From girls into women: scripts for sexuality and romance in Seventeen magazine, 1974-1994.

In this article, I examine how young women's sexual subjectivity has been depicted and shaped over two decades in Seventeen, a mass-circulation magazine for teen-age female readers. Drawing on the scripting approach to sexual behavior, I use content analysis methods to evaluate the cultural-level scripts about sexuality and romance featured in 244 articles from Seventeen. Cultural-level scripts have been shown to guide real-life sexual behavior and to perpetuate gender inequality. In addition, many cultural-level scripts and expectations about what is appropriate sexually are learned during adolescence (Laumann, Gagnon, Michael, & Michaels, 1994; Simon & Gagnon, 1987). Therefore, representations of sexual behavior in media for teens may have effects that last throughout individuals' lifetimes. Analyzing the cultural-level sexual scripts in Seventeen constitutes a crucial first step toward understanding the relationships among popular media, sexual norms, and sexual behavior.

THE SEXUAL SCRIPTING APPROACH

Developed in reaction to biological and psychoanalytical theories of sexual behavior, the sexual scripting approach argues that sociocultural processes are fundamental in determining what is perceived as sexual and how individuals behave sexually. Analyzing sexual behavior as scripted permits the consideration of both individual experience and broader sociohistorical processes as they come together in interpersonal interaction (Simon & Gagnon, 1984). Therefore, the sexual scripting approach is amenable to studying change over time and to considering both agency and social constraints.

The sexual scripting approach identifies three levels of sexual scripts--cultural scenarios, interpersonal scripts, and intrapsychic scripts--corresponding to the collective, small-group interaction, and individual dimensions of society. Cultural scenarios, the level with which I am primarily concerned, are like guidelines that tell individuals with whom, when, where, how, and why to do sexual things (Laumann et al., 1994). Cultural scenarios are created and maintained by many diverse components of group life, including schools and educators, religious doctrine and leaders, folklore, sex researchers, and mass media. By themselves, however, cultural scenarios offer at best a limited picture of sexual experience. As people interact with each other in concrete social situations (i.e., the interpersonal script level), they draw on both cultural scenarios and their own personal desires, fantasies, and intentions (i.e., intrapsychic scripts). During these interactions, individuals must develop strategies for fulfilling their own sexual wishes and plans, while taking account of others' responses, both anticipated and actual (Simon & Gagnon,1987).

The three script levels may be similar in content in relatively homogeneous societies. In heterogeneous societies such as the contemporary United States, however, script levels may differ, and a variety of cultural scenarios may be available to most individuals at any given time. These different scenarios may conflict with and even contradict one another. For instance, Seventeen offers not only traditional sexual scenarios urging that young women refrain from sexual intercourse but also recreational scenarios recommending the opposite. Discrepancies are also common between scripts at different levels, as when a woman exposed predominantly to heterosexual cultural scenarios experiences sexual desire for another woman at the level of interpersonal interaction. Because of this diversity, most individuals must negotiate among the various levels of scripts, making compromises that may vary from interaction to interaction (Simon & Gagnon, 1984).

Negotiations among script levels enable change over time. Most changes occur through individual improvisations or innovations on already -existing scenarios (Laumann et al., 1994). These improvisations and innovations are often necessary on the interpersonal level, when potential sexual partners bring different cultural and intrapsychic resources into interactions and must compromise with each other. People who have been exposed to a variety of disparate cultural scenarios may also find it necessary to reconcile them in their own minds (Simon & Gagnon, 1987). Cultural scenarios may also be changed more directly by the creators of sex education curricula, deliverers of sermons on sexual morality, writers of teen magazines' advice columns, and so forth (Laumann et al., 1994). In the case of Seventeen, as I will demonstrate, new scenarios may provide readers with fuel for challenging dominant norms and even for creating and disseminating new ones. At the same time, however, the manner in which new scripts are presented may work to forestall such challenges and changes.

ADOLESCENT WOMEN'S SEXUALITY

Societal perceptions of and prescriptions for adolescent sexuality--embodied in sexual scripts--differ depending on the gender of the teens in question (Irvine, 1994).(1) Some of the dangers associated with teen sexuality are linked to female physiology, especially pregnancy and the side effects of some contraceptives. Many other sexual hazards associated with being female are social in origin. A number of these fall under the rubric of the sexual double standard. Since the 1960s, sexual values and behaviors have become more permissive for male and especially female adolescents (King, Balswick, & Robinson, 1977; Sherwin & Corbett, 1985). Yet, despite some real gains, several studies suggest that a subtle sexual double standard has persisted (Ferrell, Tolone, & Walsh, 1977). For instance, Goodchilds and Zellman (1984) found not only that adolescent men saw the world in more sexual terms than did young women, but also that both men and women accepted male sexual aggressiveness as inevitable, often to a surprising extent. Other scholars have shown that sources such as sex education and peers teach girls that exhibiting sexual desire will lead to censure and punishment, but simultaneously encourage boys to explore their sexuality and to be sexually aggressive (e.g., Fine, 1988; Horowitz, 1983; Lees, 1986; Tolman, 1994).(2)

Contemporary sexual scripts also posit different degrees of sexual agency for women and men. According to Fine (1988), social ambivalence about women and their sexuality perpetuates (and is perpetuated by) the tendency not to depict or address young women as sexual agents. In her study tracking discourse on teen sexuality through public schools, Fine found that sex education curricula typically address young men as sexual actors, but depict young women solely as the objects of male sexuality. These curricula also suppress discourse on women's sexual desire, promote a view of women as sexual victims, and explicitly privilege monogamous marital heterosexuality over other sexual practices. Moreover, by failing to recognize young women's own experiences of desire/agency and danger/victimization as simultaneous, these curricula oversimplified their experiences of sexuality.

