From Playing With Guns to Playing With Rice: The Challenges of Working With Refugee Children.

An Australian Perspective

A woman arrived at the Melbourne airport, tightly clutching a young child. She was asked to collect her luggage. She pointed to her child, then opened her hand to reveal the blood-stained handkerchief of her husband, who had been executed only minutes before they had boarded the plane.

This true story was retold by Gabrielle Fakhri, who has extensive experience in working with refugee families in Australia. Such stories are part of the everyday lives of refugees fleeing their homelands due to various factors, including armed conflict, communal violence, or large-scale natural disasters. Refugee issues are not new, but the multitudes of refugees around the world today, including large numbers of young children (Rutter & Jones, 1998; United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees [UNHCR], 2000), demands that we adopt a more cohesive, systematic approach to working with refugee children and their families (Doek, van Loon, & Vlaardingerbroek, 1996).

The author hopes to raise professionals' awareness of this issue and to explore opportunities for international collaboration when addressing the concerns of young refugee children. Regardless of the type of work each of us does, whether it be as a teacher in a preschool or child care center, a policy analyst, a trainer, or a researcher, separating the concerns of refugee children from those who have immigrated for other reasons is essential. Refugees have witnessed and/or experienced violence and torture. For most refugees, unlike immigrants, returning to their homelands is rarely a viable option (Refugee Council of Australia, 2000a).

Refugees fear being persecuted because of their race, religion, nationality, membership in a social group, and/or expression of political opinion (Rutter, 1994; UNHCR, 2000). The tragic and often violent personal histories of refugee children (Dalglish, 1989; Eisen, 1988; Kaprielian-Churchill & Churchill, 1994) stand in stark contrast to experiences of immigrant children whose parents have actively and freely chosen to leave their native countries. Refugees' sense of homelessness thus makes the direct application of strategies that are effective with free immigrants rather awkward and inadequate.

The year 2000 marked the 50th anniversary of the establishment of the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR) and the Convention on Refugees. According to the UNHCR (2000, p. 15), the number of refugees and displaced persons around the world rose from 21.5 million in 1998 to 22.3 million in 1999. In meeting the needs of child (and adolescent) refugees, the UNHCR (1994) emphasizes the link with the UN's Convention on the Rights of the Child. This view is reinforced by others involved with refugee matters, including Amnesty International and UNICEF (McCallin, 1996; Russell, 1999). In particular, the UNHCR (2000, p. 390) declares that access to education is not only a fundamental human right, but also an essential aspect of rehabilitating refugee children. Early childhood professionals (hereafter, ECPs) can make a significant contribution in meeting the challenges of resettling young refugee children. In this article, examples from Australia will be used to illustrate possibilities in practice and prospects for future research.

REFUGEES IN AUSTRALIA

Australia, today, is a land of cultural diversity, consisting of 19 million people with intimate family ties to over 150 countries, as well as those with links to Australia's original inhabitants, the Aboriginal and Torres Straits Islanders. Since 1945, more than 580,000 people have arrived in Australia under humanitarian programs, initially as displaced persons and more recently as refugees. Today, almost one in three refugees to Australia are children (Refugee Council of Australia, 2000a). Government statistics from the Department of Immigration and Multicultural Affairs (DIMA) (1999) reveal that in 1997-98, the top 10 source countries of birth for refugees to Australia were: Bosnia-Herzegovina (n = 2,604); Iraq (n = 1,393); Croatia (n = 907); Somalia (n = 506); Afghanistan (n = 439); Vietnam (n = 401); Sudan (n = 395); Iran (n = 309); Sri Lanka (n = 220); and Ethiopia (n = 108).

According to DIMA (1999), during 1997-98 a total of 8,779 people classified as refugees entered Australia under the government's Humanitarian Program. These refugees accounted for 11.35 percent of the total annual settler arrivals for that period. In contrast, in 1999, skilled migrants numbered 25,985 individuals (or 37.48 percent of all settlers). This distinction lies at the heart of resource allocation, and advocacy challenges associated with refugee resettlement in Australia.

