy programs can help parents and educators identify scripted sexual content, provide advice about instituting policies in the home that restrict children's viewing, and offer strategies for talking with children about what they are viewing in this domain.

Our second set of recommendations target those in the media industry. Since network television faces increasing competition to attract viewers during primetime hours, it may be unrealistic to ask scriptwriters to reduce the amount of sexual content depicted in their programs or to add substantially more portrayals of sexual risk and responsibility. However, a plausible solution may be to provide viewers with more diverse alternatives to the Heterosexual Script, including powerful female characters who are assertive in dating and sexual relationships and monogamous male characters who value emotional intimacy. To a certain extent, television has already begun to provide such counter-scripted characters for (and about) adolescent girls. In our sample, three popular primetime programs, Buffy the Vampire Slayer, Charmed, and Dark Angel, featured action heroines in leading roles. Notably, however, our results indicate that these women revert back to the Heterosexual Script in their romantic and sexual relationships with men, despite the strength and intelligence they exhibit when fighting demons and vampires (Sorsoli, Porche, & Tolman, 2004). The presence of any counter-scripted female characters also highlights the striking absence of counter-scripted characters for (and about) boys and men. Given recent evidence that television's messages about sexual responsibility can have positive and enduring effects on adolescents' beliefs and understandings (Collins et al., 2003), the inclusion of counterscripted television characters may play a critical role in supporting adolescents' development of healthy sexuality.

This study was supported by Grant No. R01 HD 38393-01 awarded to the final author by the National Institute of Child Health and Development. All authors wish to thank L. Monique Ward for consultation, and Meredith Everson and Andres Nunez for research assistance.

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Janna L. Kim

California State University, Fullerton 

C. Lynn Sorsoli, Katherine Collins, Bonnie A. Zylbergold, Deborah Schooler, and Deborah L. Tolman

San Francisco State University

Correspondence should be addressed to Janna L. Kim, Department of Child and Adolescent Studies, California State University, Fullerton. P.O. Box 6868, Fullerton, CA 92834. E-mail: [e-mail]

(1) Several scholars have referred to a "Heterosexual Script" before, primarily in terms of how heterosexual sex gets accomplished (McCormick, 1994) or the turn-taking sequence of behaviors that take place in a sexual situation. For example, Rosotsky and Travis (2000) describe a traditional sexual script as the script that deems heterosexual intercourse as the only sexual behavior with any significance (see also McCormick, 1994, 1987; O'Sullivan & Byers, 1993). Our conception is that relational and sexual thoughts, feelings, beliefs, and behaviors are scripted at the cultural level (Simon & Gagnon, 1986), which extends beyond just the sequencing of sexual behaviors.

(2) Accordingly, a depiction of a man asking a woman out on a date warranted the MCS code; however, a depiction of a man initiating a passionate kiss with a woman received the SM code instead.

Table 1. Adolescents' 25 Most Popular Primetime Network
Programs in the 2001-2002 Television Season

Sitcoms                             Dramas

Dharma and Greg            7th Heaven
Everybody Loves Raymond    Angel
Family Guy                 Boston Public
Friends                    Buffy the Vampire Slayer
Futurama                   Charmed
Grounded for Life          Dark Angel
Just Shoot Me              Dawson's Creek
Malcolm in the Middle      ER
Nikki                      Gilmore Girls
Sabrina
The Drew Carey Show
The Hughleys
The Simpsons
Titus
Will and Grace

Table 2. Frequency of Specific Scripted Messages per Hour
Overall and by Genre
                                                           M
                                   Min        Max       overall

Sex as Masculinity                3.00       18.67       7.01
Good Girls                        0.00        4.67       1.79
Masculine Courtship Strategies    0.00        6.00       1.37
Feminine Courtship Strategies     0.00       10.00       2.08
Masculine Commitment              0.00        8.00       1.31
Feminine Commitment               0.00        7.33       1.24
Male-Oriented Homophobia          0.00        4.00       0.51
Appropriation of Female           0.00        1.33       0.23
Homosexuality

                                    M                      M
                                 sitcom       SD         drama

Sex as Masculinity                9.25       4.59        3.04
Good Girls                        2.25       1.50        0.96
Masculine Courtship Strategies    1.71       1.92        0.78
Feminine Courtship Strategies     2.54       3.35        1.26
Masculine Commitment              1.29       2.10        1.33
Feminine Commitment               1.21       1.89        1.30
Male-Oriented Homophobia          0.75       1.11        0.07
Appropriation of Female           0.29       0.48        0.11
Homosexuality

                                   SD          t       Cohen's d

Sex as Masculinity                1.83      -3.87 **     1.78
Good Girls                        0.68      -2.43 *      1.11
Masculine Courtship Strategies    0.76      -1.39        0.64
Feminine Courtship Strategies     0.81      -1.39        0.53
Masculine Commitment              1.93       0.05       -0.02
Feminine Commitment               2.01       0.11        0.05
Male-Oriented Homophobia          0.15      -1.8         0.86
Appropriation of Female           0.33      -0.99        0.44
Homosexuality

* p < .05; ** p < .01.