Like Fine, Tolman (1994) found that young women typically spoke of sexual desire as a complicated phenomenon, potentially leading to both danger and pleasure. Told only that girls must reject boys' sexual advances, many of the young women Tolman spoke to claimed that they did not know what to do when they felt desire or pleasure. Many feared the consequences of bringing desire into relationships, especially pregnancy and being perceived as sexually out of control. Tolman concluded that adolescent girls are, in a sense, trapped in a contradiction between the reality of their sexual feelings and the absence of those feelings in cultural-level sexual scripts for young women.

Young women's experiences with sexuality are often complicated further by concern with romance and relationships. Feminist developmental psychologists report gender differences in the value placed on relational factors in sexual interactions. Whereas boys tend to see sex as a decision made between consenting people guided by personal beliefs, girls generally make sexual decisions based on the quality of intimacy and engagement in the relationship (Bollerud, Christopherson, & Frank, 1990). Arguing that either stance alone may be problematic, Thompson (1995) recommended balancing sexuality and romance with other aspects of life (e.g., work, friendship). According to Thompson, young women who too closely equate romance and sexuality are less likely to practice safer sex and are more likely to experience reduced confidence and life chances. However, although young women who completely separate sexuality and romance may practice safer sex, they may also risk using others and postponing the developmental process of learning to integrate love and sex with other life concerns such as work and friendship (see also Thompson, 1984).

Although not presented in the vocabulary of the scripting approach, research of these scholars indicates that discrepancies between cultural-level sexual scripts and individuals' own experiences may have negative real-life consequences. According to Fine (1988), sex education curricula that contradict young women's experiences by neglecting the interrelation of desire and danger are likely to be perceived as irrelevant, and therefore may fail to prevent teen pregnancy or to promote safer sex practices. Tolman (1994) similarly concluded that sex education scripts that do not recognize female desire leave young women confused rather than well prepared for making sexual decisions. According to Tolman, young women who feel confused or ashamed about their sexuality are much less likely to prepare for sex than are peers who see themselves as sexual agents (see also Thompson, 1990). Bollerud et al. (1990) likewise contended that by eliding the relational issues most girls deem central to sexual decisionmaking, sex education curricula may be ineffective or even harmful for young women. However, Thompson's (1995) research strongly suggests that young women are unlikely to benefit from curricula that make no attempt to disentangle romance and sexuality.

YOUNG WOMEN AND MASS MEDIA

Despite their detailed evaluations of the multiple and conflicting discourses confronting young women, researchers interested in teen female sexuality have generally neglected to extend their analyses to popular media. At the same time, most scholars investigating popular media for young women have focused on sexuality only peripherally (e.g., Christian-Smith, 1990; Evans, Rutberg, Sather, & Turner, 1991; McRobbie, 1991), or not at all (e.g., Budgeon & Currie, 1995; Currie, 1994; Pierce, 1990; 1993). Much of this research examines texts that are now at least a decade old (e.g., Christian-Smith, 1990; McCracken, 1993; McRobbie, 1991; Pierce, 1990). Yet, in spite of their age, many of these media studies strongly underscore the need for additional research. For instance, McCracken (1993) indicates that magazines for adolescent women may convey messages about sexuality that are even more contradictory than those in magazines intended for older women.

Many feminist scholars argue that popular media not only reflect and perpetuate young women's social subordination, but also offer them opportunities for pleasure and resistance (Christian-Smith, 1990; Currie, 1994; McCracken, 1993; McRobbie, 1991; Pleasance, 1991). Teen magazines, such as Seventeen, feature prominently in this body of research. According to McRobbie (1991), teen magazines introduce their readers to the salient landmarks of adolescence, in effect teaching their readers how to transform themselves from girls into proper women according to prevailing cultural standards. Magazines, romance novels, and other media avail young women of a distinct subculture that they may use to create their own space in school, among peers, and at home. This subculture teaches teen girls how to negotiate new aspects of their lives and enables them to make statements about themselves (Christian-Smith, 1990; McRobbie, 1991). Yet subcultures' provisions for resistance and pleasure are ultimately limited and limiting. For instance, because the primary goal of teen magazines is to make profits through advertising consumer goods, they may reinforce the socialization of girls as consumers, especially as consumers of fashion and beauty products (McCracken, 1993; McRobbie, 1991).

Editors and owners of magazines often claim merely to respond to readers' desires and needs,(3) but their decisions constitute an implicit message about readers' requirements. The editorial content of teen magazines focuses almost exclusively on fashion, beauty, entertainment, and romance, with material about sexuality becoming more common after about 1980 (McRobbie, 1991). As most teen magazines feature very similar content (Evans et al., 1991; McCracken, 1993), young women's popular media choices appear highly constrained. Even so, the high monthly circulation rates of these magazines (of one million or more) suggest that they fulfill at least some of their readers' needs and/or desires (Evans et al., 1991; McCracken, 1993); Pierce, 1993). In Seventeen, readers may find a variety of viewpoints on sexual dilemmas (i.e., sexual scripts) that may diverge from those promoted by parents, educators, or other authorities. According to editor-in-chief Caroline Miller, "A lot of girls don't talk to their parents, and it has traditionally been the role of Seventeen to answer questions our readers are too embarrassed to talk to Mom about" (Smith, 1995, p. B5). Access to a variety of scripts may also help readers understand complex sexual feelings and experiences, which may not conform to a single archetype.

This is not to suggest, however, that Seventeen is either a neutral purveyor of information or a liberal forum for the exchange of information, sexual or otherwise. Because selling magazines and advertisements are their overriding concerns (McCracken, 1993; McRobbie, 1991), the owners and editors of teen magazines need to attract and maintain large audiences over time. To accomplish this, they must not only provide content designed to appeal to a wide variety of potential readers but also take precautions not to alienate advertisers, readers, or the parents who financially underwrite many readers' purchases (Fiske, 1989).(4) Seventeen's editors appear to solve this institutional dilemma by offering a variety of cultural scenarios about sexuality, but resolving them in ways that remain consistent with dominant social norms (see also McCracken, 1993; McMahon, 1990; McRobbie, 1991).