It is easy to ignore or forget the particular complexities faced by refugee children in policy and planning agendas because, numerically, they are just another minority with differing needs, interests, and abilities. Australian legislation on children's services, for instance, reinforces the minority status of refugees. By assigning refugee children to the generic category of children with "special needs," they cannot be distinguished easily from children with disabilities or those with poor English language skills. The policy focus is on the developmental needs, not on the children's backgrounds (i.e., being a refugee, an immigrant, a displaced person, or an adopted child). This blurring makes it difficult to ascertain the extent to which the government's special needs subsidy program has helped refugee children.

CONFRONTING THE CHALLENGES OF WORKING WITH REFUGEE CHILDREN

In Australia, political responses to refugee crises involve ECPs in a variety of ways, including participation in the Rebuilding Nations programs, the Safe Haven Play Centers programs, and the Permanent Resettlement programs. The actual physical location of each program presents a distinctive context for child-staff interactions. When responding to refugee children's needs, it is important to understand the program context as the basic point of reference for both children and adults.

Rebuilding Nations Program

Program Context. When families and homes are ravaged and a country's infrastructure is devastated by famine, flood, or war, those who are left alive become refugees in their own homeland. Rebuilding Nations and other repatriation programs send representatives to those countries to help rebuild. One way in which ECPs have contributed to this nation rebuilding is by developing preschool programs. In an account of her experiences as an educator based in Eritrea, in East Africa, Australian Helen Andreoni (1998) reflected on the dilemmas associated with cultural transferability of early childhood practices and principles.

Andreoni discussed a public display at the model preschool center where she worked. This display contained the Eritrean flag, as well as hand grenades and ammunition clips worn by soldiers. These items may be described as either symbols of national identity and cultural icons, or as symbols of liberation and weapons of war. Andreoni explains that the locals made a conscious decision that "the benefits of keeping these war items in support of the nation's identity outweighed the dangers of perpetuating a culture of war" (1998, p. 8).

Responding to the Challenges. One might be concerned about the implications of Eritrean refugees who have resettled in Australia making the same choice as the Eritrean locals. Is it possible to have a similar display of guns and grenades within the nonviolent play policy framework adopted by Australian children's services in downtown Melbourne, for instance? This dilemma illustrates the importance of linking the past to the present when developing programs for refugee children. As Rodd (1996, p. 326) declares, "While culture's important role in shaping child rearing and family interaction is well understood, its effect on education opportunities is not always recognized"; nor is it fully realized in early childhood settings.

Dealing with children's fascination with violent play and war toys presents a significant challenge for ECPs living in relatively peaceful countries such as Australia. Carlsson-Paige and Levin (1995, p. 63) propose that "an alternative to banning [such play] is to work directly with children's war play to counteract the messages children learn from media and toys." Research shows that providing children with opportunities for expression, setting clear boundaries, teaching alternative conflict resolution strategies, and building connections with families are critical ingredients of violence prevention (Carlsson-Paige & Levin, 1992; Milne, 1995; Osofsky, 1999; Wallach, 1993). Such evidence provides useful starting points for decision-making when working with young refugee children.

Safe Haven Play Centers Program

Program Context. The "Safe Haven" play centers refer to a particular policy response, initiated by the Australian government in 1999, that offered temporary shelter to Kosovars during the outbreak of civil war in their homeland. Planeloads of refugees were transported to Australia, with the proviso that they must return to Kosovo (part of the former Republic of Yugoslavia) once the United Nations' peacekeeping program was in place. During their stay in Australia, these Kosovar refugees were housed in a variety of group settings, including army barracks in suburban Melbourne. In addition to providing food, shelter, clothing, and health care services, the program established play centers inside the "safe haven" compounds for children under 5 years of age. The management of these operations was the joint responsibility of a variety of government agencies, such as the Department of Defence, and nongovernmental organizations, such as the Red Cross, YWCA, and the Free Kindergarten Association's Multicultural Resource Center (popularly known as the MRC).(1)

Reflecting on her experiences as a coordinator of a Safe Haven play center, Melinda Chapman commented on the clash of values, beliefs, and expectations among children, families, and staff. Staff witnessed a variety of incidents, including parents violently disciplining their children, violent peer interactions, and other behaviors that are commonly deemed "unacceptable" in Australia. Watching these daily occurrences raised difficult questions for staff: How, for instance, should an ECP respond when observing refugee preschoolers quietly and seriously pretending to slit each other's throats?