Editorial conventions common to women's magazines enable writers to present conflicting messages within a single article and resolve them by the article's end. In the question-and-answer sequences of advice columns, for instance, readers' questions typically concern a particular sexual script or the need to choose among several competing scripts. When columnists respond, they generally outline the advantages and disadvantages of the scripts in question, sometimes introduce additional scripts, and often conclude by explicitly or implicitly guiding the reader to a particular alternative. Writers perform similar rhetorical work in other types of articles by presenting a variety of opinions (e.g., using direct quotes) and then comparing, evaluating, and often resolving them. In this way, Seventeen's editors routinely conclude articles that discuss multiple viewpoints by presenting one (generally conservative) as preferable to the alternatives.

METHODS

Of the leading magazines for adolescent girls on the U.S. market (e.g., Sassy, 'Teen, Young Miss), Seventeen is best suited for analysis over time because it is the oldest. Moreover, Seventeen's monthly circulation--currently over two million--is twice that of its competitors (Simmons Market Research Bureau, 1994). Therefore, the sexual scripts featured in Seventeen's pages reach a larger audience than those in competing magazines. Like magazines for older women, Seventeen offers feature articles on beauty, fashion, and romance, as well as several monthly advice columns on beauty, health, and relationships. The data for this study were drawn predominantly from feature articles and advice columns.(5)

A Seventeen staple for more than 20 years, the question-and-answer column "Relating" was expanded from a two-question romance-only format in 1974 to a four-question format additionally covering friendship, family, and sexuality by 1994. Inaugurated in 1982, another monthly column, "Sex and Your Body," discusses female reproductive health and sexuality. At first an editorial monologue, by the late 1980s this column had adopted the more typical question-and-answer format and featured four or five questions per month. Most of the editorial material during the period studied was written by members of Seventeen's editorial staff. Columnists are neither medical nor mental health professionals, but every column is checked for accuracy by a medical doctor or an adolescent-health expert before publication (Noelle, 1997).

The Sample

Every article from every issue of Seventeen during the years 1974, 1984, and 1994 was considered for inclusion in the sample. In addition to being evenly distributed across the period studied, these years represent signposts of significant sexual change. As changes in sexual attitudes and behaviors from the mid-1960s to early-1970s have been well documented (e.g., Bell & Coughey, 1980; King et al., 1977; Sherwin & Corbett, 1985), I was primarily interested in changes that occurred after this period. (A preliminary reading indicated that sexuality was rarely alluded to in Seventeen in 1964.) Therefore, I began my study in 1974, the year following a significant legal landmark of changing sexual attitudes--the U.S. Supreme Court's Roe v. Wade decision on abortion rights. This year fell within a relatively liberal period in U.S. history. In contrast, the national political and social climate was markedly conservative in 1984, when Ronald Reagan was elected to a second term as U.S. President. This was also the year before actor Rock Hudson's death propelled HIV/AIDS onto the national media agenda. Finally, in 1994--a year in which neither conservative nor liberal politics prevailed--national proabstinence movements (e.g., "True Love Waits," "Sex Respect") rose to media prominence, appearing on the covers of a range of popular publications (e.g., Newsweek, Mother Jones; Dobie, 1995; Ingrassia, 1994).

Sampling on the basis of sexual signposts may not have been necessary. My reading of the sample and every issue from 1979 and 1989 (the midpoints between the years studied) suggested that the editors of Seventeen seldom choose content from the current events and social problems that compete for space in publications such as news magazines (Hilgartner & Bosk, 1988). The content of issues is driven primarily by seasonal merchandising requirements (e.g., prom in March, back-to-school in September). In fact, the most salient control over the content of teen magazines appears to be advertisers' inclinations (McCracken, 1993). For instance, in 1987, a reader-advertiser boycott effectively prevented the new magazine Sassy from publishing articles on controversial issues such as homosexuality and abortion (Larsen, 1990).

After determining the years to be studied, I selected for more detailed scrutiny every item that mentioned sexuality, however briefly. An item could be either an article or a subsection of an article. For instance, each question-and-answer segment in a longer advice column was treated as a separate item. This group of items covered sexual behaviors (e.g., kissing, masturbation, coitus), sexuality-related topics (e.g., sexual orientation, fantasies, virginity), sexual health issues (e.g., pregnancy, contraception, STDs), and sexual violence (e.g., rape, harassment). Some of the items mentioning sexuality also discussed romance. Because of the, implications of close links between romance and sexuality (see, e.g., Thompson, 1995), I added to the sample items that featured a sustained discussion (at least two sentences) of romance.(6) This nonsexual romance category included articles on dating, romantic love, and male/female nonsexual friendships.(7) Advertisements and certain categories of editorial material--beauty and fashion articles, home tips (e.g., food, decorating), fiction, entertainment reviews, and horoscopes--were excluded from the sample.

In all, 244 items mentioning sexuality or romance composed the sample. Largely because the length of Seventeen increased from about 100 pages per issue in 1974 to 300 in 1994, a higher percentage of items in the sample were from 1994 (54.5% (133)) than from either of the earlier years studied (17.6% (43) in 1974 and 27.9% (68) in 1984). The percentage of items mentioning sexuality increased steadily over time, from 30.2% (13) in 1974, to 38.2% (26) in 1984, to 52.6% (70) in 1994. This increase was largely due to the introduction of the "Sex and Body" column and the inclusion of more questions in each advice column.

Techniques of Analysis

To analyze these articles, I used a combination of quantitative and qualitative methods, following the ethnographic content-analysis model proposed by Altheide (1996). Each type of analysis reveals different aspects of sexual scripts; therefore, a combined approach may be more informative than either a quantitative or qualitative study alone. Whereas quantitative content analysis measures the frequency of media messages in order to document changes in content over time, qualitative textual analysis tends to focus on meaning and has proven especially effective at revealing subtle thematic shifts (Altheide, 1996). Because enumerative content analysis generally operates under the assumption that key phrases are stable and consistent across uses (Sumner, 1979), when employed alone it is likely to yield a well-documented analysis that considers meaning only superficially. Conversely, relying on qualitative analysis alone may produce an analysis rich in meaning but weak in systematic documentation. Used together, however, the two methods produce a richly detailed picture of changes and continuities in a medium's content and meaning over time.

Both numerical and narrative data were collected using a single coding protocol that was based on categories derived from my review of literature. These categories were of two basic types: content and themes. Content categories included general topics related to sexuality (e.g., homosexuality, virginity), sexual behaviors (e.g., coitus, masturbation), and sexual health issues (e.g., contraception, HIV). Themes included stances toward women's sexuality (following Fine, 1988) and beliefs about the appropriate relational context for sexual activity (following Laumann et al., 1994).(8) If a content category appeared multiple times in one article (e.g., the word "fellatio" used twice), I recorded it only once. When an article referred to more than one perspective encompassed by a single theme (e.g., traditional and recreational orientations toward sexuality), I noted all of them. Finally, I recorded at least one descriptive example (i.e., quotations) for each appearance of a theme or content category.

The next step of analysis involved making comparisons within and across categories to track words, themes, and issues over time (Altheide, 1996). First, I compared numerical data to uncover trends in content and theme categories over time. Next, I compared narrative data (i.e., descriptive examples) to reveal changes in the meaning or focus of specific categories over time. Performing both comparisons was illuminating, for the numerical prevalence of a category often did not indicate whether the editorial sentiment was either approving or disapproving.

Reliability was ensured in two ways. First, by using a strictly defined, standard coding protocol throughout the data-gathering process, I guaranteed that the same theme and content categories were explored in every item. In addition, I checked the reliability of the coding process by repeating it after a three month hiatus, using a randomly selected subsample of 30% of the items from each year studied. The results of the first and second codings were consistent 94.5% of the time.

FINDINGS

Sexuality: Change and Continuity

The depiction of young women's sexuality in Seventeen changed in a number of ways from 1974 to 1994. Most significant, editors moved from portraying young women solely as sexual objects and victims to recognizing them as agents who experience sexual desires. Other notable changes include an increased recognition of young women's own ambivalence about sexuality, a more positive stance toward homosexuality and masturbation, and an acknowledgment of fellatio. Yet, even taken together, these changes did not constitute a revolution in content: Editors regularly presented new scripts as less satisfactory than established ones.

Victimization, Choice, and Desire

I began my analysis of Seventeen with Fine's (1988) influential categorization of discourse on teen female sexuality into four major types: violence, victimization, individual morality, and desire (I define these discourses as I discuss them below). The discourse of sexuality as violence, which posits virtually all sexuality as inherently a form of violence, did not appear in any of the three years studied. The discourses (i.e., scripts) of victimization, choice, and desire appeared in remarkably similar proportions in 1974 and 1984. In both years, about 62% of items portrayed sexuality as a form of victimization of women by men, and about 45% depicted women's sexuality as a matter of individual choice and morality.(9) Discussions of sexuality that referred to desire grew somewhat more prevalent from 1974 to 1984, appearing in 15% and 19% of items from those years respectively. More substantial changes took place between 1984 and 1994. Although scripts emphasizing individual morality remained about as common as before, appearing in 46% of items, the discourse of victimization became considerably less prevalent, appearing in only 46% of items. The discourse of desire became more prominent, appearing in 23% of items. These changes in the prevalence of scripts were accompanied by changes in content and focus.

According to the discourse of victimization, sex is something that boys pursue aggressively but that girls would like to avoid. In 1974 and 1984, Seventeen's editors often depicted sexuality as a form of victimization. In 1974, writers claimed that normal girls often fear sexual activity. Several editors posited fear of sex as a common cause of trepidation in romantic relationships, suggesting that "you [wouldn't] be human if you didn't feel somewhat troubled over all the new problems you can foresee and the need for decisions about sex and intimacy once you have a boyfriend" (April 1974, p. 58). None of the articles in 1974 discussed sexual violence (e.g., sexual abuse), but by 1984, 31.3% of items mentioning victimization referred explicitly to deviant sexual activity (e.g., incest, rape) as distinct from more subtle kinds of sexual victimization (e.g., abandonment after sex). Discussed in most items mentioning victimization in 1984 (68.7%) were "normal" forms of potentially victimizing sexual activities, including "being exploited or hurt; ... experiencing the crisis of an unplanned pregnancy, a sexually transmitted disease, or a love relationship that ends despite what you shared emotionally and sexually" (April 1984, p. 28). Another article noted "the risk of feeling guilty or duped if [your partner] isn't sincere" (Aug. 1984, p. 352).

By 1994, reminders about sexual victimization had become not only less common, but also more likely to emphasize isolated errors in judgment rather than dangers inhering in all aspects sexuality.(10) For instance, editors presented boys who wanted casual sex as dangerous but deviant and depicted girls who were abandoned after sex as unlucky individuals who chose the "wrong" boys. There were a few exceptions to this new focus, however. Editors informed readers that sex can always be physically painful, "whether it's the first time or the hundredth time" (April 1994, p. 112), and added HIV to the list of potential sexual dangers. Readers' own remarks referred to all of these aspects of sexual victimization: "I don't know if I'm just scared it's going to hurt or what" (June 1994, p. 117); "At this point, though, I'm scared to death of diseases" (June 1994, p. 117); "I don't want to get hurt that way [by being dumped after sex]" (June 1994, p. 117). Against this backdrop of danger, editors typically advised readers to redirect their sexual desires away from human interaction into the realm of fantasy, crushes, and sometimes masturbation.

The discourse of individual morality, which emphasizes the rights of young women to make choices about sexual behavior on the basis of their own beliefs, appeared consistently in about two fifths of the articles throughout the period studied. Although individual morality scripts present women as sexual agents, they do so in ways that downplay sexual desire and emphasize avoiding sexual activity rather than seeking it. In 1974 and 1984, writers who presented individual morality scripts warned that the pitfalls of sex outweigh its potential pleasures and implied that, given a choice, readers would invariably elect to avoid sexual activity. For instance, one editor remarked that "as time goes by, you will need to form your own set of values, your own reasons for saying no ..." (April 1984, p. 28). In 1994, the editors of Seventeen continued to encourage readers who were not sexually active, or who did not want to be, to trust their own convictions. Readers were reminded that they could retreat from sexual activity at any time, and girls showing physical signs of sexual desire were cautioned that desire does not necessitate action. However, in contrast to years before, editors at times indicated that some young women who want to have sex should not feel compelled to abstain. For example, the author of a feature article on virginity asked, "If you don't let somebody pressure you into having sex, why should you let somebody else pressure you into not having sex?" (June 1994, p. 118).