Responding to the Challenges. In response to this situation, the staff bought war toys and engaged the children in play situations to re-create battle scenes and the like, which the children had either experienced and/or observed in their homelands. Program coordinators believed that "when children have grown up with violence and disruption in their lives, they need many opportunities to come to terms with it through their own play" (Milne, 1995, p. 1). This approach provided a tangible avenue that allowed refugee children and Australian staff to explore their own emotions, as well as their values and beliefs about violence, in meaningful ways within a safe and protective environment.

For the staff, it meant abandoning their "comfort zones" of accepted policies and practices that prohibit violent play. Melinda Chapman explained that, at first, "the children's body language expressed clearly they didn't want staff to intervene." Such play could involve dramatizing "knocking people down continuously." As trust emerged, staff were able to join the play and empower children to consider divergent nonviolent alternatives. Just like the children, the staff had to reflect on and revise their own behaviors, and this was an important achievement for all concerned.

Permanent Resettlement Programs

Program Context. When refugees are repatriated as permanent settlers, they confront a multitude of challenges, not unlike recently arrived immigrants. Limited awareness of children's services, the high costs of all services, and communication difficulties can act as major hurdles when looking for the child care options that parents need in order to improve their lives through language classes or job training. The situation of a refugee is further complicated by a variety of emotional and psychological factors (Dalglish, 1989; Kaprielian-Churchill et al., 1994; Ressler, Boothby, & Steinbock, 1988). Many Somali refugees, for instance, have suffered from war atrocities and famine, survived bomb raids and land mines, and lived in refugee camps in Ethiopia, Kenya, or Kuwait. It is also not unusual, for example, for a mother to arrive in Australia with children, and not know the whereabouts of other family members (Ibrahim, Jama, & Ahmed, 1997).

Responding to the Challenges. Given that ECPs are not trained therapists or counselors, what is their role in supporting refugee families seeking permanent resettlement? One effective strategy is to use preschools and/or child care centers as hubs of caring community networks for refugee families. Rutter and Jones (1998) recommend identifying a key worker (in health or education) with whom the child and/or family has contact, and who is aware, knowledgeable, and sensitive about refugee matters, to be a liaison in the resettlement community.

This approach finds support from a study by the National Crime Prevention Council (1999), which acknowledges the pivotal role of child care and preschools in minimizing the risk factors associated with living as a refugee. The Council found that schools and other public institutions played a particularly important role in building attachment to the community, developing networks, providing access to support services, and reinforcing community norms about nonviolence (see also Corrie & Leitao, 1999; Jones, 1998). Findings from the Cambridge Study on Delinquency Development (Farrington, 1996) also reveal that home visitation and/or parenting education can benefit children at risk. Although such studies do not specifically address the needs of refugee children, the findings can provide guidance and direction for further investigation.

A recurrent concern for refugees, as identified by field workers, is the dearth of ECPs from their own ethnic backgrounds. A recent local government initiative in Melbourne to train Somali women as family child care workers has revitalized the Somali community's eagerness to use these services. As Khadra Habib Omar, a Somali field worker, explained, this initiative has meant that families "could leave their babies with someone who looks like their mum, speaks like their mum, and they don't have to worry about what the children are eating!" The majority of Somalis are Muslims, and have a strict dietary code, making it even more helpful to have a child care provider from the same background. Facilitating the recruitment of ECPs trained overseas can help to redress the imbalance in mainstream children's services. In addition, this strategy will enhance continuity of care from home to child care, which is especially critical for infants and toddlers (Bhavangri & Gonzalez-Mena, 1997; Chang & Pulido, 1994).