Changes in the prevalence of scripts featuring women's desire were accompanied by significant changes in content and focus. In 1974, the editors and readers of Seventeen acknowledged that young women experience sexual desire, but they invariably posited desire as problematic unless its fulfillment was to occur in the relatively distant future. For instance, one reader admitted that she had "strong desires and imagine myself with a man, all intertwined as you would see in a movie" but quickly explained that "I'm not ready for that yet" (February 1974, p. 94). Some readers in 1974 reported being troubled by their feelings of desire, others by their apparent lack of sexual desire. Editors and readers alike agreed that young women should refrain from acting on their sexual desires until adulthood, if not until marriage. By 1984, scripts mentioning desire had become somewhat more common, but editors continued to present these scripts as they had a decade before.

By 1994, scenarios recognizing the sexual desires of readers not only had become more prominent but also had begun to refer to fulfilling desire more immediately. Editors in 1994 typically presented desire as a positive aspect of life rather than as a cause for worry. Readers echoed this stance with remarks such as, "It would be nice if for once someone besides horny boyfriends would tell young women that their sexuality is not wrong" (Sept. 1994, p. 32). Whereas editors in previous years primarily recognized young women's feelings of desire, in 1994, they sometimes acknowledged actions based on desire. For instance, one columnist observed that "plenty of girls enjoy sex and want nothing more than a physical relationship" (February 1994, p. 62). However, the editors in 1994 did not encourage active sexuality.

Ambivalence About Sexuality

The second area of analysis was the extent to which editors' and readers' discussions acknowledged young women's ambivalence (i.e., their conflicting feelings) about sexuality. Routinely observed among young women, this ambivalence is seldom recognized by sex educators (Fine, 1988). Acknowledgments of ambivalence about sexuality became more common over time in Seventeen, appearing in 12.9%) of articles mentioning sexuality in 1994, compared with only 7.7% in both 1974 and 1984. In terms of content, these acknowledgments were fairly consistent over time. In 1974, one reader mused, "I spend half an evening trying to explain to a guy why not. Then afterward I ask myself--well, why not?" (June 1974, p. 110). Twenty years later, another reader voiced similar feelings, writing "I recently had sex with a guy. It felt kind of good, but I hated it just the same ... I want to have sex, but I know if I do I'll just wish I hadn't again" (March 1994, p. 162).

Throughout the period studied, when editors suggested resolutions to such dilemmas, they tended to promote protection over pleasure. In 1994, for instance, one writer suggested that by acknowledging their desires and determining what they find acceptable or unacceptable sexually, readers could experiment with sexual activity and still to some extent avoid the emotional and physical dangers associated with female sexuality. As one writer forcefully explained, "When you actively choose to have sex with someone (of course, you can always choose not to), you're more likely to be able to deal with the physical and emotional consequences. If you just let it happen, you're no longer in charge" (November 1994, p. 54).

The issue is far from simple, however, especially for young women who are ambivalent about sexuality. Noting that "it's tough to constantly hear these warnings [about sex's dangers] and not feel panicked at the very thought of sex," one editor nonetheless concluded a 1994 column by saying, "You just have to remember that sex isn't the enemy" (June 1994, p. 116). Editors did not explore the possibility of winning the war against sexual danger through collective efforts at combating gender inequality or reorganizing heterosexual relationships.

Nonnormative Sexual Scenarios

Sex education curricula often depict sex as an either/or decision about vaginal intercourse rather than as a continuum of possible activities. Presenting, sexual activity in this way may encourage young people to disregard messages about safer sex (Fine, 1988; Thompson, 1990). I therefore analyzed the extent to which nonnormative sexuality (i.e., practices other than heterosexual kissing or vaginal intercourse) were discussed in Seventeen. Nonnormative sexual scripts were more prominent in 1984 (when they appeared in 19.8% of items mentioning sexuality) than in either 1974 or 1994 (when they appeared in 7.7% and 10% of items, respectively). Taken alone, however, these figures do not provide a comprehensive picture of changes over time in the editors' depictions of nonnormative sexuality in Seventeen. The variety of available alternative sexual scripts expanded from 1974, when only homosexuality was mentioned; to 1984, when masturbation was included; to 1994, when oral sex was also discussed. Accompanying this expansion of scripts was editors' increasing acceptance of homosexuality and masturbation. Yet, editors continued to present normative scripts as less satisfactory than normative sexual attitudes and behaviors.

Despite fluctuations in the proportion of items that mentioned homosexuality in Seventeen, the stance of editors toward gays and lesbians was one of increasing acceptance over the period studied. In 1974, homosexuality was mentioned in one item, comprising 7.7% of items mentioning sexuality that year. This item was an article about same-sex friendship, in which homosexuality was defined in order to show that two readers accused of being lesbians were in fact heterosexual. Homosexuality appeared in the greatest proportion of items discussing sexuality (15.4%) in 1984, but every 1984 discussion of homosexuality that year referred to fantasy rather than physical sexuality. One writer dismissed homosexuality as a "passing fancy," and another claimed that lesbian fantasies stem not from sexual desire, but from fear of heterosexual relationships. As such, she argued, these fantasies represent "a way of remaining in a child's world" (March 1984, p. 40).

Although homosexuality appeared in the smallest proportion of items (4.3%) in 1994, in that year it was most favorably depicted. Writers consistently described same-sex relationships as acceptable, explaining that "Lots of people have homosexual relationships, either permanently or for a short time in their lives, and there's nothing wrong with it" (March 1994, p. 126). Yet, editors remained ambivalent toward gays and lesbians. For instance, a columnist who affirmed the acceptability of same-sex activity (see previous quote) was nonetheless quick to stress that "what you did doesn't mean you're gay or that you're going to be gay" (March 1994, p. 163). In this manner, writers portrayed activities and identities of homosexuals as less acceptable than those of their heterosexual counterparts.