EXTENDING HORIZONS THROUGH RESEARCH

In Australia, and in many other countries, guns are symbols of crime, death, violence, and war. Rice, in contrast, symbolizes hunger, life, sustenance, and survival. For children growing up in war-torn areas such as Ethiopia, Israel, Palestine, and Afghanistan, however, guns may be a part of their everyday lives, as essential as a fork and a knife is in Western societies. Furthermore, for refugee children, regular access to any kind of food--nutritious or otherwise--may be nearly impossible. It follows, then, that an Ethiopian child could be justified in condemning an Australian teacher for using rice as a substitute for sand play. Similarly, it would not be surprising if an Australian teacher disapproved of a refugee child engaged in violent peer play, using toys as weapons. In both cases, experiences in a particular context define the individual's values and expectations.

Accordingly, play involving guns or rice can hold different cultural meanings. In order to facilitate the rehabilitation and recovery of refugee children, it is imperative that ECPs reflect critically on the context of play from divergent perspectives. While declaring that "refugees are not a homogenous group," Hyder (1998, p. 94) provides a useful discussion of play-based strategies to support refugee children in the early years.

Anecdotal evidence, based on interviews with those who have direct experiences with refugees, indicates how important it is for ECPs to receive training for working with refugee children. For example, as Australian staff at one play center built a rapport with the refugees, the reality of the refugees' trauma began to hit home. As Melinda Chapman explained, field workers who were initially eager to accept invitations to visit families at home were totally unprepared for the experience. They "found it difficult to sit in a room with a steel cupboard, a bed, and a shower curtain for a table cloth, with someone showing photos, which were half burnt, of her family killed back home." Reflecting on their own comfortable lifestyles, these staff members struggled to reconcile their contrasting home environments, and required regular professional debriefing and counseling.

In order to help ECPs work more effectively with refugee children and families, we urgently need more research on refugee children's adaptation to new countries. In Australia, nonprofit community organizations, such as the MRC and the Victorian Co-operative on Children's Services for Ethnic Groups (VCCSEG), provide resources, advisory support, inservice training, and advocacy aimed at raising awareness and understanding of the needs of settlers from non-English speaking backgrounds, including refugees. This ability to liaise and network are essential skills for all ECPs (Hayden, 1996; Jorde-Bloom, 1997).

Despite successive waves of refugees that have entered Australia since the 1950s, historical accounts of children's services in Australia (such as Brennan, 1998; Langford & Sebastian, 1979; Mellor, 1990) do not refer directly to refugee children. A similar pattern was found among popular texts on anti-bias curriculum and cultural diversity (for example, Creaser & Dau, 1996; Mallory & New, 1994; Stonehouse, 1991). This omission reflects wider community perceptions that tend to submerge the debate and discussion about refugee children within the broader immigrant agenda.

As a consequence, Australian writers must rely heavily on anecdotal and case study information collated informally by field workers working directly with refugee children and families. This type of information is rich and diverse, and provides valuable insights into the challenges confronting both refugee children and those who work with them. Bereft of the time and resources necessary to document and disseminate their experiences through wider publications, however, these professionals have not been able to share their knowledge with the wider public.

Cross-cultural research methods and techniques can enhance data collection and analysis. Sebastian-Nickell (2000), for instance, relied on VCCSEG's field workers, who had the trust of refugee families and who spoke their primary languages, when running focus groups. Melissa Chapman makes the point about finding alternative means of communication when spoken language inhibits dialogue. Chapman illustrated this point in her description of one refugee mother who sat in the sandpit, repeatedly burying and reburying a toy car. This act symbolized her husband's burial of their child in their backyard before they had left Kosovo. Chapman stated that the woman "didn't have the English language skills to explain in words, but [she] did this repeatedly and put a little cross on the top." Other refugees, both adults and children, use drawings and photographs to tell their stories. Such material, together with observations and field notes, become vital pieces of evidence for research. In this way, by "giving voice" to the refugees directly, research can invoke a sense of empathy and extend the dialogue beyond the immediate classroom community.

As a starting point for practitioners and policymakers alike, Ressler et al. (1988) provide an excellent analysis on unaccompanied children displaced by wars and natural disasters, taking into account historical, psychological, and legal perspectives. More recent work (e.g., Palmer, 2000; Rutter & Jones, 1998) illustrates the importance of revitalizing public policy through informed research that focuses specifically on refugee children and families. Readers may want to consult the list of useful Web sites at the end of this article for further exploration.