Also significant were changes in the depiction of masturbation, which was mentioned in none of the items mentioning sexuality in 1974, in 3.8% in 1984, and in 2.9% in 1994. In 1984, editors somewhat grudgingly described masturbation as a useful technique for sexual experimentation and release. At the same time, however, they emphasized that heterosexual activities (which they proscribed against) are more "normal" than masturbation; they stressed that masturbation could be dangerous, physically and emotionally, if indulged in to excess. In contrast, in 1994, one writer described masturbation as "a normal part of life" that "doesn't cause any health or sexual problems" (March 1994, p. 162). Instead of explicitly approving of masturbation as an end to pleasure in itself, however, this columnist characterized masturbation as a "good way to handle sexual urges when you're not ready to have sex with someone" (March 1994, p. 162).

Finally, oral sex was not mentioned in Seventeen until 1994, when it appeared in two articles, composing 2.9% of the items mentioning sexuality. In neither item was cunnilingus mentioned, and in both items, fellatio was portrayed as unacceptable. In one, a reader complained that her boyfriend forced her to fellate him. In the other, the columnist defined fellatio then wrote, "Sorry--if this is the first time you're hearing this, I've probably really freaked you out, right?" (November 1994, p. 57). By recognizing fellatio, editors gave readers access to a new sexual script. Their presentation of fellatio, however, strongly suggested that it was not a viable sexual option for readers of Seventeen. Moreover, by not mentioning cunnilingus and by denigrating fellatio, editors may have contradicted many readers' real-life experiences and desires. Indeed, in 1994, 26% of U.S. high school students had given or received oral sex (Roper, 1994; cited in Ingrassia, 1994).

Romance and the Relational Context of Sexuality

Because research has shown that young women often link sexuality closely to romance (e.g., Thompson 1995), 1 was also interested in scripts about romance as they intersect with scripts about sexuality. To analyze this intersection, I drew on Laumann et al.'s (1994) distinction among traditional, relational, and recreational orientations to sexuality. Believing that sexual activity should be reserved for marriage, traditionally oriented people discourage nonprocreative behaviors, including masturbation, oral sex, homosexuality, and often contraception (I included items predicating sexual activity on engagement in this category). People who hold a relational orientation approve of sex within committed loving relationships, even premarital ones, but oppose all forms of casual and nonmonogamous sex. Adherents to a recreational orientation contend that the primary purpose of sexual activity is pleasure, do not posit love as necessary for sexual activity, and approve of most noncoercive sexual activity among consenting adults and often among older minors.

Throughout the period studied, the editors of Seventeen most frequently advocated sexual scripts presenting a relational orientation toward sexual activity. In both 1974 and 1994, the relational orientation appeared in about 60% of items mentioning sexuality.(11) Readers in 1974 questioned the traditional orientation, arguing that although sexual activity should depend on love and commitment, such commitment need not entail marriage or engagement. This stance predominated through 1994. In relational scripts, sexual activity was never posited as an obligatory part of romantic relationships. For instance, one writer stressed "you don't have to ever sleep with this guy, and he can still continue to be your boyfriend . . ." (Dec. 1994, p. 66). One writer in 1974 even suggested that "there are couples who find compatible, permanent partnership--even a good marriage--with little or no sexual activity" (March 1974, p. 38).

The traditional orientation was second most common in each of the years studied, but its prevalence decreased dramatically over time. In 1974, 39% of items discussing sexuality presented the traditional orientation. The traditional orientation had diminished in prominence by 1984 and was even less common in 1994 (appearing in 27% and 9% of items mentioning sexuality, respectively). Over the same period, readers who advocated the traditional orientation began to indicate a greater willingness to behave in ways more consistent with the relational orientation. In 1974, one traditionally oriented reader said, "I really don't want to go to bed before I'm married. Giving a part of yourself and knowing it's not going to last is just not for me" (June 1974, p. 111). By 1994, traditionally oriented readers seemed less adamant. As one reader put it, "I'm planning on waiting until I get married, but I also know it might not end up that way. As long as it's with somebody special, that's fine" (June 1994, p. 117).

The recreational orientation, not mentioned in 1974, appeared in 3.8% of items mentioning sexuality in 1984. By 1994, 13% of items mentioning sexuality mentioned the recreational orientation. Despite its growing prominence, the recreational orientation was routinely presented as less than ideal. For example, although one writer admitted that love relationships are not strictly necessary precursors to sexual activity, she concluded that "all kinds of sexual activity are more enjoyable when you're in a loving, trusting, committed relationship" (February 1994, p. 64). Nor did readers advocate recreational scenarios. This negation of recreational sex is not unique to teen magazines: Even in the pages of the ostensibly libertarian Cosmopolitan, recreational sexuality is seldom presented as truly acceptable for adult women (McCracken, 1993).

The Nature of the "Relational" Relationship

In addition to recommending that readers refrain from sexual activity outside of committed relationships, the editors of Seventeen specified in detail what committed relationships should be like. Discussions of romance pervaded Seventeen throughout the period studied. These discussions included all five traits outlined by Lantz, et al. (1973) in their study of popular U.S. magazines from 1794 to 1825: idealization of the loved one; "the one and only"; love at first sight; love wins out over all; and the glorification of personal emotions.

Many writers offered advice on developing healthy relationships, which they described as entailing commitment, trust, duration, and monogamy. According to Seventeen's editors, the truest love lasts forever, and the more partners have in common, the longer their relationship will survive. As one writer noted, "relationships last longer when you and your boyfriend share similar philosophies, perspectives, and backgrounds" (February 1994, p. 92). Editors often argued that love relationships should be monogamous (implying that sexual relationships also should be monogamous), and explained that readers who are interested in more than one boy ought to choose between them. As one editor advised, "if a crush gets so intense that you feel like you have to pursue the guy--then it may be time to think about whether your relationship with [your boyfriend] is getting a little ... dated" (October 1994, p. 100).