Particular issues that warrant investigation include such questions as: To what extent do children's services meet the needs of the refugee children? How do training programs prepare ECPs to work with refugee children and families? What can we glean from those refugees who have used mainstream children's services in their countries of resettlement about what was most/least beneficial to them, from a short/long-term perspective? If refugees are provided only temporary shelter, and repatriation to their homelands is the ultimate goal, how can we meet their educational needs during that period of high uncertainty?

By networking with colleagues around the world, ECPs can look at the commonalities and differences in public policy that have yielded positive outcomes for refugee children elsewhere. This calls for collaboration between ECPs and other professionals, such as lawyers and social workers, as well as "partnerships with humanitarian agencies, civil society, the private sector and increasingly, with the military, [all of which] are essential to raise awareness of refugee problems" (UNHCR, 2000, p. 20). In this way, ECPs can establish new partnerships at local and international levels, which are necessary to determine "more effective structures, both to protect children's rights and [to] secure their well-being" (McCallin, 1996, p. 111).

ECPs must remember that "refugee children are children first and foremost, and as children, they need special attention. As refugees, they are particularly at risk with the uncertainty and unprecedented upheavals which are increasingly marking the post-Cold war era" (UNHCR, 1994, p. 2). Working with refugee children is a professional and moral responsibility, and an opportunity that must be embraced by all ECPs.

Refugee status multiplies the contextual dilemmas of cross-cultural diversity in children's services. In balancing the move from playing with guns or playing with rice, ECPs must acknowledge that they, too, are learning while they are teaching. Accordingly, ethnographic research involving young refugee children can extend our understanding, and is crucial to addressing transition issues from the child's perspective.

(1) The "Resource" newsletter (No. 100) published in 1999 by the MRC provides a useful overview of these play centers--their establishment, programs, and challenges.

References

Andreoni, H. (1998). Necessity is the mother of invention. Australian and Eritrean early childhood educators sharing skills and experiences. Australian Journal of Early Childhood, 23(1), 5-9.

Bhavangri, N. P., & Gonzalez-Mena, J. (1997). The cultural context of infant caregiving. Childhood Education, 75, 2-8.

Brennan, D. (1998). The politics of Australian child care. Philanthropy to feminism and beyond. Melbourne: Oxford University Press.

Carlsson-Paige, N., & Levin, D. E. (1992). Making peace in violent times: A constructivist approach to conflict resolution. Young Children, 48(1), 4-14.

Carlsson-Paige, N., & Levin, D. E. (1995). Can teachers resolve war-play dilemma? Young Children, 50(5), 62-63.

Chang, H. N. L., & Pulido, D. (1994). The critical importance of cultural and linguistic continuity for infants and toddlers. Zero to Three, 15(2), 13-17.

Corrie, L., & Leitao, N. (1999). The development of wellbeing: Young children's knowledge of their support networks and social competence. Australian Journal of Early Childhood, 24(3), 25-31.

Creaser, B., & Dau, E. (Eds.). (1996). The anti-bias approach in early childhood. Pymble, NSW: Harper Educational.

Dalglish, C. (1989). Refugees from Vietnam. London: The Macmillan Press Ltd.

Department of Immigration and Multicultural Affairs. (1999). Settler arrivals 1997-98. Statistical Report No. 25. Canberra: AGPS.

Doek, J., van Loon, H., & Vlaardingerbroek, P. (Eds.). (1996). Children on the move. How to implement their right to family life. The Hague: Martinus Nijhoff Publishers.

Eisen, G. (1988). Children and play in the holocaust. Games among the shadows. Amherst, MA: University of Massachusetts Press.

Farrington, D. P. (1996). Understanding and preventing youth crime. New York: York Publishing Services for the Joseph Rowentree Foundation.

Hayden, J. (1996). Management of early childhood services. An Australian perspective. Washington, DC: National Association for the Education of Young Children.

Hyder, T. (1998). Supporting refugee children in the early years. In J. Rutter & C. Jones (Eds.), Refugee education. Mapping the field (pp. 93-105). London: Trentham Books.