Love does not always end happily, even in the optimistic pages of Seventeen. Writers frequently focused on romance's painful dilemmas and unpleasant episodes, depicting the road to loving relationships as liberally strewn with hazards, ranging from reckless drivers to physical abusers. (In neither 1974 nor 1984 did Seventeen's editors explicitly recognize acquaintance rape and date abuse.) Editors routinely offered suggestions for avoiding or rejecting such partners, and they consistently reminded their readers that romance, though important, should not be their only focus. In 1974, editors advised readers to develop interests other than romance so that they would not jeopardize their opportunities to meet potential partners; by 1994, this rationale had lost considerable ground to the viewpoint that romance should be only one aspect of women's lives. Discussions of fantasy life and crushes underlined the ever-present possibility that relationships might fall short of lofty ideals. In one editor's estimation, "in a lot of ways a crush can be pretty good. You can fantasize about a perfect relationship, one that lets you move at your own pace and never get hurt ..." (April 1994, p. 118).

Although they criticized individual men, the editors of Seventeen refrained from criticizing heterosexual relationships more generally, suggesting that no matter how miserable a girl's past, present, or future situation, she should not lose faith in heterosexual romance. For instance, one young woman who was abused by her boyfriend was advised to evaluate her experience carefully because "knowing your reasons will help you avoid bad relationships in the future" (January 1994, p. 109). If they were to evaluate heterosexual romantic and sexual norms more broadly, the editors of Seventeen might encourage readers to work collectively to liberate women from gender and sexual oppression (see Rich, 1980), thereby improving their chances to build healthier relationships.(12) Instead, editors advised readers to delay sexual activity until finding the right romantic partner. Although they acknowledged the difficulty of developing healthy relationships, editors did not evaluate the social-structural factors (e.g., gender inequality) underlying that difficulty. This tendency could discourage readers from exercising their own agency to reshape sexual and romantic relations in ways that would benefit them, both as individuals and as women.

DISCUSSION

Over two decades, a variety of cultural-level scripts about sexuality have appeared in Seventeen magazine. Each distinct script features a different "starring role"--or sexual subject position--that readers may choose to adopt or reject. In this way, teen magazines represent one site at which a number of discourses compete to be young women's visions of themselves as sexual subjects (Foucault, 1978; McRobbie, 1991). The mere coexistence of various, discrepant scripts in these magazines may enable readers to develop different stances toward sexuality (Foucault, 1978). Likewise, according to the scripting approach, the more numerous and varied the available scripts, the greater the potential for interscript discrepancies. These discrepancies provide opportunities for individuals to improvise, and thus may lead to new scripts and more varied sexual behaviors.

Seventeen's editors direct readers to particular scripts and subject positions by disregarding some sexual scripts (e.g., cunnilingus), by denigrating other scripts (e.g., homosexuality), and by resolving discrepancies among scripts in relatively conservative ways (e.g., promoting protection over pleasure). Although they have occasionally presented new alternatives, editors have typically favored traditional scripts and subject positions. My findings are consistent with recent investigations focusing on magazines for adult women, in which portrayals of well-adjusted women increasingly emphasize women's independence and sexual agency, but typically resolve controversies in accordance with dominant norms (e.g., McCracken, 1993; McMahon, 1990).

Scripts that encourage readers to see themselves as sexual agents are likely to affect readers in positive ways. Especially positive in this regard is editors' increasing acknowledgment of women's sexual desires and agency. If their sexual desires and agency are recognized, then the readers of Seventeen may see themselves as able to take charge of their own sexual (and relational) lives. Young women who feel in control of their sexuality are disproportionately likely to take active precautions against pregnancy and STDs (Fine, 1988; Thompson, 1990; Tolman, 1994).

Scripts that acknowledge the diversity and reality of readers' sexual desires and experiences may also encourage safer sexual practices. Young women who are able to "cast" themselves (i.e., see their own experiences) in available scripts are more likely to perceive the sources of those scripts as legitimate. This perception of legitimacy is likely to extend to the other messages of those sources, such as messages stressing safer sex practices. Seventeen's editors may have heightened their legitimacy of their messages by increasingly acknowledging new script elements that may resonate with readers' experiences and desires (e.g., ambivalence about sexuality; nonnormative sexual activities; the relational orientation to sexuality). However, when editors contradict readers' own experiences and desires by disregarding nonnormative scripts or presenting them in a denigrating manner, they may lead readers to perceive editors' recommendations about safer sex as irrelevant and unworthy of serious attention (see, for example, Fine, 1988; Thompson, 1990; Tolman, 1994).

Editors' presentation of scripts may also foster favorable outcomes by encouraging readers to balance romance and sexuality with other aspects of life (e.g., work and friendship). Young women who take a balanced stance enjoy a head start in the crucial developmental processes of learning to integrate love and sexuality with other life concerns. They are also more likely to protect themselves from pregnancy and STDs (Thompson, 1995). When Seventeen's editors promote the relational orientation to sexuality while stressing that romance should not be the sole focus of young women's lives, they may encourage this developmental head start. However, editors' tendencies to emphasize the difficulty of developing sex-appropriate relationships (instead of encouraging readers to refashion them) may implicitly discourage readers from engaging in developmentally useful sexual experimentation.

Finally, the ways in which editors resolve conflicts among scripts may also discourage readers from resisting or refashioning dominant standards that are detrimental. Specifically, in criticizing individual men rather than the nature of heterosexual relationships, editors miss an opportunity to encourage readers to work collectively to improve heterosexual relationships not only for themselves, but also for women in general. In effect, this tendency discourages readers from exercising their agency to secure sexual rights and pleasure.