Ibrahim, A., Jama, F., & Ahmed, N. (1997). Somalia and the Somalis. Cultural profile. Melbourne: VCCSEG.

Jones, C. (1998). Educational needs of refugee children. In J. Rutter & C. Jones (Eds.), Refugee education. Mapping the field (pp. 171-182). London: Trentham Books.

Jorde-Bloom, P. (1997). Administrative leadership commentary. In S. L. Kagan & B. Bowman (Eds.), Leadership in early care and education (pp. 34-37). Washington, DC: National Association for the Education of Young Children.

Kaprielian-Churchill, I., & Churchill, S. (1994). The pulse of the world. Refugees in our schools. Toronto, Ontario: The Ontario Institute for Studies in Education Press.

Langford, P., & Sebastian, P. (Eds.). (1979). Early childhood education and care in Australia. Melbourne: Australia International.

Mallory, B. L., & New, R. S. (Eds.). (1994). Diversity and developmentally appropriate practices. Challenges for early childhood education. New York: Teachers College Press.

McCallin, M. (1996). Refugee children: The need for an integrated approach towards their international protection. In J. Doek, H. van Loon, & P. Vlaardingerbroek (Eds.), Children on the move. How to implement their right to family life (pp. 109-111). The Hague: Martinus Nijhoff Publishers.

Mellor, E. (1990). Stepping stones. The development of early childhood services in Australia. Sydney: Harcourt Brace & Jovanovich.

Milne, R. (1995). Let the children play: Settling in after immigration. Resource, December(85), 1-2.

National Crime Prevention Council. (1999). Pathways to prevention. Developmental and early intervention approaches to crime in Australia. Canberra: Attorney General's Department.

Osofsky, J. D. (1999). The impact of violence on children. The Future of Children, 9(3), 33-49.

Palmer, G. (2000). Resilience in child refugees: An historical study. Australian Journal of Early Childhood, 25(3), 39-45.

Refugee Council of Australia. (2000a). Refugees and migrants. Fact Sheet No. 3. Sydney: Author.

Refugee Council of Australia. (2000b). Australia's response to the world refugee situation. Fact Sheet No. 5. Sydney: Author.

Ressler, E. M., Boothby, N., & Steinbock, D. J. (1988). Unaccompanied children: Care and protection in wars, natural disasters, and refugee movements. New York: Oxford University Press.

Rodd, J. (1996). Children, culture, and education. Childhood Education, 72, 325-329.

Russell, S. (1999). Most vulnerable of all: The treatment of unaccompanied refugee children in the UK. London: Amnesty International United Kingdom.

Rutter, J. (1994). Refugee children in the classroom. London: Trentham Books.

Rutter, J., & Jones, C. (Eds). (1998). Refugee education. Mapping the field. London: Trentham Books.

Sebastian-Nickell, P. (2000). Beyond the black spot: Early childhood and family services. A research report on child care and preschool services in the western region of Melbourne. Melbourne: Victoria University of Technology.

Stonehouse, A. (1991). Opening the doors. Childcare in a multicultural society. Canberra: Australian Early Childhood Association.

United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees. (1994). Refugee children: Guidelines on protection & care. Geneva: Author.

United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees. (2000). The UNHCR Global Report 1999. New York: Oxford University Press.

Wallach, L. B. (1993). Helping children cope with violence. Young Children, 48(4), 4-11.

Selected Web sites:

Amnesty International www.amnesty.org/

European Council on Refugees and Exiles www.poptel.org.uk/ein/ecre/

Refugee Council of Australia www.refugeecouncil.org.au/

United Nations www.un.org

UN High Commissioner for Refugees www.unhcr.ch

Author's Note: Special thanks to staff from Victorian Co-operative on Children's Services for Ethnic Groups (VCCSEG) and Free Kindergarten Association's Multicultural Resource Center (MRC), especially Gabrielle Fakhri, Khadra Habib Omar, Melinda Chapman, and Catherine Hydon, for sharing their experiences of working with refugee children and their families.

Manjula Waniganayake is an academic in Early Childhood Studies, Department of Learning & Educational Development, University of Melbourne, Australia.