CONCLUSION

The sexual scripts presented in Seventeen have changed significantly over the past twenty years as editors have increasingly recognized female desire, homosexuality, oral sex, masturbation, and young women's own ambivalence about sexuality. These new scripts may encourage readers to adopt safer sex practices by enabling them to see themselves as sexual agents or by validating their own experiences with and understandings of sexuality. These scripts may also enable readers to resist gender and sexual subordination through agency, traditionally denied to women. At the same time, the potential effects of these new scripts are limited, especially as editors continue to depict dominant sexual scripts as preferable to available alternatives. Restricting sexual options may be a way of protecting the vulnerable--women, teens, or both--from danger. As Rubin (1984) points out, however, it may also constitute a maneuver to protect society from women's sexuality and power. Though perhaps unintentionally, the editors of Seventeen accomplish the latter.

Analyzing the cultural-level sexual scripts in Seventeen constitutes a crucial first step toward understanding the relationships among popular culture, sexual norms, and sexual behavior. This study reveals changes in the availability and content of sexual scripts for young women over time in Seventeen. The field of discourse on young women's sexuality is much broader, however, ranging from medical journals and sex education curricula to popular films and folklore; therefore, future researchers should endeavor to investigate a wider range of materials. Also fruitful would be a study of how readers interpret the cultural guidelines presented in popular media and use them to make sense of their own sexual feelings and experiences. Furthermore, as the young women depicted in Seventeen are overwhelmingly white, heterosexual, and middle class (even taking recent changes into account, see Currie, 1994; Evans et al., 1991), the sexual scripts in Seventeen may resonate predominately with white, middle-class heterosexuals (see Irvine, 1994). Interviews with a heterogeneous sample of readers could further illuminate the ways in which differently situated people interpret cultural-level sexual scripts (e.g., differential salience of scripts) and how they manage discrepancies between their own experiences and scripts in Seventeen.

The messages in popular media like Seventeen invite careful study because of the role they may play in creating, maintaining, and even changing cultural standards for young women's sexuality. If a majority of cultural scenarios and expectations about what is appropriate sexually are learned in adolescence (Laumann et al., 1994; Simon & Gagnon, 1984; 1987), then the manner in which teen magazines create and disseminate cultural scenarios, and the content of those scenarios, may have effects that endure over individuals' lifetimes. In the case of Seventeen, the expansion of available sexual scripts may enable readers to envision themselves as sexual agents and may validate other aspects of their experiences. However, where sexual scripts and resolutions of discrepancies among them encourage young women to adopt passive versions of female sexual subjectivity, they may (often unintentionally) discourage them from practicing safer sex (Fine, 1988; Thompson, 1990; Tolman, 1994) or challenging gender and sexual subordination.

Investigating the depiction of young women's sexuality in popular media, and the interrelationship between that depiction and real-life experience, can prevent the further mystification and constriction of female sexuality. In a climate often marked by hostility toward women, nonheterosexuals, and progressive sex education, such research is crucial to the liberation of young women and, indeed, of all people.

(1) Sexual scripts also differ depending on race, social class, and sexual orientation. Yet, as Seventeen depicts a predominantly white, middle-class, heterosexual world, a broader analysis is beyond the scope of this article.

(2) Studies have reached different conclusions about the sexual double standard's persistence in part by measuring it differently. According to Ferrell et al. (1977), the double standard can be defined according to whether men and women exhibit similar behavior patterns or profess similar attitudes (e.g., King et al., 1977; Sherwin & Corbett, 1985), or whether people of either gender hold men and women to the same standard (e.g., Goodchilds & Zellman, 1984; Horowitz, 1983; Lees, 1986). For an analysis using all three criteria, see Ferrell (1977).

(3) For instance, Seventeen's stated editorial purpose is to entertain and to provide teen girls with the information they need to "make sound choices in their lives" (Pierce, 1990, p. 497).

(4) Although parents' inclinations clearly affect the fortunes of teen magazines (e.g., parents led a devastating consumer-advertiser boycott of Sassy, magazine; Larsen, 1990), they may not be the most important factor behind the sexual conservatism of these magazines. Adult women's magazines also refrain from challenging the sexual status quo, despite their freedom from parental censure (McCracken, 1993).

(5) The sexual advice column exemplifies the confession, a key "technology of sex" (Foucault 1978), which creates and reinforces diverse sexualities by compelling individuals to articulate their peculiarities (see McMahon, 1990).

(6) Although scripts for romance are worthy of study in their own right (see, e.g., Lantz, Schmitt, & Herman, 1973), a thorough analysis of scripts for romance in Seventeen is beyond the scope of this article.

(7) Same-sex romance (not entailing sexual activity) would have been included in this category if it had been discussed in Seventeen during the period studied. Several items that mentioned hand-holding in a dating context were included in the romance category.

(8) Altheide defines themes as "recurring typical theses" (1996, p. 31).

(9) Because editors often mentioned more than one theme in a single item, percentages do not total 100.

(10) As in 1984, 31.3% of items mentioning victimization in 1994 distinguished between sexual violence and subtle forms of sexual victimization.

(11) In 1984, the relational orientation appeared in only 27% of items mentioning sexuality. This shift may be due in part to the debut of the "Sex and Body" column, which often discussed sexuality without referring to relationship concerns (e.g., providing technical medical information).

(12) Editors' ambivalence about lesbianism may be another symptom of refusing to evaluate heterosexual relationships (see Rich, 1980).

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I would like to thank Mabel Berezin, Harold J. Bershady, Charles L. Bosk, Robin Leidner, and Susan Cotts Watkins for their advice and support on this project. I would also like to thank Gloria Y. Gadsden, Eileen Lake, Sara Kinsman, Sangeetha Madhavan, Shara Neidell, and Patricia L. Stern for their comments on drafts of this paper. Earlier versions of this article were presented at the Eastern Sociological Society Annual Meeting, Boston, March 1996, and the Pennsylvania Sociological Society Meeting, Philadelphia, October 1995.

Address correspondence to Laura M. Carpenter, Sociology Department, University of Pennsylvania, 3718 Locust Walk, Philadelphia, PA 19104; e-mail:[e-mail].

Manuscript accepted on 5/7/97.